Viking Age

For medieval Icelanders, horses were among the most important animals. It should come as no surprise, as they were used for transport, in pagan rites (hippomancy, funerals, sacred horses), eating, and also for sports. These sports were the horse-fights (hestavígs) and horse-racing (skeið). Reading the sagas, one can find a lot of references to horse-fighting. This sport was considered of such importance among medieval Icelanders that laws have been written down regarding this entertainment, yet there is no exact description of how such events were organized. Only by putting all the references together can one endeavor to explain what these horse-fights may have actually been like. In my paper I would like to present the basis for these horse-fights. Their terminology has been frequently misinterpreted, and no critical investigation yet exists into the staging and organization of such events, which would shed light on the meaning and role of this sport to medieval Icelanders. It will be shown that horse-fighting functioned not only as brutal entertainment in itself, but also played a social role in the broader context of inter-district assemblies.

The Drakkar was the Viking war ship, the Dromon that of the Byzantine world.  The Vikings and Byzantines collided, cooperated, fought for and against each other. 

Since the Dromon (and other galleys in the Med) was rowed standing up, perhaps a look at the Drakkar or other Viking style ship did also.

The Dromon went on as galleys up to the 1700's while the Drakkar got fat and short and became the head of long line of sailing ships.

This MSc thesis contributes new information to and original analysis of the topics of Viking-Age silver hoards and Irish monastic settlements, as well as their respective usefulness for understanding the early medieval Irish economy. Historiography regarding the early medieval Irish economy has been affected by colonial and nationalist myths, creating an image of a rural and subsistence-level society that was poorly integrated into the larger Viking-Age silver economy and primitive in nature. Furthering Revisionist arguments, this thesis challenges these assumptions by demonstrating Irish ownership of silver hoards and the economic roles of monastic settlements (which may have served as proto-urban sites). 
The research entailed a mixed methodological approach. Primarily, data regarding silver hoards and settlements in Ireland (both Irish and Hiberno-Norse) was plotted within a GIS system to allow for distributional analysis. Measurements were taken from the created maps to provide quantitative data, while discovered trends and relationships were qualitatively analyzed within a comprehensive historical context. These methods were complemented with a historical critique of a coin database, allowing for more detailed study of the content of hoard finds.
The results of the analyses revealed a strong relationship between silver hoards and monastic settlements (with mostly coins found at these sites), substantiating the economic significance of the latter. Additionally, many hoards were found inland and deep within independent Irish kingdoms. Few hoards were found to be randomly deposited. Rather, most were associated with either Irish or Hiberno-Norse settlements, as well as borders between kingdoms. Such promising results illustrate the need for more extensive research on both silver hoards and the Early Medieval Irish economy, both of which possess complexities that require further elucidation.

The kings of East Anglia and Northumbria both died at the hands of the Great Heathen Army in the late 860s; one became a renowned martyr saint and one a villain. The latter, the Northumbrian Ælla, also became the antagonist in legends concerning the ancestors of the Uí Ímair, principal successors of the northern Great Army and leaders of the tenth-century Insular Norse.  According to a previously neglected text, 'De Northumbria post Britannos', another of northern England’s great dynasties claimed descent from Ælla. The Eadwulfings of Bamburgh were based in northern Northumbria, and appear to have gained leadership of their political community in the late ninth or early tenth century. With the rival position held by the Uí Ímair in the south, it is possible that Ælla’s later reputation and associated legends arose as a bi-product of tenth-century political conflict.

This paper seeks to provide a new contribution to the debates on Viking Age women by focusing on a rather controversial notion of ‘female warriors’. The core of the article comprises a preliminary survey of archaeological evidence for female graves with weapons (axes, spears, swords and arrowheads) from Viking Age Scandinavia. Attention is focused not only on the types of weapons deposited with the deceased, but first and foremost on the meanings which similar practices may have had for the past societies. The author discusses why, where and how the weapons were placed in female graves and attempts to trace some patterns in this unusual funerary behaviour. In addition to exploring the funerary evidence, the iconographic representations of what could be regarded as ‘female warriors’ are also briefly considered. Lastly, a few remarks are also made on the notion of armed women in the textual sources.

This paper contains geophysical analysis of the largest town square in Sigtuna, Sweden. The studied area is approximately 736 m2. The purpose of the study was to search for early medieval house remnants and to possibly find structures matching those found during excavations in other parts of the town. The hypothesis is that the town of Sigtuna was planned and that the yards of the town were put out in a special pattern following the main street, which is the same as today. During the day of the geophysical prospection the weather conditions were not optimal. A lot of water at the surface disturbed the instrument and gave a blurred image. It turned out that a lot of contemporary pipes and a large traffic island from the 1930s covered the area. Archaeological structures could only be seen in smaller areas in between later structures. Vague oblong structures could be seen, as well as a distinct smaller square on the eastern part of the area. A large rectangle close to the main street was also observed. None of these structures could be seen in modern maps or photographs and are therefore marked as something that could be of archaeological interest. Some of the structures that were noted were probably part of the original medieval town plan, as judged by their size and location.

Our aim with this paper was to discuss two possible Viking Age and Early medieval wooden hall buildings from Viklem at Ørlandet in relation to the Scandinavian Viking Age halls. To do this we analysed the buildings from Viklem to see to what extent they meet well-established criteria for Viking Age halls in Scandinavia. Since the Viklem halls are the northernmost known examples of such freestanding hall buildings, we have to take local and regional conditions into consideration, such as fundamental geographical factors, political demands and its physical manifestations at Ørlandet and the surrounding areas. Our results showed that the large buildings at Viklem meet many of the criteria that have been established by research in southern Scandinavia. However, we see that the Viklem halls are smaller, and lack the large number of prosperity items that that are associated with most in most of the known halls in the south. We discuss these differences in the perspective of Viklem's l...

Scandinavian women are regularly depicted as warriors, or shieldmaidens, fighting both in international raids and in defending their homes in the popular television series Vikings. But is this portrayal likely to be accurate? Following an examination of the depiction of warrior women in the series, this paper will try to answer this question by focussing on one of the regions that shieldmaidens in the series are shown fighting in, Anglo-Saxon England. England benefits from having primary written sources for the Viking Age, as well as numerous excavations, including the burials of three females with weapons, making them potential shieldmaidens.

In his Lex Castrensis, the twelfth-century Danish writer Sven Aggesen tells the story of the creation of a law that he attributes to Knútr inn ríki (Cnut the Great) as a means of governing his substantial military following of retainers, known as the hirð. As unlikely as it is for Sven to claim that he preserves the law exactly as it was in Knútr's own time, the text's focus on process and punishment raises an intriguing question: can evidence be seen for shifting punitive attitudes and legal exchange in the late Viking-Age period of intense contact, interaction, and accommodation between Scandinavia and the British Isles? This chapter will offer a first step in considering the possibility for the exchange of legal practices and concepts in this context, and present a newly refined picture of England and its Scandinavian neighbours – one which points to sophisticated legal interchange happening much earlier than usually thought.

This article consists of a case report with a follow-up and a review of the literature. Approximately 30 million people worldwide suffer from Dupuytren's disease. In plain terms, part of the connective tissue of the palm of the hand scars, forms a thick cord, and starts contracting, usually creating a permanent flexion of the small finger and/or the ring finger. As it progresses, the normal function of the hand diminishes and simple daily tasks, such as dressing or face washing, become more difficult. This physical impairment can have a significant impact on everyday life. In severe cases, it can even lead to finger amputation. The G.Vrousgos Technique (GVT or GV Technique) is a non-invasive, non-surgical therapeutic protocol for the treatment of Dupuytren's contraction; it was developed by the author of this paper, George Vrousgos, in August 2018, in Greece. The technique was applied to the author's father, who had a flexion contracture of 90-degree angle, and successfully restored the full functionality of his left little finger within 30 days. No re-occurrence or adverse effects were observed or reported during the 2-year follow-up period. The GV Nonsurgical Technique challenges all the current treatment approaches, especially the invasive ones, which are costly, have side effects, complications, and a high rate of relapse and recurrence. The primary purpose of this publication is to 'flip the mental switch' of Dupuytren sufferers and to motivate them to start stretching their affected fingers, gently. Additionally, a rationale is provided as to why males, rock climbers, and people of Northern European origin are more frequently afflicted. This perspective aims at shifting the main focus from the genetic and other biological influences involved by placing particular emphasis on the contributing lifestyle factors that are also implicated. This article can be a cornerstone and a turning point regarding the prevention and treatment of Dupuytren's contraction.

Keywords: Dupuytren Contracture, Viking Lifestyle, Northern Europeans, Surgery, Radiotherapy, Passive Stretching, Friction Massage, TEC Device, Causation, Prevention.

I denne avhandlingen har jeg sett på møtet mellom latinskrift og de angelsaksiske og skandinaviske runene. Jeg har tatt utgangspunkt i David Parsons’ hypotese om at det skjedde en reform av det angelsaksiske runeinventaret på 600-tallet, og at det var kirka som spredte de reformerte runene ut i det angelsaksiske samfunnet. Denne hypotesen har jeg testet på det nye materialet som har dukket opp etter at Parsons’ avhandling ble publisert. I dette materialet finner jeg ingenting som svekker hypotesen; materialet ser heller ut til å støtte opp om den. Jeg argumenterer for at runetradisjonen må ha vært levende i kirkelige miljøer, og at flere av de yngste innovasjonsrunene oppstod her. Videre argumenterer jeg for at kjernen i den angelsaksiske runetradisjonen etter ca. 650 var en lærd tradisjon. Alle som ristet runer, var ikke nødvendigvis lærde, men det kan virke som om lærde var bærerne av tradisjonen.
I gjennomgangen av det skandinaviske materialet har jeg sett på innskrifter fra Irland, Isle of Man, Skottland, Nordvest-England, Orknøyene, Shetland og Sørvestlandet. Fra Irland, Isle of Man, Skottland og Nordvest-England har vi enkelte tidlige innskrifter med punktering. Noen av disse er trolig blant de aller tidligste innskriftene med punktering i den skandinaviske runetradisjonen. De punkterte runene fra Sørvestlandet er seinere, men det er mulig dette materialet bør dateres på nytt. Alt i alt viser materialet jeg har sett på, at de punkterte runene tidlig må ha spredt seg raskt og til store områder. Jeg foreslår derfor at det er handelsmiljøer som står bak de nye runene. Bortsett fra punkterte runer er det få tegn til latinskriftpåvirkning i det skandinaviske vikingtidsmaterialet jeg har undersøkt, og det er også usikkert om tegnene jeg har funnet (inkludert punktering), faktisk kan tilskrives påvirkning fra latinskrift.
Når man sammenlikner de to tradisjonene, er det tydelig at latinskriftpåvirkningen i det angelsaksiske materialet er massiv sammenliknet med det skandinaviske materialet. Jeg argumenterer for at forskjellene kan skyldes at runekulturen sto mye sterkere i det skandinaviske samfunnet da de møtte kristendommen og latinskriftkulturen, enn i det angelsaksiske. Det kan se ut til at lærde angelsaksere tok opp runetradisjonen og fikk dominere denne i stor grad. Dette kunne ikke skje i den skandinaviske runetradisjonen fordi runekulturen sto for sterkt i den skandinaviske befolkningen. Det ser også ut til at man har hatt ulike holdninger til runene i de to kulturene. Mens skandinavene først og fremst så på runene som et brukssystem, var angelsakserne mer opptatt av å samle og bevare alle runer, og enkelte så kanskje også på runene som et kuriøst skriftsystem, heller enn et nytteskriftsystem.

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In this thesis, I have studied the encounter between Roman script and the Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian runes. My basis has been David Parsons’ hypothesis, according to which there was a reform of the Anglo-Saxon runic inventory in the 7th century, after which the church spread the reformed runes to the Anglo-Saxon societies anew. I have tested this hypothesis on the material found after the publication of Parsons’ book in 1999. I do not find anything in this material undermining the hypothesis; rather, the material seems to support it. I argue that there must have been a living runic tradition in ecclesiastical circles, and that several of the latest runic innovations emerged there. I also argue that the core of the Anglo-Saxon runic tradition after c. 650 was a learned tradition. Not all rune users need have been learned, but it seems that the learned were the bearers of the tradition.
I have examined the Scandinavian inscriptions from Ireland, Isle of Man, Scotland, North West England, Orkney, Shetland and South West Norway. From Ireland, Isle of Man, Scotland and North West England, we possibly have some of the earliest inscriptions with dotted runes in the Scandinavian tradition. The dotted runes from South West Norway emerged later, but this material might need a redating. Overall, the material I have studied shows that the dotted runes must have spread rapidly and to large areas at an early date. Therefore, I suggest that they were spread by trading circles. Except for dotted runes, there are few signs of influence from the Roman script in the Scandinavian Viking age material I have studied. Moreover, it is uncertain whether the signs of influence I have found (dotting included) can be traced back to influence from the Roman script.
When comparing the two traditions, it is clear that the Roman script influence in the Anglo- Saxon material is massive compared to the Scandinavian material. These differences might partly be due to the runic tradition being much stronger in the Scandinavian society than in the Anglo-Saxon society when these met Christianity and the Roman script culture. It seems learned Anglo-Saxons embraced the tradition and dominated it to a large degree. This could not happen in the Scandinavian runic tradition in the Viking age because the runic culture was too strong in the Scandinavian population. It also seems like the two cultures had different attitudes to the runes. While the Scandinavians primarily regarded the runes as a functional system, the Anglo-Saxons were more concerned with collecting and preserving them, and some might have regarded the runes as a script for amusement, rather than a functional script.

Медієвісти, що живуть і працюють в Україні рідко радують працями, котрі не ганьба було б показати на Заході. «Очерки начальной руси» Олексія Толочка, котрі вийшли друком минулого року у видавництві «Лаурус» акурат належать до нечисленних винятків із сумного правила 1. Робота – методологічно актуальна, свіжа викладом та іронічна стилем – написана як концептуальна спроба уявити історію Русі без «Повісті минулих літ». Автор відстоює свої бачення Начальної Русі аж до правління князя Володимира не як державного утворення, але як військово-торгівельної компанії, котру утворювали вихідці із Скандинавії, що промишляли насамперед работоргівлею.

Child in exile, Russian warlord, mercenary for the Greek Emperor, Christian warrior in the Holy Land, King of Norway; Harald Hard-ruler was many things in the course of a brilliant and blood-soaked career, but he is mostly remembered today (if he is remembered at all) as the Viking king who scuppered the chances of successful English resistance to the Normans at the battle of Hastings in 1066. But Harald, often regarded as the last of the Viking kings, deserves to be more than a mere footnote to the familiar story of the Norman Conquest. This book, an illustrated retelling of Harald’s life and legend, with factual sections exploring the Viking world, sets out to put that right.

This is essentially a review of part three of a TV dramatization of Danish History (Historien om Danmark), featuring the so-called ‘Viking Age’, where Danish history, it is claimed, reached ‘vertiginous glory’ (svimlende storhed). The review originated in the draft discussion, ‘Vikingerne var ikke danskere og danskerne var ikke vikinger’ (Vikings were not Danes and Danes were not Vikings), which I initiated in academia.edu (April 2017) in frustration over the low scholarly level of the program, with its misuse of the term ‘Vikings’. The term was scattered all over the narrative and used both by the narrator and the two supporting ‘expert’ archaeologists as if the term at the time was synonymous with Scandinavians. This it was not! ‘Vikings’ in contemporary sources simply signified ‘pirates’ and as such it was used about a number of non-Scandinavian ethnicities in both Anglo-Saxon and Norse sources, just as it could be used about pagans, Christians as well as Muslims. Another point taken up is the rather anachronistic suggestion that the Danish king Harald Bluetooth adopted Christianity (cf. the famous runic stone at Jelling) in defence of a German threat.
Frederik Pedersen of University of Aberdeen kindly pointed out that in the printed version the obits for Otto I and Otto II were dated a century too early, 873 and 883, respectively. As the context would suggest the correct the dates are 973 and 983. Never trust yourself!

Este trabalho visa mostrar os aspectos das sociedades vikings e sua participação no
contexto social, político e econômico do período medieval em contrapartida com as
análises que são feita dos mesmos em produções didáticas do ensino básico, cujo o
propósito é alertar os produtores de conteúdo destes materiais, sobre os problemas que
vem ocorrendo com a parte do conteúdo que se refere aos vikings. E divulgar os meus
estudos á cerca dos mesmos como contribuição para o meio acadêmico e cientifico e
também para ajudar os alunos e profissionais do ensino básico a compreender melhor
sobre esse tema, além de mostrar a sua importância para a historiografia.
Utilizei um conteúdo bibliográfico extenso que vão desde artigos científicos á livros
didáticos para fazer uma análise detalhada do conteúdo e de informações sobre os
vikings, mediante a isso os resultados foram bastante positivos com o uso de livros e
conteúdos acadêmicos específicos sobre os vikings. Em contrapartida os livros didáticos
precisam de ajustes e melhorias para repassar esta temática para alunos e professores do ensino básico, que é onde centrei a crítica do meu trabalho.
Conclui-se que há muitas possibilidades para se compreender o funcionamento da
sociedade viking com destaque para a cosmologia nórdica como condutor das ações dos mesmos e a possibilidade de uma melhora no conteúdo didático á cerca desse tema por meio de novas pesquisas, e do saber crítico construtivo em sala de aula por meio de
diversas metodologias ativas que inspirem os alunos a se interessarem e a se
aprofundarem no tema.

Palavras-chave: Vikings, livros didáticos, ensino básico, período medieval, cosmologia
nórdica.

This paper demonstrates the use of tephrochronology in dating the earliest archaeological evidence for the settlement of Iceland. This island was one of the last places on Earth settled by people and there are conflicting ideas about the pace and scale of initial colonisation. Three tephra layers, the Landnám ('land-taking') tephra layer (A.D. 877 ± 1), the Eldgjá tephra (A.D. 939) and the recently dated V-Sv tephra (A.D. 938 ± 6) can be found at 58% of 253 securely-dated early settlement sites across the country. The presence of the tephras permits both a countrywide comparison, and a classification of these settlement sites into pre-Landnám, Landnám and post-Landnám. The data summarised here for the first time indicate that it will be possible to reconstruct the tempo and development of the colonisation process in decadal resolution by more systematically utilising the dating potential of tephrochronology.

Until a few years ago, the Nonnebakken Viking fortress in the heart of Odense had been considered more or less eradicated by the modern city. However, new dedicated archaeological investigations in 2015 and 2017 indicated that the fortress, in several places, was extremely well-preserved with considerable potential for research and dissemination. With the help of experts from the research institute Ludwig Boltzmann Institute for Archaeological Prospection and Virtual Archaeology (LBI ArchPro) at the University of Vienna in March 2019, an opportunity arose to have large areas of the fortress surveyed using ground-penetrating radar. The results were good and demonstrated with a high degree of probability the existence of the blocks of buildings characteristic of Harold Bluetooth’s other Viking fortresses. A minor excavation in August 2019 supported the interpretation of the results of the ground-penetrating radar.
Concurrently with the new pioneering research results, work is currently in progress to present the fortress on site in a 1:1 scale, to give the finds from, and the history of, Nonnebakken more space at the museum, and to link the museum with Nonnebakken via a so-called Viking route through Odense.
All in all, recent years’ efforts on the research and dissemination front have reclaimed Nonnebakken from virtual oblivion to the present efforts to make the fortress world heritage in a collective nomination including Harold Bluetooth’s other Danish Viking fortresses.

This articles summarises the various types of island-names in the Northern Isles of Scotland. The vast majority of names are of Scandinavian origin, with a substantial number of  Insular Scots coinages. Only a handful of island-names can be judged to be of pre-Scandinavian origin.

The Viking Era is not covering a broad era, most of the events took place between 800 A.D and 1100 A.D. To make a brief introduction, first we have to know about the etymology of the "Viking" name and who were these violent Vikings? According to Swygart the word Viking means "those who go away", "sea king" or "pirate" and applied for the Norseman who left their home at most in 9th century. Some of them became mercenaries, but most of them became adventurers, raiders and invaders for glory, wealth and pleasing their gods (2016). History.com specifies that Contrary of some concepts of Vikings, there were not any race of Vikings and any particular sense of Vikingness and most of the Vikings come from Denmark, Norway and Sweden (Scandinavian territories), also historical records show us that there are Finnish, Estonian and Saami Vikings too. Their differences from Europeans in that time were, firstly they were not civilized in the local understanding of the world and most importantly they were sharing different religious beliefs than Europeans, which was paganism (2009). In this essay I will specify that firstly early Viking raids, secondly conquests and settlements and lastly the influence of Vikings on European Culture and end of the Viking age.

The (unedited and error-ridden) manuscript for the paper I gave at the 2016 Nordic Mythology Conference at Berkeley, October 29-30, "Paganism Past". The paper addresses Paganism Past and Ideas of Authenticity, and argues that any ideas of authenticity in the representation of Nordic mythology in Snorri's texts should be abandoned for another approach. My suggestion for an alternative approach is the concept of cultural complexity, in the sense that all sources available to the student of Nordic mythology, be they textual or part of the material culture, should be approached as expressions of the cultural phenomenon 'Nordic mythology', and variation should be addressed through the lens of social or cognitive differences and variations. With this perspective, we can abandon ideas of an authentic version of Nordic mythology; chronological and geographical variation become less essential, and distortions of the material brought about by the conversion process must be considered less interesting than the possibility of the available sources to Nordic mythology representing a plausible and viable system of thought and culture.

This week I take you along a trip, in what appears to be in some respect a sort of the 'Antiques Roadshow' as initiated by the Vikings. The Norsemen weren't any different than us in their desire to hold the past. As the Viking Age is desirable mystery to us, the age of Anglo-Saxon England was captivating their minds in their own way.

This is for sure: the Vikings loved antiquities. It can be seen, per example, on the viking merchant weights.

Cette communication propose de revenir sur le terme « viking » en analysant la notion de piraterie dans les sources norroises. Si les historiens sont familiers des témoignages des victimes de ces pirates du Nord, les sources norroises demeurent encore trop méconnues hors de Scandinavie. Les sagas, chroniques rédigées essentiellement au XIIIe siècle, sont des récits provenant des descendants de ces fameux Vikings et jouissant depuis ces vingt dernières années d’un regain d’intérêt de la part des historiens. 
Le mouvement de piraterie des Vikings, daté approximativement du VIIIe au XIe siècle, marqua profondément le Moyen Âge. De la route de l’ouest (vestrvegr) à la route de l’est (austrvegr), l’œkoumène des Vikings s’étendait de Terre-Neuve à Constantinople et de l’Islande au Maghreb. Ces pirates furent à l’origine de changements dans l’ensemble du monde médiéval : création d’États et de dynasties, consolidation du pouvoir, transfert des richesses, imposition de tributs aux peuples vaincus, explorations, mercenariat, etc. 
Devant la foule de problèmes soulevés par l’étude des Vikings, nous proposons ici de revenir à la notion de piraterie au sein des sources norroises. Nous tenterons tout d’abord de revenir sur la sémantique du mot víkingr et du champ lexical qui lui est associé. Puis à travers divers témoignages issus des sources norroises, nous essayerons de définir les enjeux et modalités de la piraterie vue par les Scandinaves.

Mots-clés : Vikings, piraterie, sagas, histoire maritime.

In this text the authors want to explain the relation between the field in Hunwick as a possible site for the Battle of Brunanburh and four sites closely to the field that are likely to be burial sites for the lost ones in the battle. There is possibly an ancient burial site close to the proposed field and there are three different sites that might relate to three different segments of the invading force. There was a local chapel one mile from the proposed field, there is possibly a Scottish site half a mile from there and another site only half a mile therefrom that could relate to the Danish Vikings from Dublin.  In this paper we look at these sites as well as other possible sites further afield.

'Viking and Medieval Scandinavia' 12 (2016), pp. 103-136. http://www.brepolsonline.net/toc/vms/2016/12/+

Contact author

The island of Noirmoutier lies in the bay of Bourgneuf just south of the mouth of the River Loire, near Nantes in western France. In the early decades of the ninth century Noirmoutier and other nearby islands and coastal areas became primary targets for Scandinavian raids. What was so attractive about this small area for the Northmen? Why did they keep coming back year after year? After examining these early raids in some detail, this paper will highlight the importance of salt production and trade in this part of France in the early medieval period before suggesting the possibility that one of the objectives of the Northmen might well have been salt. The question of how the Northmen might have been able to profit from salt will also be posed and different possibilities explored.

The story of the Chazars who had claimed a tribute from a Slavic tribe, the Poljanians, and received a sword in response, is usually considered in scholarship to be testimony that the Chazar empire was extended to the region of Kiev. A similar offering of a sword in Heimskringla and Nóregs konunga tal demonstrates that the story does not relate to a tribute paid to the Chazars, but rather the opposite, that the Poljanians suggested that the Chazars acknowledge their overlordship. Even if the narrative had Scandinavian origins, it was well assimilated by Russian compilers. Our interpretation shows that the story of the “Chazar tribute” belongs not to real, historical time or space, but rather to “annalistic space” under the influence of various narrative traditions. The theme of the sword became a kind of cliché, which is reiterated in several episodes when thePrimary Chronicle tells of political subordination in the pre-Christian epoch. The development of the written tradition under Prince Jaroslav the Wise and his descendants led to a change in the original meaning of the archaic ritual, considered now in the light of literary rationalism. The tale was most likely invented and included in the chronicle by an early compiler in the middle or the second half of the eleventh century. Around the year 1110, the original motif of offering a sword was elaborated into a claim of tribute.

Les articles précédents ont montré les très nombreuses erreurs et les mensonges d'Oleg de Normandie sur les Celtes et les Vikings. L'auteur complotiste invente une histoire fantasmée des mondes celtes et vikings. dans cet article, nous mettons en avant les autres erreurs, concernant notamment sa construction d'une occultation de l'esclavage par l'Inquisition.

Во 852 г. Константинопол за првпат е нападнат од Викинзите – Руси, читаме во Несторовиот летопис. Викинзите се појавиле пред ѕидините на Константинопол (кој на нордиски го нарекувале Миклогорор - Голем Град), успеваќи да извојуваат поволни трговски привилегии.

Abstract: Some of the bloodfeuds in Iceland during c. 870–1056 are described in details in the numerous sagas, which makes them the main source of this article. A thorough analysis of these texts leads to the conclusion that the feuds on the island follow the development of the social patterns, the jurisdiction and the legislation in medieval Iceland. In a way this personalizes the Icelandic type of feud. In order to substantiate this point, the article focuses firstly on revenge as an act underlying any enmity. Vengeance obeys a set of specific rules and norms that place it within a certain framework. Secondly, attention is paid to the public support as a factor crucial for any conflict during the first two centuries of the Icelandic history.
  Along with all this, to get an idea of the actual flow of events in any bloodfeud, one needs to trace the individual development phases of the feud. According to what is mentioned in the sagas, feuds are most often prompted by purely human feelings such as love, jealousy, pride, by selfish acts like desire for succession rights or avarice. The results of such acts usually lead to retaliatory actions that often escalate into physical attacks on someone’s life, property or honour. Thus a feud is already a fact and it can quickly escalate to bloodshed. Events of this kind are also at the centre of the plot in most Icelandic sagas. Any feud is at its deadliest point when escalated, but then it subsided, and the warring parties made peace with each other. In some cases an agreement is achieved by judicial decision. In others, lawsuits are resolved through arbitration, which represents an extrajudicial practice that includes negotiations and mediations between two parties. The dispute is resolved by a third party – an arbitrator, who is a respected and fair-minded neutral person. Most often he achieves agreement between the conflicting parties by directing and convincing them to make peace through certain guaranties, compensations and other payments.
Judging by the information in the Icelandic sagas, bloodfeuds are amongst the phenomenon characteristics of the medieval Icelandic society. On this basis most of the events during the period 870–1056 take place during one or another family conflict. Although the Icelandic people were not involved actively in the major events of the Viking era, their history contributes significantly to the understanding of the historical processes in the medieval Scandinavia.

Conhecer quem eram os vikings e onde habitavam e se estabeleceram;

Compreender o funcionamento da sociedade viking (religião, política, economia,entre outros, diversos aspectos socioculturais);

Analisar as relações sociopolíticas e econômicas que os vikings tiveram com outrassociedades do período medieval;

Desmistificar os estereótipos e preconceitos com os vikings nas sociedades de
religião cristã, e entender como surgiu à ideia de “povo bárbaro”;

Verificar e criar senso crítico quanto as diversas interpretações que são feitas sobreos vikings no material didático de livros, e questionar quanto a ausência emdeterminados livros didáticos;

European nationalism and global empires. The purpose of this essay is to begin to exam the scholarship around the "Viking Age" and determine if there are elements of racism in the construction's use. The Viking Age is examined by two academic disciplines: Literature and Archaeology. Much of the information used by historians to explain the Vikings has been derived from those two disciplines. Over the years, literary scholars ns (1). The book has three prominent themes: the collecting and translating of manuscripts by antiquarians, the changes within European Scholarship in the mid to late 1800s, and the popularization of the Viking Age that is still present today. Thomas Spray is also concerned with the 19 th Century British interest in the Sagas and Myths (2) in his thesis, Patterns of Nationalist Discourse in the Early Reception of the Icelandic Sagas in Britain. As the title suggests, the relationship between British Nationalism and the Sagas are paramount here. The work explains the context in different ways than Wawn.