Working Class Studies

Eighteenth-century Britain saw the emergence of a new poetic genre, the “work” poem which took various forms of labor as its subject and was often written by laborers themselves. Several of these working class poets found their lives transformed due to the success of their verse (Stephen Duck most famously), but most faded into literary obscurity. However, a substantial body of “work” poems was produced by a diverse group of poets throughout the century, each manifesting divergent concerns and attitudes about the experience of work. This chapter assesses the formal connections uniting this poetic genre, particularly the frequent use of such literary devices as ironic distancing, litotes, and mock-georgic description. Instead of solely classifying “work” poems on the basis of their subject matter, this chapter demonstrates that such poetry (indeed the genre itself) lends itself to sophisticated literary techniques often associated with other poetic genres. In this fashion the full measure of eighteenth-century working class poetry can be evaluated more fairly, particularly by analyzing the formation of a new genre designed expressly by the poets themselves. The chapter ultimately seeks to demonstrate the connectedness, rather than the alienation, of working class poetry to the eighteenth-century British poetic tradition.

Türkiye, her iki dünya savaşı ertesi köklü dönüşümler geçirdi. İlki 600 yıllık Osmanlı hanedanına son verdi. İkincisi ise Tek Parti döneminin sonu oldu; Türkiye’de siyasi demokrasinin yolunu açtı. İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nda Türkiye tarafsız kaldı. Ancak, savaşın tüm olumsuzluklarını bilfiil yaşadı. Tek Parti döneminin toplumsal dengeleri büyük ölçüde hasar gördü. Milli Korunma Kanunu, Varlık Vergisi, Toprak Mahsulleri
Vergisi, İş Mükellefiyeti gibi uygulamalar toplumsal katmanları iktidara karşı tavır almaya sevk etti. Devletin savaş içinde kararlarını hayata geçirme konusundaki zaafları belirginleşirken; kitlelerin gündelik yaşamda tepki ve direnişleri de çığ gibi arttı. Gerek çok partili sisteme geçişte, gerekse 1940’ların ikinci yarısında gündeme gelen sosyal politika alanındaki reformlarda toplum tabanında gözlenen yılgınlık ve
tepkiler önemli bir rol oynadı.
Murat Metinsoy’un kitabı işte bu zor yılların toplumsal öyküsünü gündeme getiriyor. Olaylar dizinini tabandan irdeleyerek; kitlelerin yaşam deneyimlerini, serzenişlerini, gündelik yaşamdaki direnişlerini vurgulayarak… Otoriter dönemlerde bile toplumun
gündelik mücadelelerinin ve taleplerinin siyasete etki edebileceğini
ortaya koyarak…
Zafer Toprak, Boğaziçi Üniversitesi

This paper aims to discuss the thesis supported by several scholars and institutions according to which capitalist societies have been through a sharp shift in the nature of work relations. It assumes that social and economic changes in work management and new technologies would have dissolved traditional forms of employment, and the consequence
would be a decline in wage labor. This new ‘farewell to the working class’ contributes to the idea that it is impossible to protect workers via public regulation. Based on empirical research using several case studies and data, especially from labor markets in Brazil and the United Kingdom, we argue that the “new” forms of work are predominantly wage labor, despite companies’ efforts to disguise the content of employment relations. We
do not deny the emergence of changes in labor management by companies. However, we point out that this includes strategies of dissimulation of the wage relationship to reduce chances of limiting
labor exploitation.

A pdf of a local history study of the General Strike of May 1926 as it was experienced in Aberdeen, North-east Scotland.
The work was published by Aberdeen People's Press as a 33 page pamphlet in May 1977.
Co-authored by Liz Kibblewhite and Andy Rigby

The study about the factory colony of the Jindřich mine in Moravská Ostrava, the oldest workers’s colony in the urban area as a part of a wider research project, relates to some older research work of M. Myška and has been, so far, the only compact text on the already nonexistent Jindřich colony. In the introduction of the study the workers’s colony is localized within the urban area, however, the major part of its text, drafted on the basis of the study of contemporary press, contemporaries’ narratives and the archive materials in several Moravian-Silesian archives, contains an excursion into the historical development of the colony’s architecture with the reflection of its housing conditions.

First-generation and low-income students have been an important subject of research in the sociology of higher education due to the particular struggles and needs that these groups face. Diversification of elite campuses have called into question the experiences that these types of students have-many of whom come from working-class backgrounds. Understanding elite institutions of higher education as platforms for social mobility, lower-income students are provided with the opportunity to escalate in the socioeconomic ladder. In this research paper, I study the social identity of working-class students at Harvard College. I begin with the assumption, provided by the literature, that working-class students undergo a transformation of social class identity. My key question is how these students navigate their social class at a place as diverse and as wealthy as Harvard. I interviewed ten students who self-identified as first-generation and in the lower side of the socioeconomic ladder. I found that most students relate to people who share their social class background, that their social class identity while in college is hard to define, and that they prioritize financial stability over giving-back when thinking of post-graduation jobs. I also found that they are very critical about the values and morals someone who goes into a high-paying job must have. Families are not part of their social class transformation.

This study presents evidence of the migration of Indians, mostly Muslim former ‘lascar’ seafarers, and their non-maritime employment and settlement in the Sheffield area. This process began during the First World War and the study analyses data up until the beginning of the era identified as that of mass-migration and marked by the British Nationality Act,1948. The evidence for Sheffield-area settlement challenges the current understanding of interwar Britain’s non-elite Indian population as comprised almost entirely of seafaring sojourners rather than of settlers. The settlement, previously unnoticed by historians, also invites us to reconsider our understanding of ‘race relations’ during the period. Our current observations of British attitudes toward race during the interwar period tends to be through a lens distorted by the 1919-20 race riots in a number of British home-ports. In contrast, this new evidence suggests that levels of everyday inter-racial tolerance within working-class districts may have been higher, more widespread and of a different nature than has been previously assumed. This possibility is raised due to investigation using a new methodology for migration history using General Register Office data for births, marriages and deaths, particularly the many marriage records of white natives and non-white newcomers. Moreover, it appears that the Sheffield-area settlement remained unnoticed because it did not generate the hostility that produced the records migration historians have tended to rely upon as primary sources, such as Home Office documents and press reports of the ‘problems’ of ‘miscegenation’ and ‘half-caste’ children. The data examined by this study form part of my nationwide study into marriages between natives of Britain and Muslim newcomers, supporting an argument that permanent non-white settlement in Britain began in earnest well before 1948.

la revue socialiste 60 le dossier Pour répondre à cette question, une remarque préliminaire classique s'impose : ce qui réfère au modèle organisationnel social-démocrate concerne, au premier chef, deux des trois types de profils isolés pendant longtemps dans l'analyse des partis socialistes en Europe : les types « social-démocrate » et « travailliste ». Quoique différents au plan idéologique et de leur rapport au syndicat, ces deux types répondent aux critères de définition qui seront développés, ci-après. En revanche, le type « socialiste », qui se rapporte essentiellement aux partis socialistes de l'Europe méridionale, échappe classiquement au modèle dans les analyses réalisée sur cette famille de partis. À la fin du XIX e siècle, la naissance et le développement de la famille socialiste/sociale-démocrate impriment l'avènement d'un nouveau modèle organisationnel partisan ; pour être plus correct, d'un nouveau modèle organisationnel partisan, social et sociétal. Les nouveaux partis socialistes, sociauxdémocrates ou ouvriers se donnent rapidement à voir comme des partis de masse, selon la terminologie de Maurice Duverger, reposant « sur les sections, plus centralisés et plus fortement articulés » 1 . Plus largement même, ce sont des partis d'intégration sociale face aux formations de représentation individuelle 2 ou des partis de contre-société ouvrière 3 qui sont édifiés. Que recouvre le modèle organisationnel qui leur est petit à petit prêté dans l'analyse scientifique ?

T HE OPENING LINES OF BON JOVI'S "WANTED: DEAD OR ALIVE" open each episode of Discovery Channel's documentary-style reality show Deadliest Catch: [ … ] the faces are so cold I drive all night, just to get back home I'm a cowboy, on a steel horse I ride. I'm wanted dead or alive. These lyrics make clear two important aspects of the show and how it is being marketed: crab fishing is dangerous, even deadly, and the men who work the crab-fishing vessels are American icons, cowboys of the high seas, cheating death and redefining working-class masculinity. These two themes reveal a great deal about the series as well as the American psyche. Portraying working-class males in popular culture, particularly on television, is a complicated endeavor. For decades, these characters were portrayed as one-dimensional, often ridiculous caricatures who seemed to contribute little to society. Instead, they provided a type of comic relief that, unfortunately, also created problematic stereotypes about working-class males. However, more recent television, particularly in the genre of reality shows, demonstrates that blue-collar men are no longer perceived in this way.

John Clarke – coniugando a una ricostruzione storica un’acuta osservazione dello stile di vita della classe operaia – in questo libro racconta il gioco del calcio e il problema della violenza negli stadi. Attraversando periodi differenti a partire dall’epoca vittoriana, Clarke descrive i princìpi di questo sport e i suoi interpreti sociali, suggerendo la tesi della violenza come pretesto per un crescente numero di gruppi di giovani (soprattutto Skinhead, ammiratori delle passioni della classe operaia bianca) intorno a una particolare concezione della mascolinità. Essi riaffermano in questa direzione i valori di una classe e il senso di territorialità in una logica tutta operaia di «presa» simbolica di uno spazio (come lo street corner, o la piazza del quartiere). Nel secondo dopoguerra il gioco del calcio rappresenta per i figli della working class britannica il pretesto per l’esplosione di un sentimento di frustrazione e di un generale malcontento nei confronti della società. Il football hooliganism si afferma così in nome di una volontà di esprimere un rifiuto all’imposizione di un modello-calcio che si sposta coattivamente verso la professionalizzazione, l’imborghesimento e la spettacolarizzazione. Il volume è arricchito dalla prefazione di Andrea Ferreri e da una sezione sulle culture giovanili, il calcio e l’hooliganismo.

This book is the product of three years of empirical research, four years in politics, and a lifetime in a country experiencing three different regimes. Transcending disciplinary boundaries, it provides a fresh answer to a simple yet profound question: why has liberal democracy retreated? Scheiring argues that Hungary's new hybrid authoritarian regime emerged as a political response to the tensions of globalisation. He demonstrates how Viktor Orbán's Fidesz exploited the rising nationalism among the working-class casualties of deindustrialisation and the national bourgeoisie to consolidate illiberal hegemony. As the world faces a new wave of autocratisation, Hungary's lessons become relevant across the globe, and this book represents a significant contribution to understanding challenges to democracy. This work will be useful to students and researchers across political sociology, political science, economics and social anthropology, as well democracy advocates.

'Gabor Scheiring's book is a gift to all of us trying to understand a key puzzle of the 21st-century political-economy: how are regressive authoritarian regimes successfully constructed within formal democratic facades? Conceptually bold, theoretically nuanced, built on firm empirical foundations, the book is a model of how to research and theorize authoritarianism.' (Peter B. Evans, Professor Emeritus, Department of Sociology, University of California, Berkeley)

'This book is a tour de force, illuminating the internal hypocrisies of Hungary's post-2010 regime and the external complicities that have sustained it for the last decade.' (Chris Hann, Director, Max Planck Cambridge Centre for Ethics, Economy and Social Change, University of Cambridge)

‘If Hungary is the avant-garde case of illiberalism in Europe, this book is the ultimate analysis of it. The message: it’s not immigrants, it’s class! A model of the new cultural political economy.’ (Don Kalb, Professor of Social Anthropology, University of Bergen)

‘This book will set the agenda for the study of right-wing populism, an essential reading for those wishing to understand this phenomenon in Central Europe and indeed the world.’ (Lawrence P. King, Professor of Economics, University of Massachusetts Amherst)

‘Scheiring rehabilitates the concept of class in the post-socialist context and develops his fascinating analysis on three pillars – class, state, dependency – interpreted in a novel way.’ (András Bozóki, Professor of Political Science, Central European University)

A " questão social " surgiu por volta de 1830. Muitos pesquisadores associam-na à pobreza das massas populares e às desigualdades sociais geradas pelo capitalismo. Defini-la desta forma é, todavia, defini-la por meio das suas expressões, e não do seu núcleo central. A teoria social de Marx e Engels nos fornece um instrumental teórico-meto-dológico capaz de dar precisão conceitual à expressão " questão social " , definindo-a como a exploração do trabalho assalariado pelo capital e a luta política do movimento operário contra esta exploração e suas múltiplas expressões.

Abstract: The " social issue " emerged around 1830. Many researchers associate such fact to the poverty of the masses and the social inequalities engendered by capitalism. Nevertheless, this is a way to define the issue by its expressions and not by its core problematic. Marx and Engel's social theory offers theoretical and methodological tools that unable us to give more conceptual accuracy to the " social issue " idea, defining it as the Capital exploitation of the working force and the political struggle of the working movement against such exploitation and its multiple expressions.

This dissertation argues that private employment agencies have contributed to the individualization of employment with norms they have created through their practices. Employability is considered to be a panacea for unemployment, and social skills have become central for employment in the context that private employment agencies have appeared.

The cooperation of private employment agencies with institutions, the tools used, and the judgments made regarding employment by the agencies are examined in this scope.

Private employment agencies participate in a redefinition of the unemployed and the unemployable that holds employees responsible for their unemployment. A measurement of the behavioral characteristics of job seekers provided by private employment agencies determines who to exclude from the labor market affecting the job-seeking strategies of employees. Private employment agencies determine the position of a candidate in the labor market, contribute to the management of employment as an individual matter of workers, and create norms for employee character formation.

The dissertation aims to contribute to critical management studies in Turkey.

"Le second peuple de Nantes au XVIIIe siècle :
environnements du quotidien et interactions sociales.

Pour les intellectuels et lexicographes officiant sous l’Ancien Régime, le peuple de France n’est alors pas un mais multiple. Au cœur de l’espace urbain, exclusion faite de la population mendiante et vagabonde, la partie tout à la fois la plus nombreuse et la moins bien considérée de ce peuple regroupe les travailleurs journaliers et sans qualification, ceux de la terre ou plus ou moins qualifiés mais non dépendants d’un cadre corporatif, la domesticité au sens large, les ouvriers de manufactures, les compagnons et garçons de métiers jurés ainsi que l’ensemble des chambrelans besognant en contravention aux statuts des jurandes. Cette population que nous identifions sous l’appellation « second peuple » se caractérise par une existence de ses membres majoritairement vécue dans la précarité quotidienne, une insertion plus ou moins bien définie et solide au sein de la société urbaine et une inscription en dehors de toute forme officielle d’organisation horizontale du travail. Une attention portée sur trois pans majeurs de l’existence du second peuple de la ville de Nantes au dernier siècle de la monarchie absolue, soit la vie en communauté, la consommation matérielle et l’activité laborieuse, est en mesure de dévoiler quelques-uns des traits essentiels des individus le constituant : place centrale de l’élément féminin, importance des notions de déplacement et d’implantation géographiques, force des connexions et solidarités de voisinage, rapport parfois houleux à l’autorité et frugalité de l’environnement matériel du quotidien.

Mots clés : peuple, ville, Nantes, inventaire de biens, travail illégal, résistance, solidarité, voisinage, lien social, violence, mouvement, migration, parrainage, pauvreté, précarité, consommation, micro-histoire, déménagement.

The second people of Nantes in the XVIIIth century:
everyday environments and social interactions.

For the intellectuals and lexicographers officiating under the Ancien Regime, the people of France was then not one but many. At the heart of urban space, excluding the population of beggars and vagabonds, the at once most numerous and least well regarded part of this people groups together unqualified day laborers, those working on the land or more or less qualified but not dependent on a corporate framework, domestic workers in the broadest sense of the word, factory workers, journeymen and juniors in the legal profession and all “roomworkers” toiling in contravention of the statutes of the guilds. This population that we identify under the name of the “second people” is characterized by a life of its members mostly lived in everyday poverty, a more or less well defined and strong insertion in the heart of urban society and an entry without any official form of horizontal organization of work. A focus on three major segments of the existence of the second people of the city of Nantes in the last century of absolute monarchy, be it community life, material consumption or work activity, is able to reveal some essential features of the individuals which make it up: the central role of the feminine element, the importance of the concepts of travel and geographic location, the strength of connections and neighborhood solidarity, sometimes stormy relations with authority and the frugality of the material environment of daily life.

Key words: people, city, Nantes, inventories of goods, subterranean work, resistance, solidarity, neighborhood, social tie, violence, movement, migration, spiritual kinship, poverty, precariousness, household consumption, microhistory, move."

Bu yazıda, uluslararası “güvencesizleşme” yazınında ve Türkiye‟de özellikle son dönemde ilgiyle okunan, atıflarda adı sıklıkla geçen Guy Standing‟in Prekarya adlı eserinin, güvencesizleşme üzerinden yeni bir sınıfın doğuşunun ilk nüvelerinin yaşandığını savunduğu tezlerin genel bir eleştirisi yapılacak. Güvencesizleş(tir)menin bizatihi 1970‟ler sonrası üretim ilişkilerinin düzenlenmesinde devlet ve toplum açısından kurucu bir rol üstlendiği, güvencesizleşmenin tezahürlerinin kendiliğinden yeni bir sınıfa yol açamayacağı, bir sınıfın ilk belirtilerinden olduğu iddia edilen “prekarya” tanımının, yeni bir sınıfa işaret ederken savların yetersiz olduğu tartışılacaktır.
Esnek koşullarda, işsizlik ile istihdam hâli arasında gidip gelen, belirsizlik cenderesi içinde boğuşan, çalışma ilişkileri yoluyla geleceğine dair iradesi tümüyle elinden alınan bir kuşağın “aslında bize ne oluyor, nereye sürükleniyoruz?” sorularına cevap olarak bir tariflendirme, dile gelme ihtiyacına karşılık, güvencesizlik ve prekarya oldukça ilgiyle karşılandı. Sürece bir üst-yanıt verirken, tüm bu yaşanan güvencesizleşmenin aslında yeni bir sınıfın doğuşuna karşılık geldiğini iddia eden, üstelik bu iddiasına “prekarya” adını veren Standing‟in kitabı, tüm bu belirsizliğin tespitini aşarak, sürecin ötesinde “oluşum aşamasındaki yeni bir sınıf”ın tanımını yapma noktasındaki tercihiyle daha fazla ilgi çekti.
Uluslararası literatürde güvencesizleşme, giderek artan bir ilgiyle tartışılırken, 2008 krizi ve beraberinde sosyal refah devleti uygulamalarındaki değişiklikler, güvencesizlik söylemini odağına alan eylemler yeni bir tartışmayı da gündeme getirdi: “Yeni bir sınıf mı oluşuyor?” Guy Standing, Prekarya (2014) kitabıyla, bu soru (ve süreci) yeni- tehlikeli bir (oluşmakta olan) sınıfı imleyerek cevaplıyor. (...)

In the influential 1930 proletarian novel by Mike Gold, Jews without Money, a young narrator travels with his parents to the then suburbs of Brooklyn with a “Zionist leader” to consider the real estate speculator’s offer to buy into racially segregated housing tracts. Observing the isolation of the neighborhood and the ostentatious whiteness of the Zionist developer, Gold forces implicit connections among whiteness, Zionism, and speculation in land. Reinforced by the narrator’s positive identification with a working-class Jew who proudly identifies as racially marked, the young Mikey contrasts working-class antiracism with the class pretentions and racism of Zionism. This essay explores the Jewish world in which Gold’s novel was written, looking at the ways in which Jewish writers and journalists in the Communist Party and other left-wing organizations articulated an anti-Zionist politics as part of a global critique of capitalism and imperialism. This essay argues that left-wing anti-Zionism articulated an ontologically different concept of Jewish being-in-the-world up to and after the Holocaust, one that centered solidarity and diasporic anti-imperialism in the face of fascist violence. Linking anti-Zionism with a Jewish left critique of whiteness, this essay provides a counternarrative to the assumption that assimilation, bourgeois liberalism, and support for Zionism were teleological certainties for the Jewish Left, or that nationalism was the default response to the European Judeocide.

Una larga tradición historiográfica ha hecho del trabajo y de los trabajadores su objeto de estudio. Desde el análisis de las relaciones económicas que organizaban el trabajo y de las condiciones materiales en las que vivieron los trabajadores, hasta las diferentes formas de conciencia, los trabajadores han sido centro de preocupaciones sociales e históricas. Aunque su estudio se acompañaba frecuentemente de las esperanzas en la transformación social, hoy que los sueños de redención se marchitan, los trabajadores siguen llamando la atención de los investigadores: son un sujeto privilegiado para entender las contradicciones que han mantenido a la sociedad capitalista.

Este libro se inscribe en esa tradición de historia social que insiste en estudiar a los trabajadores para explicar los complejos vínculos entre los procesos de administración política, los modos de la organización de la producción y la formación de identidades de clase. No obstante, revitaliza el análisis poniendo atención en las prácticas y representaciones mediante las cuales los trabajadores definieron sus solidaridades y sus antagonismos. En el estudio de las organizaciones de trabajadores, de sus condiciones de trabajo, de sus formas de protesta y de sus relaciones con los gobiernos nacionales y locales, es posible observar el modo en que la cultura política de los trabajadores se encuentra atravesada por la explotación, el ejercicio autoritario del poder público, por la cooptación sindical y la manipulación política. Pero bajo la óptica de la cultura política, nos muestra también las formas creativas del ejercicio de poder autónomo, formas de solidaridad y apoyo mutuo, así como prácticas culturales de resistencia. Si en este estudio sobre los trabajadores de los siglos XIX y XX hay algo familiar, algo que nos parece conocido, quizá sea consecuencia de que en las experiencias narradas reconocemos nuestra cultura política nacional.

In light of Martin Scorsese's popular movie "The Irishman," it is a good time to reassess Jimmy Hoffa. He's probably the most famous union leader in American history, but the only thing most people know of him is that he ran the Teamsters and was closely connected to the Mafia. He is often seen as nothing but a corrupt, evil, greedy sellout. The reality is a little different. In this article I discuss his record as a labor leader, the attacks on him by the McClellan Committee and Bobby Kennedy, and his ties to organized crime. I try to contextualize the Teamsters union of Hoffa's era, while at the same time providing a corrective to the public's overwhelmingly negative views of him.

“Coolie” is a generic category for the “unskilled” manual labour. The offering of services for hire had various pre-colonial lineages. In the nineteenth century there was an attempt to recast the term in discursive constructions and material practices for “mobilized-immobilized” labour. Coolie labour was often proclaimed as a deliberate compromise straddling the regimes of the past (slave labour) and the future (free labour). It was portrayed as a stage in a promised transition. The tea plantations of Assam, like many other tropical plantations in South Asia, were inaugurated and formalized during this period. They were initially worked by the locals. In the late 1850s, the locals were replaced by labourers imported from outside the province who were unquestioningly designated “coolies” in the historical literature. Qualifying this framework of transition (local to coolie labour) and introduction (of coolie labour), this study makes a case for the “production” of coolie labour in the history of the colonial-capitalist plantations in Assam. The intention of the research is not to suggest an unfettered agency of colonial-capitalism in defining and “producing” coolies, with an emphasis on the attendant contingencies, negotiations, contestations and crises. The study intervenes in the narratives of an abrupt appearance of the archetypical coolie of the tea gardens (i.e., imported and indentured) and situates this archetype’s emergence, sustenance and shifts in the context of material and discursive processes.

Toplumsal yapıyı anlamaya yönelik, mevcut dönemde uygulanan iktisat politikalarına dair verilen bilgiler, çoğu zaman toplum içerisinde insan olma halini yansıtmada yetersiz kalmaktadır. İnsanı genelleştiren bu çeşit bir bakış açısı, rakamların yoğunluğunda, asıl olan özneyi de görünmez kılarken; bireylerin cansız yığınlar halinde temsil edilmelerine yol açmaktadır
Bu çalışmanın amacı Türkiye’de 1945-1960 dönemi emek tarihi ve uygulanan iktisat politikalarına bakarken, aynı zamanda dönemin işçiler tarafından ne şekilde deneyimlendiğinin de incelenmesi; bu anlamda da edebi anlatılar üzerinden insana dair olanın görünür kılınmasıdır. İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın ardından uluslar arası ölçekte yaşanan gelişmelerle de ilintili olarak, Türkiye dönem itibariyle hızlı bir kapitalistleşme sürecinden geçer. Bu esnada alt üst olan toplum yapısı, toplumsal hiyerarşide aşağıda bulunan bilhassa örgütsüz işçiler tarafından farklı tutunma ve direnme mekanizmalarının geliştirilmesine yol açar. Bu çalışmada Orhan Kemal’in Bereketli Topraklar Üzerinde, Eskici Ve Oğulları ve Murtaza romanlarına uygulanan nitel araştırma yöntemi aracılığıyla, bu dönemdeki çalışma yaşamının koşulları, bu koşulların geçirdiği dönüşüm süreci içerisinde, aydınlatılmaya çalışılmış; böylece, bu süreçte merkezi anlatıların dışında kalan işçilerin zihniyet yapıları ve anlam dünyalarının da açığa çıkarılması sağlanmıştır.

ADALET: AN UNUSUAL FACTORY TEAM IN THE EARLY PHASE OF PROFESSIONAL FOOTBALL IN TURKEY (1946-1965)

In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, Turkish football embarked on a journey from an amateur past towards a professional free-market future. These years also witnessed the birth, rise and decline of Adalet Club, a popular factory team based in Istanbul. Founded within Adalet Textile Factory in 1946, Adalet was the only team based on an industrial workplace participating at the Istanbul Professional League. As a factory team, the distinction of Adalet Spor did not stem only from its private ownership, but also from the owners’ ability to explore the commercial potential of professional football presciently. Presenting a pioneering example of  the connection between football and industry, the untold story of Adalet Spor will also highlight the early phase of professional football in Turkey.

Il presente lavoro, incentrato sulla storia del lavoro e dei lavoratori nel mondo romano, si propone di ricostruire, attraverso l'epigrafia monumentale, l'identità e il profilo socio-economico di alcuni individui vissuti a Mutina o nel suo ager in età tardorepubblicana e altoimperiale. Si tratta di alcuni uomini e una donna le cui iscrizioni, di natura prevalentemente funeraria, ricordano diverse figure professionali: un aurifex, un copo,  un medicus, un negotians lanarius, un praeceptor, un tonsor, diversi vestiarii, un vicesimarius, un possibile unctor e una vilica. Nel testo si formulano inoltre alcune ipotesi in merito alle funzioni esercitate in ambito domestico dai cosiddetti "delicia" o "pueri delicati"; vengono infine analizzati i tre gentilizi di derivazione professionale finora attestati nel Modenese: Aerarius, Aurarius e Purpurarius. Quest'ultimo nome, in particolare, fino a oggi sembrerebbe attestato esclusivamente nella colonia di Mutina e nel suo ager.

Now, he is seen as almost identical with those tobacco workers, a circle, whose presence itself proves how remarkable the history experienced by the diverse ethnicities of Salonica province was, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. High labour demand attracted masses to the tobacco production centres such as Drama, Kavala, Xanthi, Serres. Roma were among them, and the long-lasting wage-employment in tobacco agriculture and warehouses blurred the boundaries between them and non-Gypsies and gradually became hybrid agglomerations. They joined labour activism and early leftist movements and internalised relevant sensibilities and dispositions as a part of their culture. Between the Balkan Wars of 1912–13 and Turk-Greek Population Exchange of 1923–24, they brought that into Turkey and reproduced and spread in tobacco warehouses or fields. They fed the Turkish left with new human resources and their logistic contributions to early Republican leftist political organisations.

This paper explores the recent attempts to present an enlarged con-cept of the working class, in order to answer both to the recent configuration of labor relations in contemporary capitalism and the historical forms of exploitation involved in the process of capital accumulation. Combining historical research data and historiographical discussion, the main argument of this paper is that the necessary enlargement of the concept of the working class is compatible with Marx’s and Engels’s discussions, as well as with the best tradition of historical materialism in the twentieth century.

The term "systemic fascism" may seem redundant to some, but the redundancy has become necessary to combat the individualistic modes of thinking that have trapped much of the American public. This framing tendency has never been more evident than in the liberal obsession with Trump, the individual. Even among sectors of the Left, who have joined in the liberal chorus, everything has become about Trump - Trump the racist, Trump the fascist, Trump is destroying America, Trump is an embarrassment to the highest office in the land, our problems are due to Trump. These sentiments are the result of a collective myopia that is produced by capitalist culture and its hyper-focus on the individual - a key propaganda tool that is used to not only obscure the reasons that most of us struggle, but also to avoid any sort of collective solution to our problems. Uncovering George Jackson's insightful analysis of fascism has never been more needed.

Read online here:

https://mronline.org/2018/11/17/prisoner-prophet-revisiting-george-jacksons-analysis-of-systemic-fascism/

https://www.blackagendareport.com/prisoner-prophet-revisiting-george-jacksons-analysis-systemic-fascism

https://www.hamptonthink.org/read/prisoner-prophet-revisiting-george-jacksons-analysis-of-systemic-fascism

Akın Bakioğlu describes the 1991 miners' strike, undoubtedly one of the "greatest" events in the history of the Turkish labor movement, and the long march to Ankara. The Great Miner's March portrays this great resistance, which also has a tragic side, as a fundamental moment in the experience of the self-construction of the working class. In addition to the portrait of union leader Şemsi Denizer, who is identified with this story,... The Great March of the Miners, which reminds Zonguldak of its place in the history of labor as a workers' basin, also traces the impact of this great strike and march on Zonguldak.

"The author... listened to the voices of those who organized in the trade union base in 1991 and those who participated in the Ankara march that started from Zonguldak, and chose the path of understanding, uncovering and explaining the background of the strike and march by looking at life... The continuation of the 'voice of the grassroots' movement in the past, spreading the whispers of resistance at the grassroots. The influence of the workplace unity committees on the organization of the resistance, the first marches in the streets of Zonguldak, the strike and the march of Ankara are discussed and explained in the book based on the testimonies." CAN SAFAK

El objetivo del presente trabajo es realizar una comparación entre
las estrategias gremiales desarrolladas por dos seccionales de la
Unión Obrera Metalúrgica de la República Argentina (en adelante
UOM), frente a los procesos de reconversión productiva en empresas
siderúrgicas. Las seccionales de la UOM en las que se llevará
adelante la comparación son: la seccional Villa Constitución y la
seccional San Nicolás. Entre 1988 y 1992, estas seccionales han enfrentado
procesos de reconversión productiva en condiciones distintas
y con estrategias gremiales diferenciadas, por lo que la comparación
permitirá particularizar las ‘líneas de acción’ concretas
que diferentes sujetos y actores implicados en estos cambios (trabajadores,
militantes y dirigentes sindicales) construyeron, frente a
procesos hegemónicos, estrategias empresarias que se desplegaban
en el mismo sentido.

This essay examines vacillating affective responses to pop star Britney Spears. I juxtapose Spears’s career ascent as a teen queen from the rural American South to her career descent into “white trash” rebellious adulthood. I contend that Spears exposes the cracks in the celebrity system: while it promises transformation to ordinary people, it treats cruelly those who fail to transform into the “right” kind of celebrity. In Spears’s case, she was chastised as a working-class woman from the rural South who could never rise above her roots. Ultimately, Spears’s “failure” became an individualized shame, which reifies a celebrity system built on neoliberal, bourgeois ideals of transformation.