The Theory of Island Biogeography Revisited

Revisited

Island Biogeography in the 1960s

THEORY AND EXPERIMENT

Edward O. Wilson

Intellectual Origins

When I was still a graduate student, in the early 1950s, an idea was circulating that I found inspirational. It originated with William Diller Matthew, a vertebrate paleontologist at the American Museum of Natural History. In 1915 he had suggested that over long periods of Cenozoic time, the most successful of new mammalia genera and families have been arising from a central headquarters of macroevolution. Matthew concluded that the north temperate zone was that geographic cradle. The new clades were by and large intrinsically dominant over those originating in the southern continents. Radiating into diverse adaptive types, they spread outward into the peripheral land masses respectively of Africa, tropical Asia, Australia, and tropical America. As they expanded, they tended to displace early prominent genera and families that were ecologically similar, first from the north temperate evolutionary headquarters and then the southern land masses. The ruggedness of the species originated from a challenging climate, Matthew thought.

For example, rhinocerotids, once dominant elements of the north temperate regions, have fallen back before groups such as deer and other cervids, while early dominant carnivores have retreated before the currently dominant canids and felids. What people living in the north temperate zone think of as typical mammals are just the dominants presiding at macro-evolutionary headquarters at the present time.

In 1948 and later, in 1957, Philip J. Darlington, then Curator of Entomology at Harvard’s Museum of Comparative Zoology, pressed on with Matthew’s idea. But he altered it fundamentally, at least for the nonmammalian land vertebrates. In a study of the cold-blooded land and freshwater vertebrates—reptiles, amphibians, and fish—Darlington identified the headquarters as the Old World tropics.

By the 1980s, with much richer fossil data in hand than available to Matthew and Darlington, researchers had shifted placement of the Cenozoic headquarters to the World Continent, a biogeographically historical construct comprising Africa, Eurasia, and North America, and in particular the vast tropical regions within them. Evidence supporting this view came from the phenomenon of the Great American Interchange, the mingling of the independent adaptive radiations of North and South America made possible by the emergence of the Panamanian land bridge about three million years ago. The pattern of the exchange supported the view that competitive displacement among land vertebrates has been a reality. It also suggested that the evolutionary products of the World Continent, represented by North America during the Interchange, were generally superior to those of South America—as revealed by replacement at the levels of genus and family (Simpson 1980, Marshall 1988).

The Taxon Cycle

In 1954–55 the Matthew-Darlington epic view of global territorial biogeography was in the back of my mind, although not to any pressing degree, when I undertook field work on the ant fauna of part of the Melanesian archipelagic chain, from New Guinea to Vanuatu, Fiji, and New Caledonia. I had been elected for a three-year term as a Junior Fellow of Harvard’s Society of Fellows, which gave me complete support and freedom to go anywhere to study anything I chose. (I wish this kind of opportunity were available to all new postdoctoral scholars—the world would benefit enormously.) My main goal was to collect and classify the ants of this still poorly known part of the world ant fauna (figure 1.1). Within three years after returning, during which I began an assistant professorship at Harvard, I had managed to publish or put in press monographs on a large minority of the species, many of which were previously undescribed.

While in the field I took as many notes on the natural history of the species as I could. Back home, combining systematics and ecology, I looked for patterns that might shed light on the origins of that classic archipelagic fauna. One day, in a eureka moment consuming only a few minutes, I saw a relation between the spread of species between islands and archipelagoes, on the one hand, to within-island speciation and shifts in habitat preference during evolution, on the other. This was in 1958. I believe I was the first to see such a connection; at least I was not guided by any other work I knew at the time.

These connections were summarized in what I later called the taxon cycle (figure 1.2). The taxon cycle comprises the following steps, at least as displayed by the Melanesian ant fauna. Species enter the Melanesian chain of archipelagoes primarily through New Guinea out of tropical Asia and, less so, out of Australia. Those judged to be in an early stage of expansion possess a continuous distribution and a relatively small amount of geographic variation. They turned out to be mostly specialized on marginal habitats, those inhabited by relatively small numbers of species. In Melanesia, the marginal habitats include littoral environments of the coastal shore, river-edge forests, and savannas. Such are places that are happenstance staging areas for between-island dispersal. Local populations on individual islands are not adapted by natural selection for overseas dispersal. Rather, they are preadapted for overseas dispersal by virtue of the greater probability of an overseas launch followed by survival in the habitats of the islands they reach, which are similar to the marginal habitats from which they departed.

Figure 1.1. E. O. Wilson with guard crossing the lower Mongi River, Papua New Guinea, April 1955.

Figure 1.2. The taxon cycle in the Melanesian ant fauna (Wilson 1965, modified from Wilson 1959).

When such a preadapted species colonizes a more distant or smaller island, it encounters smaller ant faunas. The species then often experiences what I have called ecological release. This means that its populations, in addition to holding the beachhead (so to speak), are able to spread inland and occupy habitats less well filled by potential competitors than in the more species-rich islands from which they came. By moving into central habitats, including lowland and mid-mountain rainforests of the interior, the colonies adapt to new conditions. In time they diverge sufficiently to be called a different race or species. During speciation and adaptive radiation, the colonist clades sometimes also generate new, endemic species adapted to the marginal habitats, and the taxon cycle is set to begin again.

By the time I had finished this first round of research on Melanesia I was a nesiophile, if I may be allowed to coin a term. Nesiophilia, the inordinate fondness and hungering for islands, may be a genetic condition. But, whether hereditary or not, I believe it is shared by many, if not all, who gave lectures at the 2007 island biogeography symposium held at Harvard. Even today, over fifty years following my early visits to Cuba and the South Pacific, I continue sporadic field research on the ants of the West Indies, as much just to visit islands as to conduct scientific research.

The Species Equilibrium

In 1959 I met Robert H. MacArthur, a powerful and charismatic intellect and a naturalist of the first rank. Robert, as he preferred to be called, died of cancer in 1972 at the very premature age of 42, when he was at the height of his productivity. All who know his work will agree it was a huge loss for both ecology and evolutionary biology (see figure 1.3). We became friends, and one of our common concerns was the growing decrepitude of our specialties (as we saw it), in dismaying contrast to the newly triumphant emergence of molecular biology. Ecology and evolutionary biology seemed like the aforementioned rhinos and archaic carnivores, surrendering university chairs and grants to the new wave of biologists coming out of the physical sciences. It was clear in the 1960s that their achievements were to be the hallmark of twentieth-century biology.

Figure 1.3. Robert H. MacArthur (left), with Richard Levins during visit with E. O. Wilson, Dry Tortugas, Florida, 1968.

Being both ambitious and purpose-driven, we soon narrowed our conversations down to the following question: How could our seemingly old-fashioned subjects achieve new intellectual rigor and originality compared to molecular biology? What can we learn from molecular biology on how to advance our own science? We agreed that the basic problem was that ecology and evolutionary biology were still mostly unrooted. They needed foundations from which explanations can be developed bottom-up. Theory has to work from lower to higher levels of biological organization. Either alone will not do. Population biology was the discipline we thought could serve as base to reinvigorate the theory of ecology and evolutionary biology. (Such was the line of reasoning by which I later produced the first syntheses of sociobiology, in The Insect Societies, in 1971, and Sociobiology: The New Synthesis, in 1975.)

Figure 1.4. Area-species curves, birds, showing areas and distance effects (MacArthur and Wilson 1967).

Figure 1.5. Crossed immigration and extinction curves, with the changing intersections (equilibria) predicting the area and distance effects (MacArthur and Wilson 1963).

During our first meeting in early 1960, I urged the prospect of island biogeography on MacArthur. Islands are the logical laboratories of biogeography and evolution, I said. There are thousands of them, for example the Ten Thousand Islands of Florida Bay. There are vast arrays of at least partly isolated faunas and floras living on them. Each is an experiment awaiting the analyses of evolution and ecology.

I showed MacArthur a set of area-species curves I had collected, including one for the ants of Melanesia. With echoes of Matthew, Darlington, and the taxon cycle in my head, I conjured up images of competition, geographic displacement, and equilibrium—in those days we spoke of equilibrated faunas as being saturated (equilibrial) or unsaturated (below equilibrium) (figure 1.4). In short time, MacArthur came back with the crossed curves of immigration and extinction rates of species on an island as functions of numbers of species already on the island. Where they crossed was our equilibrium (figure 1.5)!

We were both very pleased with this abstract representation. It seemed the logical portal to the real and complex world of islands and archipelagoes. It invited ideas from population biology, including the demography of growth and decline, the response of populations to density-dependent or -independent factors, and the way species fit together in configurations that allowed more or fewer to coexist. We published the main outlines of what we had found in 1963. Then we began a series of more extensive discussions, mostly by correspondence, about how to tie the processes of immigration and extinction to the data and derivable principles of population ecology and genetic evolution. The result of the back-and-forth was The Theory of Island Biogeography in 1967. It was published as the first book of the still flourishing Princeton University Press monograph series on population biology and evolutionary theory.

Experimental Island Biogeography

That was all well and good for the goals we had set, but it was all book work, and talk. Waves of nesiophilia still washed over me. I yearned to keep up what I enjoyed in Melanesia, by physically exploring faunas, especially ant faunas, from island to island. But I couldn’t go back to Melanesia due to the long visits required. I was now married with a teaching job at Harvard. So I conceived the idea of a natural laboratory of island biology, close to home, where experiments in biogeography and ecology could be performed and then monitored during frequent but relatively brief periods. I had an advantage in choosing that option: I studied insects. Insects and other arthropods are relatively very small and live in large populations that inhabit very small places. Therefore the islands could be relatively small, and the generation times of the inhabitants could be expected to be conveniently short.

Beguiled by this dream, I pored over maps of islands, particularly very small islands forming micro-archipelagoes, that lie all around the Atlantic and Gulf coasts of the United States. Soon I hit upon the Florida Keys as the logical place to go. That choice was made easier by the fact that much of my childhood had been spent on or close to the coasts of South Alabama and the panhandle of Florida. It would be like going home.

The best approach to experimental island biogeography, I thought, would be to start with many islets that are ecologically similar but vary in area and distance, then turn them into miniature Krakatoas. That is, find a way to eliminate the faunas and then follow the process of recolonization. If the islands were small enough, they would have resident breeding populations of insects and other arthropods, but constitute no more than a small part of the home ranges of birds and mammals. And if the islands were numerous enough, or at least if their natural environments were sufficiently transient, the experiment would have no significant effect on the island system as a whole. In other words, it should not scandalize my fellow conservationists.

The site I first picked was the Dry Tortugas, at the very tip of the Florida Keys. In the summer of 1965, with a small group of graduate students, I visited all of the smallest of these islands and identified the meager array of plants and arthropods on them. The idea was to continue the process until a hurricane wiped the islands clean, then observe their subsequent recolonization by plants and arthropods. I knew that we might have to wait for several years for such a storm to pass over. Providentially, in the 1965 season not one but two hurricanes swept the Dry Tortugas. When we returned in 1966, we found the smallest islands bare of the terrestrial life we had observed just months earlier. Our study could then begin.

However, by this time I had grown dissatisfied with the prospects for these particular miniature Krakatoas. There were too few such islands, the faunas and floras seemed too small, hurricanes were too few and unpredictable, and there was no way to run controls.

So I next turned to the red mangrove islets of Florida Bay. They had none of the shortcomings of the Dry Tortugas. But they did have one large disadvantage: hurricanes would not be able to strip away all the arthropods from the dense mangrove foliage. That had to be done as part of the experimental procedure. At this point Daniel S. Simberloff, who had begun his doctoral studies under my direction, joined me in the enterprise. The year was 1965.

Figure 1.6. Mangrove islet covered by rubberized nylon tent for fumigation (1968).

Dan and I quickly became colleagues more than student and teacher (after all, we were trying something completely new). We chose the islands that seemed most favorably located and visited them to be sure of their suitability. Next we set out to meet two daunting goals: first, locate a professional exterminator who would undertake the admittedly bizarre job of eliminating all the arthropods without harming the vegetation; and second, line up the help of the few systematists able to identify, to the species level, the beetles, bark lice, moths, spiders, mites, and other arthropods of the Florida Keys.

After a lengthy search in the Miami area, we turned up one professional exterminator, Steve Tendrich, who was intrigued by the eccentricity of the project and willing to take the job. After Dan and I had surveyed the arthropods on one of the islands (E1), Tendrich sprayed it with a short-lived insecticide. Our follow-up survey revealed that all of the arthropods on the surface had been eliminated, but a few still survived in the beetle burrows of the branches and stems. Tendrich then turned to fumigation with methyl bromide, a gas that dissipates rapidly after application. He experimented with cockroach egg cases and red mangrove saplings to determine the dosage strong enough to kill resistant arthropods but not so strong it would harm the mangrove (figure 1.6). We then proceeded to census four more islands, defaunate them, and begin the monitoring process (figures 1.7 and 1.8). After a successful start, Dan began the grueling process of monthly centimeter-by-centimeter inspection of each island, while I managed the process of consulting the taxonomic experts who could identify the arthropod species (Simberloff and Wilson 1969).

Figure 1.7. E. O. Wilson, in red mangrove tree with osprey nest, Florida Keys, 1968.

Figure 1.8. Daniel Simberloff, near E7, October 10, 1966.

Within two years, the numbers of species on all the islands had returned to their preextermination levels. The most distant island (E1), which began with a low number as expected, returned to its same low level. Thus the existence of species equilibria was demonstrated. To an amazing degree, however, the composition of the species differed from island to island, and on the same island before and after defaunation (Simberloff and Wilson 1971). Also, the rapidity of the recolonization and the extensive and frequent turnover of most species, were consistent with the basic MacArthur-Wilson equilibrium model applied to small islands. Finally, the protocols for individual species and groups of species revealed important details of the natural history of colonization. For example, spiders arrived early, in many cases almost certainly by ballooning with silken threads, but suffered rapid turnover. In contrast, mites generally arrived later and persisted with less turnover.

Epilogue

I am very pleased that the research I have recalled here has not become entirely obsolete, yet it has been greatly exceeded during the ensuing four decades in ways I could not have imagined. What we found and said in the 1960s appears to be generally true, and that is the best for which any scientist can ever hope.

Literature Cited

Darlington, P. J. 1948a. The geographical distribution of cold-blooded vertebrates. Quarterly Review of Biology 23:1–26.

———. 1948b. The geographical distribution of cold-blooded vertebrates (concluded). Quarterly Review of Biology 23:105–23.

———. 1957. Zoogeography: The Geographic Distribution of Animals. New York: Wiley.

Marshall, L. G. 1988. Land mammals and the Great American Interchange. American Scientist 76:380–88.

Matthew, W. D. 1915. Climate and evolution. Annals of the New York Academy of Science 24:171–318.

MacArthur, R. H., and E. O. Wilson. 1963. An equilibrium theory of insular zoogeography. Evolution 17:373–83.

———. 1967. The Theory of Island Biogeography. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Simberloff, D. S., and E. O. Wilson. 1969. Experimental zoogeography of islands: defaunation and monitoring techniques. Ecology 50:267–78.

———. 1971. Experimental zoogeography of islands: a two-year record of colonization. Ecology 51:934–37.

Simpson, G. G. 1980. Splendid Isolation: The Curious History of South American Mammals. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.

Wilson, E. O. 1959. Adaptive shift and dispersal in a tropical ant fauna. Evolution 13:122–44.

———. 1965. The challenge from related species. In The Genetics of Colonizing Species, ed. H. G. Baker and G. L. Stebbins, 7–27. New York: Academic Press.

Island Biogeography Theory

RETICULATIONS AND REINTEGRATION OF A BIOGEOGRAPHY OF THE SPECIES

Mark V. Lomolino, James H. Brown, and Dov F. Sax

THE HISTORY OF BIOGEOGRAPHY, like that of all natural sciences, is one whose exact origins are incredibly difficult if not impossible to pinpoint, and its conceptual threads split and again intertwine in a captivating, dynamic tapestry chronicling the geographic, ecological and evolutionary history of the world’s biota. While fascinating accounts in their own right, studies of the historical development of scientific theories (e.g., discoveries of the theory of natural selection by Charles Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace, of continental drift by Alfred Lothar Wegener, or of the structure of DNA by James Watson and Francis Crick), also provide valuable lessons for developing some truly transformative advances in the future. Here we review the historical development of island biogeography theory, with special emphasis on MacArthur and Wilson’s equilibrium theory, to demonstrate how the science of biogeography develops, not just as a regular accumulation of facts and succession of paradigms, but through a reticulating phylogeny of insights and ideas often marked by alternating episodes of diversification and reintegration.

In the following section we present a brief history of island theory, in general, and summarize foundational insights that were available to scientists by the middle decades of the twentieth century in their attempts to explain patterns in geographic variation among insular biotas. Because MacArthur and Wilson’s seminal contributions are the focus of all chapters in this volume, we see little need to describe their theory in detail here, beyond noting that their intent was to develop a theory with a much broader domain than is generally appreciated. Thus, in the third section of this chapter we describe the ontogeny and contraction in the conceptual domain of MacArthur and Wilson’s theory, from the wealth of ecological and evolutionary phenomena comprising their general theory and monograph to an increasingly more narrow focus on the equilibrium model of species richness that came to preoccupy much of the field during the 1970s and 1980s. In the final sections of this chapter we observe that, like other disciplines in contemporary biogeography, evolution, and ecology, island theory may again be entering an exciting and perhaps transformative period of advance through consilience and reintegration. Toward this end, we conclude with a case study on biogeography, ecology, and evolution of insular mammals to illustrate an approach toward integration of island biogeography, which may ultimately lead to a more comprehensive and insightful understanding of the ecological and evolutionary development of insular biotas.

Insights Foundational to MacArthur and Wilson’s Theory

Below we summarize seven advancements or approaches developed by the early decades of the twentieth century that were integral to the final articulation of MacArthur and Wilson’s equilibrium theory.

1. Encyclopedia of patterns. Island research has a distinguished history of providing insights that have either fundamentally transformed existing fields of science, or spawned new ones. Indeed, that environmentally similar but geographically isolated regions are comprised of distinct biotas (Buffon’s law) was a discovery fundamental to the realization that life was dynamic—species evolved in isolation (Buffon 1761; for summaries on the historical development of biogeography, see also Briggs 1995, Lomolino et al. 2004, Lomolino et al. 2006:13–38). Following Buffon’s articulation of biogeography’s first law, others (e.g., Candolle 1820) would provide cogent arguments on the geographic and temporal dynamics of biotas, and how their distributions and evolution were strongly influenced by interactions among the species. Thus, the early naturalists of the Age of European Explorations—visionaries whom today we recognize as the founders of the fields of biogeography, evolution and ecology—set out to describe the diversity and the geographic and temporal variation of life across an expanding spectrum of domains from the local and short-term scales to global and geological (evolutionary) ones.

Certainly the most distinctive types of newly discovered biotas, and of unrivaled importance to development of theories in biogeography, evolution, and ecology, were those inhabiting isolated islands. The seminal works of Darwin and Wallace are legendary in this respect, but these nineteenth-century naturalists were far from the first to appreciate the heuristic value of studying insular biotas (see summaries in Berry 1984, Wagner and Funk 1995, Grant 1998, Whittaker and Fernandez-Palacios 2007). During the eighteenth century, Carolus Linnaeus’s explanation for the origin, diversity, and distribution of life on earth was premised on the existence of an insular Paradise of creation and, later, an isolated mountain range where the world’s biota persisted during the biblical deluge and then dispersed to occupy their current ranges (Linnaeus 1781). Given the difficulty of accommodating this single center of origin/persistence theory with Buffon’s discovery of the distinctiveness of regional biotas, Karl Ludwig Willdenow proposed that, rather than just one, there were many centers of origin, each situated in montane regions across the globe, where regional biotas were created or persisted during catastrophic periods (Willdenow 1792).

Perhaps most foundational to the origins of island biogeography theory were the accounts of Johann Reinhold Forster’s (1778) circumnavigational voyage with Captain James Cook on the H.M.S. Resolution (1772–75). Not only did he find compelling evidence to support the generality of Buffon’s law for plants as well as mammals and birds, and for other regional biotas beside those of the tropics, Forster also described patterns that continue to be at the core of research on the geographic, evolutionary, and ecological development of isolated biotas. He described the general tendency for isolated biotas to be less diverse than those on the mainland, and for the diversity of plants to increase with island area, availability of resources, variety of habitats, and heat energy from the sun. Thus, two fundamental patterns which island theory attempts to explain—the species-isolation and species-area relationships—along with basic explanations for those patterns (precursors of area per se and habitat diversity hypotheses, and species-energy theory; Hutchinson [1959], Preston [1960], Williams, [1964], MacArthur and Wilson [1967], Brown [1981], Wright [1983], Currie [1991], Ricklefs and Lovette [1999], Hawkins et al. [2003], Kalmar and Currie [2006]) were well established early in the historical development of these disciplines.

Charles Darwin, Alfred Russel Wallace, Joseph Dalton Hooker and many other naturalists of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries would continue to add to the already voluminous accounts and explanations for the diversity and geography of island life. As we now well know, their efforts to explain this immense and ever-expanding encyclopedia of patterns would shake the very foundations of established doctrine and eventually lead to identification of the fundamental, dynamic processes influencing the diversity and geography of nature.

2. Dynamics of nature (global to regional scales). The Age of European Exploration and, indeed, the first globalization of the natural sciences, provided scientists with far more than just a fascinating and continually expanding catalogue of the marvels of nature. As engrossed as they may have been with describing empirical patterns, these early global explorers and naturalists must have also felt compelled to explain them. Thus, Buffon’s (1761) explanation for the distinctiveness of biotas included long distance dispersal and adaptive evolution of populations as their ranges shifted in response to changes in Earth’s regional climates and environmental conditions. Again, Forster’s (1778) explanation for gradients in diversity of plants among islands and across the continents was based on his understanding of the abilities of these species to respond to geographic variation in resources, habitat diversity, and solar energy. Thus, comparisons of the diversity and composition of biotas across regions and along geographic clines would eventually become irrefutable evidence that the natural world—its climate, geology, and species—was mutable, challenging those early naturalists to develop dynamic, causal explanations. Their theories of the historical development of regional biotas would focus on factors influencing the fundamental processes of biogeography—extinction, immigration, and evolution. That is, biotas responded to the regional- to global-scale dynamics of land and sea by suffering extinctions, by dispersing to other areas, or by evolving and adapting in place.

3. Ecological interactions and emergence of ecology. While the early global naturalists—the first biogeographers—continued to explore broad-scale and long-term patterns in biological diversity, others focused on the dynamics of biotas at more local spatial and shorter temporal scales. With each new revelation, it became increasingly more clear that patterns in distribution and abundance of species at these scales were strongly influenced, not just by the three fundamental biogeographic processes, but by interactions among species themselves. Thus, just as evolutionary theory diverged from that of biogeography during the early decades of the twentieth century, the field of ecology would diverge from other studies of the geography of life to become a distinctive and respected science in its own right. In fact, MacArthur and Wilson would include ecological interactions (in particular, competition) as one of the fundamental, albeit challenging processes to study.

Biogeography is a subject hitherto little touched by quantitative theory. The main reason is that the fundamental processes, namely dispersal, invasion, competition, adaptation and extinction, are among the most difficult in biology to study and to understand. (MacArthur and Wilson 1967, p. 4)

4. Advances in theoretical and mathematical ecology. Challenges in understanding dynamic systems led scientists to become increasingly more sophisticated and adept in their abilities to translate ideas and assumptions into graphic and mathematical models that would thus make them testable within an objective, logical framework. Theoretical and mathematical scientists from a broad diversity of disciplines realized that the system properties they studied, whether they were geological formations, climatic conditions, chemical concentrations, gene frequencies, population abundance, or species distributions, resulted from interactions among opposing processes (e.g., orogeny and erosion; precipitation and evaporation; oxidation and reduction; or mutations, drift, birth, and death; e.g., Hardy [1908], Weinberg [1908], Lotka [1925], Pearl [1925], Volterra [1926, 1931], Fisher [1930], Gause [1934]). Often, the mathematical solutions to such problems would be simplified by assuming dynamic steady states, or equilibrial conditions, which could also be visualized in associated graphical models as the intersection of a system of curves describing opposing processes. The emerging discipline of mathematical ecology, lead by such distinguished scientists as G. Evelyn Hutchinson and his students (including Robert H. MacArthur), were quick to apply the tools developed by colleagues modeling the dynamics of other systems to their own studies of dynamics in the distributions and diversity of life.

5. Earlier syntheses and integrations. As we observed above, throughout the history of biogeography, and likely that of all other disciplines of science, its early explorers not just reported, but almost simultaneously and perhaps irresistibly attempted to synthesize the accumulated facts and ideas to provide a comprehensive description of how nature works. Monographs and treatises of Wallace (1857, 1869, 1876), Darwin (1859, 1860), and Hooker (1853, 1867) are familiar, if not legendary, attempts at such syntheses and integrations of patterns and developing theory in biogeography. Less well known and seldom read, but arguably as impressive if not influential, were the earlier works of Buffon (1761), Forster (1778), Humboldt (1805), Candolle (1820), and Agassiz (1840), and later those of Sclater (1858, 1897), Raunkiaer (1904, 1934), Dammerman (1922, 1948), Elton (1927, 1958), Docters van Leeuwen (1936), Simpson (1940, 1943, 1956, 1980), Mayr (1942), Lack (1947), and Darlington (1957).

Brown and Lomolino (1989) described the early and independent development by Eugene Gordon Munroe of an equilibrium theory of island biogeography—one with predictions of species richness based on island characteristics and opposing processes of immigration, extinction, and evolution (excerpted pages of Munroe’s dissertation are available at www.biogeography.org/resources.htm). Unfortunately, he was unsuccessful in publishing his theory (outside of his 1948 dissertation, there is an abstract published in the 1953 Proceedings of the Seventh Pacific Science Congress, and a paper published in The Canadian Naturalist [Munroe 1963, pp. 304–305], which included a brief summary of his equilibrium theory), so there is no evidence that this work directly contributed to MacArthur and Wilson’s development of their theory. This episode of multiple discoveries in the history of science (sensu Merton [1961]) does, however, demonstrate the reticulating nature of island theory and that nearly all the requisites for an equilibrium theory of island biogeography were available over a decade before MacArthur and Wilson’s seminal collaboration.

Nearly simultaneously with the completion of Munroe’s dissertation, Karel Willem Dammerman published his comprehensive classic comparing the faunal dynamics of Krakatau to those of two continental islands (Durian and Berhala) and two oceanic islands (Christmas and Cocos-Keeling). While, as Thornton (1992) noted, Dammerman actually used the term equilibrium, his extensive and meticulous account of the fauna of these islands was almost purely descriptive, lacking any attempt at a conceptual synthesis of underlying, causal processes. Rather, his goal was to develop a detailed and comprehensive description of the faunas inhabiting these islands and to explain why certain species but not others were successful at colonizing these environments (Dammerman 1948, p. vii). He did attribute variation in number of species among islands, again not the focus of his monograph, to proximate factors including island isolation, island size, tropical versus arctic climates, elevation, topographic relief, and development and variety of the vegetative communities (described by Docters van Leeuwen 1936), but his concept of equilibrium is mentioned only in brief and only in a phenomenological sense. That is, he used this term to characterize the apparently asymptotic slowing of species accumulation on certain islands, but said nothing about a possible balance among opposing processes. Thus, his concept of equilibrium was more similar to that envisioned by John Willis (1922, p. 229) and later by David Lack (1947, 1976), with islands accumulating species until all ecological space was filled (perhaps also presaging Wilson’s [1959, 1961] concept of ecological saturation of islands).

Interestingly, early publications and insights from studies of the faunal dynamics of Krakatau had no obvious impact on Munroe’s development of his equilibrium theory (Munroe 1948 and 1953; personal communication to MVL, 2007), which may be somewhat understandable given that Dammerman’s book was not yet published, and that Munroe’s field research focused on the biota of a different and distant part of the globe (i.e., the Caribbean archipelagoes versus those of Indonesia). In contrast, reports from Docters van Leeuwen (1936), Dammerman (1948), and others studying colonization following the 1883 eruption of Krakatau provided key empirical insights for future syntheses on the subject, including those first developed by E. O. Wilson and, eventually, in his transformative collaborations with Robert MacArthur as well (see MacArthur and Wilson 1967, pp. 43–51).

Roughly one decade after Munroe developed his theory, the field would witness another confluence of ideas attempting to synthesize the encyclopedic accumulation of island patterns and existing theory. In this case, however, the synthesis was a genuine precursor to MacArthur and Wilson’s future theory—one presented in E. O. Wilson’s papers on the ecological and evolutionary development of ant communities across Melanesia, wherein Wilson described his theory of the taxon cycle (1959, 1961; see Ricklefs, this volume). While few would argue that these papers were not influential, we believe their impact on the field, in general, and on the theory MacArthur and Wilson were about to develop, in particular, may still be largely underappreciated. Indeed, careful study of Wilson’s taxon cycle papers reveals that they presented the first clear articulation of what would become the stated goal of MacArthur and Wilson’s collaboration: to examine the possibility of a theory of biogeography at the species level (MacArthur and Wilson 1967, p. 5). Thus, Wilson’s 1959 paper identified the concept of a biogeography of the species as being central to his theory of the ecological and evolutionary development of insular biotas.

There is a need for a biogeography of the species [quotes his], oriented with respect to the broad background of biogeographic theory but drawn at the species level and correlated with studies on ecology, speciation, and genetics. (Wilson 1959, p. 122)

It may well be that his theory of taxon cycles, and in particular the concept of a biogeography of the species, may again become foundational to emerging and more integrative theories of island biogeography (see our discussion in the final section of this chapter). Indeed, although the heuristic promise of the research agenda outlined in the above quotes was unappreciated by many biogeographers caught up in the normal science (sensu Kuhn 1994) of the 1970s and 1980s, a selection of insightful research programs continued to study the ecological and evolutionary development of insular communities as interrelated phenomena (e.g., Ricklefs and Cox 1972, 1978, Diamond 1975, 1977, Erwin 1981, Roughgarden and Pacala 1989).

6. Dynamics of nature at finer scales (from global and regional down to archipelago and island). Wilson, like Munroe before him, was strongly influenced by the theories of William Diller Matthew, George Gaylord Simpson, and Phillip J. Darlington (incidentally, Darlington provided advice to both Munroe and later Wilson during their early development as scientists). Matthew (1915), Simpson (1940, 1943, 1944) and Darlington (1938, 1943, 1957) each cogently asserted that the earth, its land and sea, its climate and its species were dynamic; with biotas expanding from their centers of origin, dispersing across new regions and then adapting, evolving and, in most cases, suffering eventual extinction depending on the vagaries of regional to global environments (views overlapping to some degree, but also in some ways contradicting those central to Willis’s [1915, 1922] age and area theory). Wilson was able to telescope Darwin and Wallace’s center of origin-dispersal-adaptation (CODA) perspective from global and geological scales down to more local spatial and short-term temporal scales. That is, his theory described the dynamic development of biotas on particular archipelagoes and islands in evolutionary and ecological time. Wilson recounted his scientific epiphany in his autobiography (1994, pp. 214–15).

It dawned on me that the whole cycle of evolution, from expansion and invasion to evolution into endemic status and finally into either retreat or renewed expansion, was a microcosm of the worldwide cycle envisioned by Matthew and Darlington. To find the same biogeographic pattern in miniature was a surprise then. . . . It came within a few minutes one January morning in 1959 as I sat in my first-floor office . . . sorting my newly sketched maps into different possible sequences—early evolution to late evolution. . . . Discovery of the cycle of advance and retreat was followed immediately by recognition of another ecological cycle. . . . I knew I had a candidate for a new principle of biogeography.

Thus, Wilson’s independent synthesis produced a new principle—a biogeography of the species, which was a process- and species-based theory that explained the dynamic distributions of species and the geographic variation in biodiversity among islands. Patterns in insular community structure among regions, archipelagoes, and islands were functions of the dynamics of processes operating across global and geological scales down to local and ecological ones. These processes included immigration and range expansion, evolutionary divergence and diversification, extinction, and ecological interactions; the latter affecting each of these more fundamental processes.

7. Advancing science through collaborative synthesis. Despite all its prescience and promise, the impact of Wilson’s independent synthesis developed in his taxon cycle papers was soon to be overshadowed by his future collaboration with Robert Helmer MacArthur. As noted earlier, Wilson’s theory of taxon cycles and his concept of a biogeography of the species arguably constituted an integral and precursory stage in the development of their equilibrium theory. Perhaps the most fundamental reason for the success of their collaboration is just that—it was a genuine collaboration, which melded and expanded the complementary strengths and visions of each beyond what they were capable of in their independent, albeit distinguished, research programs.

Exemplary cases of transforming science through collaborative syntheses included Watson and Crick’s legendary deciphering of the structure of DNA, achieved some ten years prior to MacArthur and Wilson’s first paper (see Watson 1968). The synergistic benefits of this and other, earlier collaborations in the natural sciences were not lost on Wilson and MacArthur, as evidenced, for example, by Wilson’s earlier collaboration with William Brown on the phenomenon of character release (one that would later be integrated into Wilson’s theory on taxon cycles; see Brown and Wilson [1956]), and those of MacArthur with his mentor, G. E. Hutchinson, and their students and colleagues (e.g., Hutchinson and MacArthur 1959, MacArthur and Levins 1964, 1967, MacArthur and Connell 1966). As Robert J. Whittaker (personal communication, 2008) observes, it seems ironic but perhaps fitting that the collaboration which contributed to the dominance of molecular biology in the 1950s and 1960s—for some time marginalizing whole-organism biology and community ecology—would be answered by the collaboration between MacArthur and Wilson, which reenergized ecology and biogeography by providing, as Whittaker puts it, a radically updated framework for this branch of science (see Wilson 1994, chap. 12, The Molecular Wars).

Rather than being satisfied with their first collaboration—the relatively focused, albeit intriguing, joint paper they published in 1963—MacArthur and Wilson were determined to develop a full-scale, integrative synthesis of island theory. At first rather humbly stated at the end of their 1963 paper, their goal was to deal with the general equilibrium criteria, which might be applied to other faunas, together with some of the biological implications of the equilibrium condition. But, fully realizing the revolutionary potential of their first collaboration, they had agreed by December of 1964 to once again join forces, this time to write a full-scale book on island biogeography, with [the] aim of creating new models and extending [their] mode of reasoning into as many domains of ecology as [they] could manage (Wilson 1994, p. 255).

In summary, the cumulative knowledge of the geography and diversity of nature and, more importantly, the deepening understanding of and ability to model the dynamics of the natural world and the underlying, scale-dependent causal processes, rendered the development of an equilibrium theory of island biogeography not only possible, but likely, if not inevitable. This appears to be a relatively common phenomenon, with the classic and best-known example in the biological sciences being the convergent and nearly simultaneous discovery or rediscovery of the theory of natural selection by Alfred Russell Wallace and Charles Darwin, providing some invaluable lessons on how transformative advances in the natural sciences are achieved (see also Merton’s [1961] review of episodes of multiple, independent discoveries in science).

As with other disciplines, biogeography advanced not just as a regular accumulation of facts and succession of alternative and increasingly more accurate concepts, but through syntheses and re-integrations in a reticulating phylogeny of sometimes convergent if not equivalent theories. Munroe’s independent development of an equilibrium theory, Lack’s (1947) concept of the filling of ecological space, and Wilson’s concept of saturation of insular biotas (as part of his taxon cycle theory), are illustrations of this phenomenon (in this case, incarnations of similar if not equivalent concepts of island biogeography). Yet these revolutionary advances in biogeography, along with its descendant disciplines of ecology and evolution, were ultimately achieved by addition of the final component in the above list of foundational elements—a genuine collaborative synthesis between two of the field’s established visionaries.

Success and Subsequent Evolution of MacArthur and Wilson’s Theory

Despite some interesting and sometimes heated debate over the merits of the equilibrium model of species richness during the four decades since its initial articulation, there should be little question that MacArthur and Wilson’s theory has had a revolutionary influence on biogeography and related disciplines, and they certainly achieved one of their primary goals: creating new models and extending [their] mode of reasoning into as many domains of ecology [and other disciplines] as [they] could manage (Wilson 1994, p. 255).

Our purpose in this section is not to chronicle the hundreds if not thousands of studies that were stimulated by their theory: indeed, much of our own earlier research was developed to evaluate the tenets of their theory or to modify it to create other means of analyzing and understanding the ecological and evolutionary assembly of isolated biotas (Brown 1971, 1978, Brown and Kodric-Brown 1977, Lomolino 1986, 1990, 1994, 1996, 2000, Sax et al. 2002). Rather than focus here on how the theory influenced other research programs in these areas (which we believe is well covered in other chapters of this book), our purpose in the following paragraphs is to describe how the theory MacArthur and Wilson presented in their 1967 monograph was substantially transformed, at least in its predominant development and applications during the normal science (sensu Kuhn 1996) of the next two decades.

As we described earlier, the intended domain of MacArthur and Wilson’s theory was quite broad: again, in the introduction to their book, they made their ultimate goal quite clear.

The purpose of this book is to examine the possibility of a theory of biogeography at the species level. We believe that such a development can take place by looking at species distributions and relating them to population concepts, both known and still to be invented.(MacArthur and Wilson 1967, pp. 5–6)

In their conclusion (MacArthur and Wilson 1967, p. 183), they returned to this very general theme of a process- and species-based reintegration by calling for the field of biogeography to

be reformulated in terms of the first principles of population ecology and genetics . . . to deemphasize for the moment traditional problems concerning the distribution of higher taxa and the role of geological change . . . and to turn instead to detailed studies of selected species. A biogeography of the species [quotes theirs] requires both theory and experiments that must be in large part novel.

Despite these goals of developing a very general, species- and process-based theory—one covering not just patterns in richness, but including a host of other ecological and evolutionary phenomena (including r/k selection, niche dynamics, geometry and strategies of colonization, and evolution), the research agenda during the 1970s and 1980s seemed so captivated with the equilibrium model of species richness that it often lost sight of the broader agenda of a biogeography of the species. During this period, ecological biogeographers became intrigued with the abilities to model species as though they were atoms in a gas law context (personal communication, R. Ricklefs 2008): the very general theory could be recast in a more narrow sense—as a model of how richness of equivalent, noninteracting, and nonevolving species varies with island area and isolation (mere curve-fitting, sensu Haila [1986]; a numbers game sensu Whittaker [1998], Whittaker and Fernandez-Palacios [2007]). As we noted earlier, the heuristic promise of Wilson’s theory of taxon cycles and a biogeography of the species was not lost on everyone, as a group of distinguished ecologist and biogeographers continued to pursue and develop these concepts throughout this period. Eventually, their insights would be integrated into a set of now emerging theories that promise to provide some genuinely transformative advances in island theory (see other chapters in this volume, and the final sections of this chapter).

As Stuart Pickett and his colleagues explain in their important book Ecological Understanding: The Nature of Theory and the Theory of Nature, theories are far from static, but typically if not invariably undergo an ontogeny of their own (Pickett et al. 2007; see also Kuhn 1996). Most theories are first described in a premature form, well before the requisite knowledge and conceptual tools necessary to fully appreciate and develop their potential import. Wegener’s (1912a, 1912b, 1915) theory of continental drift—first proposed some five decades before the scientific community fully embraced it—is one of the most striking cases of delayed acceptance of a truly prescient and potentially transformative theory in natural science. Early articulations of equilibrium concepts by Munroe, and of Wilson’s theory of taxon cycles and his concept of species saturation and a biogeography of the species, represent similar episodes of unappreciated prescience in biogeography. By the time MacArthur and Wilson collaborated to develop their theory, however, the empirical and conceptual foundations of island biogeography, and in particular the abilities of scientists to visualize and model dynamic processes, had progressed to the point that a genuinely paradigmatic advance could be achieved and widely appreciated.

The ontogeny of MacArthur and Wilson’s equilibrium theory weaves a tapestry whose fabric and modified forms are just beginning to become clear after four decades of maturation and retrospection. One perhaps key factor, which was actually lacking from its subsequent development, was the continued involvement of its creators. Tragically, MacArthur died of renal cancer just five years after he and Wilson published their monograph. Wilson conducted some fascinating experiments in island biogeography in the late 1960s, again a collaboration (this time with his distinguished student—Daniel Simberloff (see Simberloff, this volume), but Wilson’s interests and energies soon turned to other demanding and highly successful endeavors, including evolutionary biology, sociobiology, and conservation of biological diversity. The subsequent period of over three decades of the theory’s maturation, then, were left to a rapidly growing community of biogeographers and ecologists, including critics as well as champions.

While it may appear that the theory’s subsequent development can be characterized by an expansion of the domain of its applications (e.g., application of the equilibrium model of species richness to a broad diversity of isolated ecosystems, including lakes, mountaintops, and other patches of terrestrial ecosystems, as clearly anticipated by MacArthur and Wilson [1967, pp. 3–4]; see Pickett et al. 2007, p. 104), we believe that just the opposite has occurred at least in terms of the theory’s conceptual domain. According to Yrjö Haila, during the 1970s and 1980s the theory suffered a reification (sensu Levins and Lewontin 1980) with an increasingly more narrow focus on species richness correlations and on the explanatory performance of the iconic, equilibrium model, with an apparent waning of appreciation for the broader value of the theory as a research programme that directs attention to the dynamic nature of island communities in general, and to mechanisms that determine the colonization process in specific situations (Haila 1986, p. 379; see also Sismondo 2000). A review of MacArthur and Wilson’s monograph, including the various excerpts included above which described their stated goals, makes it clear that the equilibrium model of species richness was just one component (albeit one of the most central, compelling, and easiest to visualize and remember) of their attempt to develop a truly comprehensive theory of island biogeography (a biogeography of the species, again, first articulated by Wilson in his original, taxon cycle paper of 1959).

Contraction in the conceptual domain of MacArthur and Wilson’s theory (at least as practiced by many biogeographers through the 1970s and 1980s) was symptomatic of concurrent specialization and splintering across the very broad domain of biogeography itself, including widening divisions between, as well as within, ecological and historical biogeography. We are, however, encouraged by the more recent groundswell of biogeographers now calling for a reexpansion in the domain of island theory and a reintegration of the field (e.g., Brown and Lomolino 2000, Brooks 2004, Brown 2004, Lieberman 2004, Lomolino and Heaney 2004, Riddle and Hafner 2004, Ebach and Tangney 2007, Stuessy, 2007; see also chapters in this volume, especially those by Grant and Grant, by Whittaker et al., by Losos and Parent, and by Ricklefs). We agree that this can best be accomplished by developing more integrative theories of island biogeography—those that encompass the full breadth of patterns in geographic variation among insular biotas, and are based on the premise that those patterns result from predictable variation in the fundamental biogeographic processes among islands and species, and across scales of space, time,