Sexualtiy Gender and National Identity

Why do more men than women vote for populist radical-right (PRR) parties? And do more men than women still vote for the PRR? Can attitudes regarding gender and gender equality explain these differences (if they exist)? These are the questions that Spierings and Zaslove explore in this article. They begin with an analysis of men's and women's voting patterns for PRR parties in seven countries, comparing these results with voting for mainstream (left-wing and right-wing) parties. They then examine the relationship between attitudes and votes for the populist radical right, focusing on economic redistribution, immigration, trust in the European Union, law and order, environmental protection, personal freedom and development, support for gender equality, and homosexuality. They conclude that more men than women do indeed support PRR parties, as many studies have previously demonstrated. However, the difference is often overemphasized in the literature, in part since it is examined in isolation and not compared with voting for (centre-right) mainstream parties. Moreover, the most important reasons that voters support PRR parties seem to be the same for men and for women; both vote for the populist radical right because of their opposition to immigration. In general, there are no consistent cross-country patterns regarding gender attitudes explaining differences between men and women. There are some recurring country-specific findings though. Most notably: first, among women, economic positions seem to matter less; and economically more left-wing (and those with anti-immigrant attitudes) women also vote for the PRR in Belgium, France, Norway and Switzerland; and, second, those who hold authoritarian or nativist views in combination with a strong belief that gays and lesbians should be able to ‘live their lives as they choose’ are disproportionately much more likely to vote for PRR parties in Sweden and Norway. Despite these findings, Spierings and Zaslove argue that the so-called ‘gender gap’ is often overemphasized. In other words, it appears that populist radical-right parties, with respect to sex and gender, are in many ways simply a more radical version of centre-right parties.

This paper debates women’s activism in two events: the Vietnam War (1954-1975) and the historical Kurdish struggle for autonomy (known as “Kurdish question”). We hypothesize that the reorganization of gender roles during the conflicts marks the meanings of wars and configures what we call a woman for the times of war, that is, a woman who transits across the spaces of public confrontation, armed conflict and domesticity. The approach outlined here is structured into three parts: the first and the second ones present aspects of both conflicts by pointing to possible convergences and differences between them; we also present the variety of networks of participation and activism of women in both cases. In the third and final part, we discuss the interfaces among the production of gender, war, and ideas, crossing a manifold of narratives, experiences, and stories that reveal different dimensions of wars and nations, and the diversity of the regimes of ideas that attached to them.

In this project, students spoke out about their perceptions and experiences of the of the institutional culture at the University of Cape Town. From the findings it was clear that "whiteness," in its intersections with gendered and other normative assumptions, largely characterised the institutional culture, creating deep-seated discomfort among students who do not fit the norm.

O Brasil vivencia uma realidade de prática recorrente do aborto inseguro,
configurando-se em um problema de saúde pública, pois a mesma pode colocar
em risco a vida e integridade física e emocional das mulheres que a realiza.
Levando em consideração esse contexto, foi desenvolvida uma revisão sistemá-
tica para compilar, apresentar e discutir dados produzidos nos últimos 20 anos
em pesquisas nacionais acerca das associações entre o tema do abortamento
induzido e da saúde mental. Espera-se que esta pesquisa contribua para a compreensão a respeito da produção nacional acerca das condições de saúde
das pessoas que abortam no Brasil, promovendo subsídios para uma atenção
integral e humana à saúde sexual e reprodutiva das mulheres.