Sociology and Poltical Science

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

Immigration and Multiculturalism: Essential Primary Sources provides readings into two centuries of global changes in populations and cultures--and insights into both historical and modern political flashpoints. // Multiculturalism is a phrase used to articulate the existence, distinction, and preservation of different cultures within a larger political or social entity such as a nation, state, or society. Multiculturalism is argued to be a fundamental human right, the right to maintain culture and heritage, and this view is enshrined in the  UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity. Akin to the human genome, the diversity of cultures is often considered a social strength, a source of social and cultural robustness and the capacity. Critics of multiculturalism, however, characterize cultural diversity as a social weakness. Regardless, understanding of the debate surrounding multiculturalism, it's manifest joys and possible perils, is essential at a time in human history when the basis for war and terrorism is essentially and deeply rooted in a clash of cultures. // If multiculturalism reflects existing diversity, immigration describes how societies and populations evolve in term of populations.  Such evolution, in turn, often alters the cultural landscape and provides the basis for the multicultural state or society. —-- K. Lee Lerner, Brenda Wilmoth Lerner, & Adrienne Wilmoth Lerner, eds. Paris, London, and Jacksonville, FL. July, 2006.

Whilst there are economic viability, moral, productivity, egalitarian, equity and political issues that have topped academic, political and interventionist agendas since the onset of the Fast track land reform program in Zimbabwe this paper, seeks to look at the Human Security issues associated with Zimbabwe's land reform program. This paper assumes the position that the debate around land in Zimbabwe has for long been steeped in the tradition of national security focusing more on the state's functionality and economic viability and its ripple effects on general political and socio-economic issues of other states in the region. . It is therefore timely and prudent to analyze the land reform in Zimbabwe using the Human Security lens. The paper therefore seeks to focus on the 'individuals' in the state rather than the 'state' by asking the question; how has the Fast track land reform policy affected Human security in Zimbabwe?

Nama : Tayev Dedayev NIM : 071511433045 Prodi : Departemen Sosiologi MODERNITAS SOSIAL DUNIA: GLOBALISASI,MCDONALDISASI DAN MODERNITAS JUGGERNAUT Tema globalisasi menjadi hal menarik terutama bagi dunia akademisi menjadi materi pengantar baru yang mulai diperhatikan dan dipelajari.Sejak akhir

This case study report was written to investigate whether Donald Trump’s 2016 Political rallies facilitated collective identity and empowerment among his supporters. To address the question a number of existing studies and reports were reviewed and analysed in terms of their theory, social and political critiques, methodology, analysis the significance of the findings. Any biases or ethical issues were also discussed within the analysis. The research discussed includes studies on empowerment and collective action (Drury and Reicher, 2009) and an ​analysis of existing studies from a variety of disciplines (Kreiss et al. 2017). Findings from such studies suggest that empowerment plays an important role in collective action and that group dynamics were a significant part of Trump’s rallies and his mass appeal to a large proportion of American voters.
This report concludes there is substantial evidence to suggest that Donald Trump’s rallies did facilitate collective identity and empowerment among his supporters. Although the research and ideas discussed are somewhat contemporary, meaning there are limitations concerning the replicability and reliability of such research.
Recommendations for future research focus on addressing the lack of diverse sources and narratives in research surrounding political enquiry and to further investigate empowerment in regard to a social and political context.

BBC's "Detectorists" concerns itself with the (seemingly) most ludicrously mundane of all possible human activities – metal detecting. And we are, at first, eased into its comic mundaneness with little hint of any metaphysical reverberation beyond a nice chuckle in our British-cringe-comedy receptor cells.
We see two " no-hopers " – apparently falling well short of the required post-millennial human task of " getting a Life " – out in a beautiful, ornithologically-ringing English field, crouching astride new-furrowed ground with furrowed brows – praying for the find of all time.
The serene birdsong is occasionally punctured by a long beep from one of their meticulously maintained metal detecting devices, and there follows a sweet moment of suspended pessimism, where hope rules the waves. At first, it seems that this little chuckle at the pettiness and small-mindedness of the endeavor will become the same joke, week after week – and that the highpoint of each episode will be the correcting of someone uninitiated to the cause who has mistakenly referred to one of these treasure-hunters as a " metal detector " being sternly rebuked with an "-ist! ". Petty-mindedness is always funny (unless it is our own) and the British depict it unfailingly – ever-increasingly since its virtuosic displays by grand master Fawlty.

But there is much, much more to behold in Detectorists.
As the seasonal developments of the characters and their interrelationships are revealed, a quietly unfurling philosophy of Life begins to take a foothold . . .

voting challenges of  IDPs
Voting is seen as an important part of the political participation process. 75,000 Muslims were forcibly expelled in Sri Lanka in 1990 due to indigenous Jewry. 80% of them settled in Puttalam district and settled in 87 refugee camps exceeding the local population of KaliPitti Divisional Secretariat. area vacippava; s vote on the various challenges of the future study  displaced voting influence factors Administration, individual i health factors
                           Problem in re-registering administratively previous name list, only party affiliates, village officials are totally opposed to the re-election of the electorate. . Further, the finding of employment, education, documentary confirmation, permanent residency, resettlement assistance and other non-availability of public servants and administrative difficulties have been the reasons for the turnout in the Puttalam electorate.
Therefore, management, the economy, the transport, the private sector, etc. have been presented as the defining answers to the challenges of voting.
Key Words: Domestic Migrants, Voting and Challenges

This study attempts to investigate the influence of Perception of Organization Politics (POP) on Organization Commitment (OC) through the moderating effect of Self-Monitoring (SM). The data was collected from the Government Punjab Model Markets Management Company in Lahore region, the main target of data collection is the management of Lahore all PMBMC. The results indicate that POP is negatively correlated with OC. The results also indicate that the relationship between POP and OC is moderated by the SM. The practical implications, limitations and future directions are also discussed.

Abstract


Farkhunda’s death came as a brutal shock for afghan women and civil society in Afghanistan post-2001. Domestic violence and violence against women are the important issues in this country, but violence has never been a topic in the public area. In the public sphere, especially in recent years, women have been traditionally respected. In Afghan culture, issues on women have very often been top priorities. That is mainly why the death of a civilian woman near Shah-e-de-Shamshira mosque, considered as a holy place for Muslims by a group of men made significant inroad in all layers of Afghan society.
Women's reactions to the incident are one of the most often discussed topics nowadays in Afghanistan. The testimonies of some of these women on the night when the incident took place, the sheer number of women civilians present of the side where the event took place and their strong stances against violence and religious leaders position are strong indicators that these Afghan women were truly upset. Feminist approaches, the efforts of civil society and the creation of women organizations have all given rise to the concept of women's rights in Afghanistan. However his tragedy could have created an even greater force and given rise to an unprecedented mobilization advocate of women's rights and gender equality in Afghanistan. In other side, politicians were silent. They prefer that the police and the judiciary resolve the problem.
This article aimed to explore the status of women's rights in Afghanistan today, the role of civil society in the development and defense of women's rights, and the reaction of activists and politicians against this incident.

Knowledge is increasingly thought of as a common good. This is exhibited in the fact that
many central economies are moving towards economic paradigms where knowledge plays a
fundamental role. This paper explores the confluence between both processes, asking in what
ways an economic model based on the knowledge commons can open up new socioeconomic
scenarios in the face of overwhelming neoliberal financialization.

Je me propose d'etudier ici les liens psychologiques entre le developpement d'une ideologic politique conferant un droit excessif, tel que 1'irredentisme, et le trauma massif qui diminue le sentiment partage de bien-etre et d'omnipotence du grand groupe concerne. J'entends par «grand groupe» des milliers on millions de personnes dont la plupart ne se rencontreront jamais dans leur vie, qui vivent un sentiment intense d'identite a travers leur appartenance a la meme ethnicite, nationalite ou religion. 11 existe plusieurs types de traumas massifs. Certains resultent de causes naturelles telles qne les tempetes tropicales. les tsunamis ou incendies de fore'ts ; d'autres, de desastres accidentels dus a 1'activite humaine comrne, par exemple, la catastrophe de Tchernobyl. Dans cette contribution, j'emploie 1'expression «trauma massif de grand groupe» uniquement pour parler de blessures qu'un groupe ennemi a deliberement intligees a cefui-ci. Dans ce type de tragedie, le groupe en position de victime souffre non seule-ment de pertes et fait face a l'impuissance, mais connait aussi la honte, I'huniiliation et une incapacite a s'affirmer soi-meme. Les membres d'un grand groupe traumatises par d' «autres» ne peuvent effectuer un processus de deuil eu egard a leurs pertes ou transformer completement leur honte, leur humiliation et leur impuissance. Us ne peuvent s'affirmer eux-memes a travers un processus d'adaptation sur le plan social ou politique et fmissent parfois par inte-rioriser un sentiment de rage impuissante, un masochisme idealisant, ou deviennent enclins a des acces sadiques signes d'une inadaptation-des manifestations que la communaute dans son ensemble partage toutes. En resume, les membres d'un groupe victime d'un trauma massif inflige par un groupe ennemi sont incapables d'effectuer avec succes certaines taches psychologiques qu'ils transmettent ensuite aux enfants de la generation ou des generations suivantes en meme temps que le souhait partage, conscient ou inconscient, que celles-ci pourront les mener a bien.

This module discusses how Information Technology (IT) has increasingly been altering the contours and nature of social movements in India. This point is particularly made with the examples of some recent movements in India like the anti-corruption movement, the right to information and movement against oppression of women.

Serigala berbulu domba merupakan sebuah istilah yang menggambarkan mengenai suatu hal buruk yang berkamuflase menjadi hal baik. Dalam melakukan kamuflase tentu ada tujuan tertentu di dalamnya, serigala yang berkamuflase sebagai domba memiliki tujuan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan akan makanan untuk kelangsungan hidupnya. Sedangkan domba merupakan korban dari hasil kamuflase yang dilakukan oleh serigala. Tentu ada pihak yang diuntungkan dalam hal ini serigala, dan pihak yang menjadi korban yakni domba sebagai hasil akhir dari proses kamuflase yang terjadi. Sehingga dapat dikatakan bahwa tujuan kamuflase ialah keuntungan sebelah pihak, dan kerugian bagi pihak yang lain. Tidak dapat dipungkiri bahwa keadaan dimana adanya oknum serigala yang berkamuflase menjadi domba, dengan tujuan untuk memenuhi kebutuhan pribadi telah terjadi dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan. Terlebih lagi dalam aspek politik, kamuflase merupakan bagian dalam kehidupan politik yang menjadi proses awal untuk dapat berkembang dalam dunia politik. Para politisi kerap kali melakukan kamuflase untuk mendapatkan simpati dari masyarakat, agar menjadi pemangku kekuasaan dalam tingkatan politik yang diinginkan. Pers merupakan salah satu media kamuflase terbaik yang digunakan oleh para politisi. Berdasarkan UU No 40 Tahun 1999, Pers adalah lembaga sosial dan wahana komunikasi massa yang melaksanakan kegiatan jurnalistik meliputi mencari, memperoleh, memiliki, menyimpan, mengolah dan menyampaikan informasi baik dalam bentuk tulisan, suara, gambar, suara dan gambar, serta data dan grafik maupun dalam bentuk lainnya dengan menggunakan media cetak, media elektronik, dan segala jenis saluran yang tersedia. Sebagai lembaga komunikasi massa yang menjadi sumber informasi masyarakat pers dijadikan sarana kamuflase untuk membuat oknum serigala yang lapar terlihat seperti domba. Menurut KKBI kamuflase berarti perubahan bentuk, rupa, sikap, warna, dan sebagainya menjadi lain agar tidak dikenali; penyamaran; pengelabuan.

Για το πρώτο μέρος της δημοσίευσης βλέπε εδώ Ειδικό μέρος. Η κοινωνική προστασία της οικογένειας σε όλες τις ανθρώπινες κοινωνίες είναι ο βασικότερος θεσμός για τη βιολογική, παιδαγωγική, κοινωνική ανάπτυξη, μέσα στην οποία δημιουργούνται προϋποθέσεις για την υγιή πρόοδο της προσωπικότητας των μελών και των ορφανών. «Η οικογένεια αποτελεί το φυσικό και βασικό στοιχείο της κοινωνίας και δικαιούται της προστασίας της κοινωνίας και του Κράτους».[1] Η Ορθόδοξη Εκκλησία συμπαραστέκεται με ευθύνη και αγάπη στην οικογένεια, την οποία θεωρεί «κατ' οίκον Εκκλησία». Τα μέτρα προστασίας της οικογένειας, της μητρότητας και του κάθε παιδιού διακρίνονται σε δύο κατηγορίες. Πρώτα περιλαμβάνονται εκείνα που έχουν ως στόχο την ενίσχυση της φυσικής οικογένειας. Δεύτερα εντάσσονται τα μέτρα για την προστασία των παιδιών έξω από τη φυσική τους οικογένεια. Τα μέτρα προστασίας που αναφέρονται οφείλεται να λαμβάνονται σε επίπεδο μητρόπολης και ενορίας και μπορεί να είναι οργανωμένα σε σταθερή ή περιοδική βάση ή ακόμα να λειτουργούν εξατομικευμένα για να καλύψουν μεμονωμένα κοινωνικά περιστατικά. Οι βρεφονηπιακοί και παιδικοί σταθμοί τα βρεφοκομεία, τα ορφανοτροφεία, οι κατασκηνώσεις, τα κέντρα νεότητας, τα κέντρα επίλυσης νεανικών προβλημάτων, οικοτροφεία, οι «προικοδοτήσεις», οι υπηρεσίες συμπαράστασης οικογένειας και μελλονύμφων, oι σχολές γονέων, τo κέντρο στήριξης οικογένειας, η επιδότηση τρίτου παιδιού στις οικογένειες της Θράκης, η μέριμνα πολυτέκνων, οι ξενώνες υποδοχής γυναικών και παιδιών, είναι ποιμαντικό και παιδαγωγικό έργο της Ορθόδοξης Εκκλησίας της Ελλάδος. Η παιδαγωγική παρέμβαση και ποιμαντική στην παιδική ηλικία είναι σημαντική. Οι προνοιακές υπηρεσίες για τη συγκεκριμένη ομάδα του πληθυσμού περιλαμβάνουν υπηρεσίες ανοικτής φροντίδας και ιδρυματικής περίθαλψης. Για την προστασία της παιδικής ηλικίας και της πιο ευαίσθητης και κρίσιμης για την ψυχοσωματική ανάπτυξη του ανθρώπου ηλικία η Ορθόδοξη Εκκλησία πάντα ελάμβανε μέτρα για την ενίσχυση της φυσικής του οικογένειας όσο και την προστασία του έξω από αυτή. Για το λόγο αυτό αναπτύσσει προγράμματα ανοικτής παιδικής προστασίας, όπως βρεφονηπιακούς σταθμούς, σχολεία, διάφορες σχολές και εργαστήρια δημιουργικής απασχόλησης, παιδικές κατασκηνώσεις και κέντρα νεότητας. Ιδρύει ακόμη φορείς ιδρυματικής προστασίας, όπως ορφανοτροφεία, οικοτροφεία κ.λπ. Τα μέτρα παιδαγωγικής προστασίας παιδιών και ποιμαντικής έξω από τη φυσική τους οικογένεια, παρά τις προθέσεις και τις προσπάθειες στήριξης της οικογένειας για τη φροντίδα των παιδιών, υπάρχουν περιπτώσεις που αυτό δεν είναι εφικτό. Λόγοι υγείας, αναπηρίας, ηθικής αναξιότητας, θανάτου του ενός ή

As part of my ongoing research, I argue in this paper that it is superlative to ignore the distinction between victim and perpetrator, and to yielding at least to the three tensions as an informing account to the indistinguishable zone between the two kinds. 

First, we realise that the distinction between the two kinds is impossible at all cost as long as victims are indeed the past perpetrators.  There are no clear neighbourhoods between them because victims are indeed inescapable of the perpetrator’s neighbourhood.  In presenting themselves as victims as for the benefit gains, every side involved in the conflict seems to conceal the fact that they had involved in the past crime against others; they denied the fact that they had perpetrating others. 

Second, state comes up with a discursive function in distilling ‘legitimate victim’ out of ‘illegitimate victim’.  The definition of victim produced by states is incomplete and is supplanted by a new proposal that divides victims into two types; the ‘ideal victim’ and the ‘complex victim’.  The ‘ideal victim’ is the victim that remains pure, committing to moral responsibility, and remains innocent to violence and offensive acts.  While the ‘complex victim’ is an antithesis that informs the impossibility of the ‘ideal victim’ and more to propose a critical perspective that victims were factually engaged in violent incident and privately realising the crimes they had committed to and by themselves.  Third, by a more diplomatic means, the reconciliation between victim and perpetrator is measurable through restitution in which the perpetrator is seen wilful to respond to demands made by the victims. 

These three tensions as informed corresponded with a deconstruction of a distinction between victim and perpetrator.

A book that aims at helping the reader to better understand the complexity of the Catalan process (secessionists movement in Catalonia). It also shows that the process has a political relevance that goes way beyond the Spanish-Catalan context and relates to key issues concerning the interplay of democracy, sovereignty and statehood.

The present contribution is a part of a research on the prospect of European unity, defined by the dialectical poles of monist and polyarchical forms of distribution of the power. This reflection tries to decline this approach into a political science perspective, according to that theoretical and empirical approach called " Relational Sociology " or " Relational Theory of Society ". To overcome the bottleneck of the process of European construction, the functionalist solution pursued until now, is no longer enough. We must rediscover, within European political thought itself, some cultural trends that dissent from that technocratical uniformity of which Brussels is the last agonizing manifestation. However, we need to rediscover it not in the name of mere values or interests, but rather in the name of an adherence to reality, which also means an adherence to the deeper truth of things. For instance, it could be useful to analyze the evolutions of social bond through the lens of the " ordoliberal " tradition, going further a mere Welfare State-perspective.

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Language and Society. Research Advances in Social Sciences International Conference of RC25 ISA, Warsaw 26-27th September 2019.

We accept posters from PhD students/Doctoral candidates for the Poster Session.

Please send your poster (in good resolution) as a PDF file by the 30th June 2019
to: [email protected]

Email should be entitled - POSTER SESSION -

The poster should reflect the theme of the Conference, it should be easy to read. The aim, methods and results should be clear and concise. Photographs and other graphics incorporated into your poster are welcome (copy rights violations are forbidden). 
If the poster is accepted for presentation it will be printed in A3 format and displayed during the conference.

There will be a poster session during the conference where you will be able to present your poster in person.

Acceptance of the poster will be confirmed within 2 weeks of submission by email.

La revista Pesca es un medio de información alternativo referido a temas del mar y de la pesquería. Difunde información, ideas y  corrientes de opinión que tienen por objeto crear conciencia de la necesidad de hacer sostenible la extracción de los recursos marinos, de seguridad alimentaria y  del cuidado del medio ambiente. Pero sobre todo, contribuir con información para que el lector empiece a formarse una opinión propia sobre la problemática pesquera.

A book that aims at helping the reader to better understand the complexity of the Catalan process (secessionists movement in Catalonia). It also shows that the process has a political relevance that goes way beyond the Spanish-Catalan context and relates to key issues concerning the interplay of democracy, sovereignty and statehood.

An extremely substantial and a noteworthy issue which clearly displays politically yet everybody is really maintained a strategic distance from it an issue going to having an elephant in the living room is overlooked which is " unspeakable truth and the implies that drove 40million Oromo individuals and others to defragmentation, contestation, inhalation, instability, uprooting, instrument for pattern revolution and failed political stability in the region, clan clash which begin by displace the Tigray people from the region and end up with displacing Amhara, SNNPR and the Somalia. Likewise, drove other 2.8 million individuals to be the shelter, 4.5 million individuals to starvation.