Spratly Island

Alfred Thayer Mahan described the sea as a“great common,” which would serve as a medium for communication, trade and transport. The seas of Asia are witnessing an intriguing historical anomaly – rise of an indigenous maritime power against the backdrop of US domination over the region. As China transforms from an inward leaning economy to an outward leaning economy, it has become increasingly dependent on global sea; as a result we witness an evolution in its maritime strategy from near seas defense to far seas deployment strategies. It is not only patrolling the international waters but has also built a network of civilian and military infrastructure across the disputed oceanic expanse. The paper analyses the reorientation of China from a naval power to a blue water navy in an era of extensive globalisation. The actions of the Chinese have created a zone of high alert amongst its neighbors such as Japan, Philippines, Vietnam and North Korea. These nations are trying to align themselves so as to counter China’s growing brinkmanship but China has been pursuing claims through a carefully calibrated strategy in the region shunning any coercive measures taken by other forces. If China continues to expand its maritime boundaries,its neighbors – all smaller and weaker Asian nations would be limited to a narrow band of the sea along its coastlines. Hence it is essential for US to intervene and support its allies to offset Chinese supremacy. The paper intends to provide a profound analysis over the disputes in South China Sea and East China Sea focusing on Philippines and Japan respectively. Moreover, the paper attempts to give an account of US involvement in the region and its alignment with its South Asian allies. The geographic dynamics is said the breed a national coalition dominating the strategic ambitions of China as well as the weak littoral states. China has conducted behind the scenes diplomacy trying to persuade its neighbors to support its position on the territorial disputes. These efforts have been successful in creating fault lines in ASEAN thereby undermining regional integrity to reach a consensus on the issue. Chinese diplomatic efforts have also forced the US to revisit its foreign policy and engage with players like Cambodia and Laos.Current scenario in the SCS points to a strong Chinese hold trying to outspace all others with no regards to International law. Chinese activities are in contrast with US principles like Freedom of Navigation thereby signaling US to take bold actions to prevent Chinese hegemony in the region. The paper ultimately seeks to explore the changing power dynamics post the ruling from the Permanent Court of Arbitration and consequently determining the future trajectory.

Chinese claim Spratly Islands; its straits as known South China Sea, meanwhile Philippines claim around 60 feature of Spratly Islands, Vietnam claim all over the island and Malaysia just 12 features only. As Vietnam based its claim on the French administration of Indochina prior to their independence. China has a long historical basis for such claims on the island while Taiwan, a successor state of the People Republic Chinese (PRC), also had its claim pinned on that argument. Malaysia classified the Spratlys as part of Sabah. The issue then fall to the hand International Court of Justice, at the Hague, Netherlands where the final result completed by 2018 who are own Spratly Islands.

Border Control

Effective governments have strong borders. The national government decides which persons and goods shall enter and which shall not. Failure to control a country’s borders leaves the wealth creating process inside the country open to any disruption from outside trends.

The above scenario is the situation that i should site a discreet example, by that i've chosen the issue of the Spratly island as my discussion.

Task: Policy Analysis

The answers were sought out of the following queries:

What went well?
What went wrong?
What was done to counter the emerging problems?

After the problem was identified, roots/causes of the arising issue were realized and by that a possible result was lead in the previous paper problem analysis.

In this paper, this is again a continuation of the previous topic, but this time it is more own identifying the persons involve in the issue, whether they are direct or indirectly involve so as to formulate possible actions that they could enact in order to possibly solve the core problem.

This article examines the genesis, usage, and meaning of the People's Republic of China's and the Republic of China's U-shaped line claim in the South China Sea territorial dispute from 1946 to 1974. The Republic of China (ROC) officially created the line in 1947, which the People's Republic of China (PRC) then adopted in 1949. Although the PRC claims sovereignty over all of the disputed islands and features, it remains silent on what specific waters the line claims. Based on ROC national archival files on the line, which remain virtually unused by scholars on the dispute, this article argues that the line was an "islands attribution" boundary until at least 1974. It claimed only the islands, features, and any adjacent waters consistent with contemporary conceptions of international maritime law. The article concludes with the present-day significance of this history and suggestions for future avenues of scholarship.

Pendahuluan Sumber tanah di dunia semakin berkurangan menyebabkan laut-lautan menjadi kawasan utama untuk pengeksploitasian sumber. Belakangan ini, Banyak negara kini meletakkan eksploitasi laut dalam agenda kebangsaan mereka. 1 Oleh itu, tidak hairanlah Kepulauan Parcel dan Spratly telah menjadi medan persaingan dari segi wilayah dan ekonomi. Berbeza dengan pertikaian di Kepulauan Senkaku/ Diaoyu dao yang berlaku di Asia Timur, tuntutan kawasan di Kepulauan Spratly adalah lebih komplex kerana melibatkan banyak negara. 2 Antara negara-negara yang terlibat ialah, China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Filipina, Brunei dan Malaysia. Selain daripada Brunei, negara-negara lain pun telah menempatkan angkatan tentera di kawasan-kawasan tertentu di sekitar Spratly. Kepulauan Spratly (Lihat Gambar 1) merupakan Kepulauan terbesar di Selatan Laut China. Kepulauan Spratly terdiri daripada kira-kira 230 pulau, bank-bank, terumbu, beting dan cays. Antaranya, terdapat 25 berada di atas paras laut, dan tujuh mempunyai keluasan melebihi 0.5 km persegi. Kepulauan bertaburan di kawasan seluas dengan anggaran 400 batu nautika dari timur ke barat dan 500 batu nautika dari utara ke selatan. Kawasan laut yang mengandungi pulau-pulau ini adalah 800,000 km persegi atau 38% daripada perairan Laut AEE140006 2 Isi-Isi Penting Sejarah ringkas dalam tuntutan China dan Malaysia Kepulauan Spratly dinamakan selepas abad ke-19 oleh seorang kapten penangkapan ikan paus British, Richard Spratly yang terlihat Pulau Spratly pada tahun 1843. Antara penuntut-penuntut kepulauan ini, China boleh dikatakan mempunyai hubungan yang paling lama ke atas rantau ini. Penglibatan mereka boleh dijejak seawal abad kedua. Penuntutannya adalah berdasarkan prinsip penemuan pertama. Kerajaan China telah menerangkan bahawa semasa Dinasti Han Barat nelayan-nelayan Cina pernah menggunakan pulau-pulau Spratly sebagai tempat transit mereka. 4 China juga yakin bahawa Dinasti Ming telah menghantar beberapa ekspedisi ke Spratly pada abad kelima belas di bawah Laksamana Cheng Ho. Terdapat juga rujukan tentang kepulauan ini berdasarkan rekod dinasti Cina sehingga pada abad ketujuh belas. Peta sejarah dan artifak digunakan untuk mengukuhkan tuntutan mereka. 5 Kerajaan masing-masing mencari peluang untuk menjamin kedudukan mereka melalui pengulangan tuntutan dan pendudukan ke atas pulau-pulau. Pada tahun 1947, kerajaan Nasionalis Chiang Kai-

Central to China's expansive maritime claims is its preferred narrative where alleged historical evidence was offered as "proofs" that SCS and ECS have been part of the Chinese Empire for some two millenia. This paper showed - with verifiable sources unrelated to any other claimants - that China's assertion of "since ancient times" is incompatible with data stretching back to the 12th century. Any informed debate must start with the premise that China's claims were dated in the 20th century and that they were incremental in nature being progressively expanded over the first half of the 20th century. Chinese myth making is alive and well in the 21st century.

Threat serves as an impetus in the foundation, development, revitalization, and waning of the contemporary Philippine-United States alliance. Using Stephen Walt’s balance of threat theory as the analytical framework, this study proves that, historically, the dynamics of the Philippine-U.S. alliance revolves around the interaction of threatcentric issues and the member-state’s response. Threat serves as the prime mover of the alliance; foreign aid, ideological solidarity, and institutional penetration do not guarantee the alliance stability. They do, however, serve as critical factors in the alliance management. Shared or unshared existential threats with external overtones have a greater impact on the alliance. Moreover, internal security threats affect alliance efficiency. A coordinated approach is needed to confront and master them. 
The Philippine Communist Insurgency of the CPP-NPA-NDF, the South China Sea Dispute with China, the ambiguity of 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty provisions including its executory mechanisms, and U.S. “strategic ambivalence” in the case of conflict serve as disconnecting factors of the Philippine-U.S. alliance. These factors created and continue to create friction between the Philippines and the United States. This study recommends that the allies must align their threat assessments, resolve or manage disconnecting threats, and then address the ambiguity of the agreement through further research and deeper strategic discourse.

The 2016 Arbitration Award of the PCA has set out the maritime legal questions in the South China Sea in great detail. This paper takes the Award as a starting point, but rather than focussing on maritime legal issues, it uses the South China Sea as a paradigm for the challenges that face not only international law as a normative order, but also international legal scholarship. First, the conflict in the South China Sea has weighty implications for the law of the sea, which, historically, has primarily served the interests of (Western) sea-faring nations. More importantly, the conflict in the South China Sea threatens the safeguarding of peace as one of the main tasks of international law, setting the United States against China in a reiteration of previous historical conflicts. These developments should serve as a cautionary contrast to the prevailing narrative of international law as a progressively successful normative order. The paper will analyse two aspects of that narrative: the gradual deterritorialisation and the advancing constitutionalisation of international law. It will be argued that while such concepts have their merits, the South China Sea exposes the (considerable) limitations that they are still subject to.

The West Philippine Sea includes the Luzon Sea as well as the waters around, within, and adjacent to the Kalayaan Island Group (KIG) and Bajo de Masinloc also known as Scarborough Shoal. The KIG is part of what is referred to as the disputed Spratly archipelago. Our estimate is that the KIG or the Spratlys are about 281,000 km 2 in area. The South China Sea has been studied in the past by the Indochina Institute of Oceanography, the Nha Trang Institute of Oceanography of Vietnam and probably also by other agencies. The latest to make joint oceanographic studies in the area were the Philippines and Vietnam. The present paper covers the geological history of the South China Sea, the Spratlys and the Palawan Island group including parts of Mindoro and Panay Islands and their rifting from the Asian continent in the past; the physical environment of the Spratlys, including the islands, shoals, and atolls and current systems in the South China Sea; the biological resources with emphasis on the coral reefs systems and the status of fish and fishery resources; the economic values of reef and pelagic fisheries; the connectivity of the biodiversity resources of the Spratlys with the Philippines and other countries; the disturbances in the area that could have a negative impact on the sustainability of fisheries and marine biodiversity; and finally recommendations on ocean governance policy and programs needed for the maintenance of the integrity of the sea environment and its resources especially no-take marine reserves and transborder peace parks. These parks, which have been proven useful in some marine areas of the world can be instruments for cooperation for research and development in areas that are claimed by several countries. These recommendations pertain to cooperative protection and management of the 2 South China Sea by maritime countries surrounding the area under the UNCLOS.

This article investigates the on-going issue that is associated with China’s String of Pearls (SOP) strategy in South China Sea which has trespassed on Malaysia’s water territories, analyzed from the perspectives of military costs, international business trade relation, and natural resources acquisition as well as its possible impact on Malaysia’s position in South China Sea using the game theory. China’s vision is to expand its seaborne trading route strategy to secure its commodity and energy transaction by mobilizing the sea channel ‘silk road’, otherwise also known as the String of Pearls strategy. Each ‘pearl’ plays a unique, different role in different location for its mixed strategy in the international trading area especially in the Spratly Islands. Currently, China has been aggressive in the South China Sea by provoking Vietnam, the Philippines, and Malaysia. Therefore, international trade relation between China and Malaysia is questionable. However, Malaysia’s ‘status quo’ strategy that is analyzed and reflected in the game theory may be adopted as the possible solution to this pertinent issue, paving the way for Malaysia to also serve as a role model within the ASEAN region to end the conflict and gain sustainable economic growth.

Islands are bodies of land surrounded by water; albeit well connected via the waves of ocean, movements of people and flows of technology. Smallness is both aesthetically pleasing and intensely practical. There are increasing challenges for small islands in our connected planet with the added risk for some of mounting global warming. This conference welcomes the presentation of research and reflection to address the nature of islands from the past to the future, to achieve a better understanding of the uniqueness, connections, cultures, ethics, technologies, innovation and sustainability for the many possible futures of islands and archipelagos. Sub-themes proposed are as follows:

Leading scholars of international relations argued that the West Philippine Sea dispute (South China Sea) was a tinderbox waiting to happen. Many analysts fear that the dispute could lead to a direct military conflict if tensions remain at the Panatag shoal. Recently, public interest in the disputed island resurfaced when China, the Philippines and Vietnam traded accusations of repeated incursions. The disputed triangle chain of reefs have caused deep diplomatic divide between the six claimant nations. The tension that was once mutual is now visual and magnified by the sporadic show of deception and

This article introduces the historical development of the territorial dispute in the Spratly Islands area and discusses claimants’ arguments from the law of territorial acquisition perspective. It also analyses the legal implications of the South China Sea Arbitration case for the territorial dispute and discusses the prospects for dispute settlement.

Despite Beijing’s refusal to take part in the proceedings, on 29 October 2015 the Court of Permanent Arbitration (PCA) issued a ruling on jurisdiction and admissibility of the UNCLOS arbitration case launched by the Philippines against China. The Court unanimously decided that it had jurisdiction concerning seven of the fifteen claims put forward by Manila, with a decision on a further seven to be reached when considering their merits. The ruling by the PAC is thus a major victory for Manila and maritime democracies, since China’s view that the Philippines had promised to pursue only negotiations, and her assertion that no decision could be taken on maritime zones until delimitation had taken place, were rejected. While the decision on the merits of the case will have to wait until at least next year, and a ruling in favor of Manila does not guarantee in and by itself that Beijing will comply, this is nevertheless a major step forward for the notion that it is right plus might and not just might in isolation, which will determine the future of this vital sea. The paper looks at the court decision, China's reaction, and Taiwan's position.

" So historical experience and realism both bid us to be more objective and less emotional, or if we are to engage our emotions it should be based on our authentic identity as Asians. It is on this basis that we reexamine the world, our region and ourselves. We are Asians. We live in Asia. Our future is in Asia. And we should remodel our thoughts and our policies in accordance with that indubitable fact. " – Philippine President Ferdinand E. Marcos, Sr., June 9, 1975 on the occasion of his Official Visit to China " China will never be a superpower, and will never commit aggression or bully other countries. We always maintain that all countries, big or small, should be equal. We support all the oppressed nations and oppressed peoples in their just struggles. It is possible for countries with different social systems to develop state relations on the basis of the five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence. Our policy and stand are consistent and firm. Vice-Premier Deng Xiaoping, State Banquet Welcoming President Ferdinand ABSTRACT The paper aims to examine the nature of Philippine foreign policy towards China by reviewing the timeline of their relations through the theory of critical junctures. While the tie that connects these two nations can be traced back a thousand of year ago but its formal relationship as sovereign entities is not a replication not even a reinforcement of what has been cited to as to their long and rich 'traditional friendship' in the distant pasts. Some factors may have come along the way that hinders the flourishing of this ancient connection like politics among nations and the alliances especially the period of ideological confrontations between the Liberals of the US and the Communist of the Soviets

The aim of this article is to examine two treaties which are often presented by scholars as potential models for a maritime regime in the South China Sea, namely the Svalbard Treaty and the Antarctic Treaty System. The work concludes that even though both of the treaties have resolved equally complex territorial disputes, their importance as a role model for the SCS is limited due to the unique political condition in the Asia-Pacific. However, the solutions within the sphere of environmental protection and the structure of decision-making institutions developed by the abovementioned treaties present a valuable lesson and a potential example for the countries involved in the South China Sea dispute to emulate. The article argues that cooperation within environmental protection and fisheries management, as a low-profile endeavour, is easier to be put into practice than the joint development of highly contested hydrocarbon resources of the SCS. Furthermore, it can potentially lay foundation for the future high profile collaboration. The paper also presents a model of a maritime regime for the South China Sea.

My commentary and extensive bibliography on 'Human Geography and Islands'.

In 'Oxford Bibliographies'. Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/OBO/9780199874002-0230

https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199874002/obo-9780199874002-0230.xml?rskey=dDYf0u&result=1&q=pugh#firstMatch

Abstrak Laut Cina Selatan memiliki tensi dan tingkat ketegangan yang tinggi setelah Cina mereklamasi 7 gugusan pulau di Laut Cina Selatan yang terdiri dari Fiery Cross Reff, Cuarteron Reff, Subi Reef, Gaven Reef, Mischief Reef, Johnson South Reef, dan Hughes Reef dan mengubahnya menjadi pulau buatan dan mendirikan fasilitas militer diatasnya. Tindakan Cina ini merupakan bagian dari klaim sepihak U-Dash Line yang mengklaim hampir keseluruhan Laut Cina Selatan dan tentunya membawa efek yang buruk teradap stabilitas perdamaian di Laut Cina Selatan. Reklamasi yang dilakukan oleh Cina atas 7 gugusan pulau, mengubahnya menjadi pulau buatan dan mendirikan fasilitas militer diatasnya tentu bertentangan dengan hukum internasional. Selain itu reklamasi atas 7 gugusan pulau ini menimbulkan implikasi hukum terhadap rights of navigation yang dimiliki oleh setiap kapal. Implikasi hukum tersebut ialah tidak diperbolehkannya kapal-kapal asing melaksanakan kebebasan bernavigasi dan munculnya ketidakpastian penerapan rights of navigation di perairan sekitar gugusan pulau yang direklamasi oleh Cina tersebut. Abstract Tension in the South China Sea has increased significantly since China's land reclamation occurs in seven group of islands in the South China Sea i.e Fiery Cross Reff, Cuarteron Reff, Subi Reef, Gaven Reef, Mischief Reef, Johnson South Reef, and Hughes Reef. China then turns them into artificial islands and built military facilities there. This unilateral action is part of the China's U-Dash Line claim and certainly bring worst effect towards the peace stability in the South China Sea. This surely contradicts with the international law and therefore, it's absolutely illegal. The land reclamation also raise the legal implication towards the rights of navigation owned by the foreign ships whom sail across the South China Sea i.e China forbids the foreign ships to exercise the freedom of navigation and raise the uncertainty of the implementation of the right of navigation in the waters around the seven group of islands reclaimed by China.

Sekalipun  bukan termasuk negara yang mengklaim Kepulauan Spratly, Indonesia berinisiatif menyelenggarakan suatu lokakarya informal (informal workshop) untuk mendiskusikan pengelolaan potensi konflik di Laut Cina Selatan. Tujuan lokakarya ini adalah untuk mencegah kemungkinan timbulnya konflik yang dapat mengakibatkan ketidakstabilan di kawasan ini.

For some time in the shadow of other regional powers' forces and the other branches of the Vietnamese military, the Vietnamese Peoples' Navy (VPN) is going through a period of modernisation and expansion. Having not played a major role in Vietnamese geostrategy in the twenty-first century, increasing questions over control of sea routes in the South China Sea and competing forces within South-East Asia have necessitated the consolidation of the VPN.

Despite being the host of one of the most complicated territorial disputes in the world, the Spratlys play the important role of “resource saving bank” for the South China Sea as many valuable fishes of the region are spawn in their productive coral reefs. A number of academics and governments have suggested the establishment of a marine peace park in these islands to protect the marine living resources of the South China Sea and to promote peace between its coastal States. This paper suggests, as an option to implement the DOC, an arrangement to establish and manage a marine peace park in the Spratlys based on the national laws of claimants in the Spratlys dispute. Such an arrangement could safeguard the marine environment and living resources of the Spratlys without affecting the official position of its claimants

Over the past decade and prior, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei, all of whom are members of ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations), have been engaged in territorial disputes with China, particularly in regard to the South China Sea. Hence, in this paper, we perform a Data Analysis of how changes to US military aid to these countries, Economic growth in these states as well as pressure from China’s increasing Military Budget has affected changes towards Military Spending in these nations. We start off by performing a data analysis of these individual factors. Following so, we perform a multiple linear regression model to determine which factors prove the most significant, if any, towards changes in military spending in these countries. Our results show that based off data from 2008 to 2018, from a Statistical Multiple Linear Regression analysis, we could conclude that Individual Economic Growth is the most significant factor in affecting changes towards Vietnam’s military expenditure, while pressure resulting from China’s increasing Military Expenditure is the most significant factor in affecting changes towards Malaysia’s military expenditure. Additionally, at significance level α = 0.1, Indonesia’s individual economic growth is the most significant factor in affecting changes towards its military expenditure.  However, at α = 0.1, we are inconclusive in determining any significant factor affecting changes towards Brunei and Philippine’s military expenditure.

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Nel corso degli ultimi anni vi è stata una frenetica attività da parte di quelle nazioni che reclamano la sovranità sugli atolli e barriere coralline degli arcipelaghi Spratlys e Paracel, è una lunga vicenda il cui risultato ha reso il Mar Cinese Meridionale, una delle zone di mare tra le più militarizzate del pianeta.

Original Chinese:
http://opinion.cw.com.tw/blog/profile/52/article/4458
Japanese translation:
http://senkaku.blog.jp/2016070362768480.html

by Ishiwi Nozomu, 
Associate Professor, Nagasaki Junshin Catholic University, and Investigation Committee Member, Center for Island Studies, Sasakawa Peace Foundation)