Roman Republican History

m a g a z i n z u r r e g i o n a l e n k u l t u r u n d g e s c h i c h t e a u s g a b e 1 -2 0 1 3 saargeschichte|n e i n z e l p r e i s 4 , -e u r o i s s n 1 8 6 6 -5 7 3 x Ein Hauch von Weltgeschichte Ältestes römisches Militärlager auf deutschem Boden am »Hunnenring« Herausgeber: Historischer Verein für die Saargegend e.V. und Landesverband der historisch-kulturellen Vereine des Saarlandes e.V. Catherina Schreiber -Um die Ecke ins Exil -Das schwierige Leben der saarländischen Emigranten, die zwischen 1935 und 1940 Zuflucht in Luxemburg suchten. Kristine Marschall -Ein Stein macht noch keine Grenze -Drei lobenswerte Beispiele: In Rassweiler und Bischmisheim sowie im Kreis St. Wendel wurden Kleindenkmäler inventarisiert.

Ce livre offre un vaste panorama de l’histoire de la République romaine, saisie à l’époque de son apogée et envisagée dans son inexorable déclin. Embrassant ainsi une période qui va du milieu du IIè s. av. J.-C. à la mort de César, il ne s’interdit pas de rappeler quels furent les fondements de la République, comment elle naquit des cendres de la monarchie et comment elle se construisit sur le souvenir d’un passé auréolé de grandeur. Les rouages institutionnels, la mainmise aristocratique sur la vie politique ne peuvent en effet recevoir sens que de l’Histoire, telle que Rome l’a, sinon vécue, du moins recomposée.

Les étudiants de licence et des classes préparatoires littéraires, y trouveront une initiation à l’univers politique, civique et social des Romains à l’époque médio- et tardo-républicaine.
Enrichi de nombreux documents, textes ou illustrations, cet ouvrage obéit à une démarche pédagogique, où la lecture est facilitée par la mise en valeur de la problématique et des idées clés.
S'y ajoutent un lexique de plus de 250 entrées, les biographies des principaux auteurs, une chronologie, un rappel des connaissances essentielles, et une méthode présentant le commentaire de texte et la dissertation avec des exemples rédigés.

The genealogy of the Postumii Albini from the second half of the second century BCE onwards is uncertain and debated. This article attempts a new discussion of the evidence. Its main contention is that A. Postumius Albinus, cos. 99, should be distinguished from the homonymous legate, brother of Sp. Postumius Albinus, cos. 110; that the two moneyers A. Postumii Albini were, in all likelihood, not directly related to each other and were probably sons of the last two consuls of the family; and, as a consequence, that at least two lines of descent between the second and the first century BCE can be discerned. On the basis of these results, a new stemma of the ancient patrician family of the Albini is put forward.

This is Gaius Stern's translation of the Roman Revolution of 509 BC when Brutus and Collatinus overthrew Tarquin II.  Livy records the traditional story which historians today suspect is more legend than fact.  The tradition that Rome also then defeated the Etruscans is refuted by a treaty signed by Lars Porsenna king of the Romans and a few other archeological details.  But Romans believed the revolution under Brutus had ended the monarchy and established the Res Publica - the Commonwealth.
  I hope the font TNR is easy to read.  My preview of it looked terrible.

Harris explores the disagreement in the sources regarding the increase in the number of quaestors circa 267. Tacitus says the number was doubled (duplicatus numerus), whichassuming the traditional four preexisting positions -would yield a total of eight. However, Lydus reports that the number of positions was increased to twelve. Harris dismisses Lydus' report for several reasons, one of which seems unconvincing: "This is incredible, and no modern scholar has even discussed the possibility that he was right. There is no way of finding twelve new posts for quaestors within the government of the Republic at this date, and the political and social implications of quadrupling the number of quaestors were not likely to be acceptable, for it would have debased the office drastically."

Le fr. 124 Wehrli d'Aristoxène sur la « barbarisation » des Poséidoniates et la fin des cultes grecs à Poséidonia renvoie à l'attraction politique et culturelle que Rome exerçait sur une partie des élites aristocratiques lucaniennes au cours de la seconde moitié du IV e siècle av. J.-C., particulièrement vers la fin du siècle. Ce processus culturel d'« auto-romanisation » fut favorisé par l'avancée des Romains en Campanie et en Italie du Sud et s'inscrivait dans la durée et le temps long, mais il se conclut brutalement en 273 av. J.-C. par la déduction de la colonie de Paestum et la fondation sur place d'une nouvelle cité. Les dieux de la cité grecque de Poséidonia étaient alors définitivement morts et avaient été remplacés par les dieux romains de la colonie de Paestum.

The " barbarisation " of Poseidonia and the end of Greek cults in Paestum.
Fr. 124 Wehrli of Aristoxenus, on the " barbarisation " of the Poseidonians and the end of Greek cults in Poseidonia, refers to the political and cultural attraction Rome held for a section of the Lucanian aristocratic elites during the second half of the 4 th century BC, particularly towards the end of the century. This cultural process of " self-Romanisation " was furthered by the Romans' advance into Campania and southern Italy and developed gradually over a long period of time; but it ended abruptly in 273 BC with the deduction of the colony of Paestum and the founding of a new city on the spot. The gods of the Greek city of Poseidonia were by then truly dead and had been replaced by the Roman gods of the colony of Paestum.

T he abundant sources that are available make it clear that the year 70 is a significant year. There was political anarchy in the 80s but by the early 70s passions had calmed, and the polarisation in domestic politics slowly (but not fully) disappeared and gave way to moderation. It was a year of political turbulence in Rome, but there was none of the violence which often accompanies such turbulence. It must have seemed like a miraculous year to contemporary observers remembering the times of Marius and Sulla. In 70 Pompey and Crassus became consuls and new laws were legislated, significantly modifying the Sullan constitution. Courts were reformed, the tribunate fully restored, censors elected, and exiles recalled, laws against violence passed. It is obvious that laws were regarded as, and in fact were, the essential tools of change in 70 -a fact rarely acknowledged by modern scholarship, which has extensively discussed this period. 1 This paper will try to assess the year 70 and see it not as beginning of the end, but rather as an attempt at a new (although a very brief) compromise for preservation of the Republic.

An examination of the career of Crassus, with particular attention to conflicting evidence in the available sources regarding his early life. The paper is a revision of a paper originally written in the late 1970's. It takes note of the few issues brought to my attention by my tutor at the time, and makes some adjustments based on my own recent review of the sources.

Abstract
This article examines the longstanding rivalry of Rome and Parthia, which began as an unintended consequence of Crassus’ decisive defeat at Carrhae in 53 BCE. It synthesizes the accounts and opinions of numerous Graeco-Roman writers from the Augustan Age to late antiquity in order to help illustrate the new and interconnected post-Carrhae world and its legacy. The rivalry of the Romans and Parthians became a primary focus of their foreign policies and drastically expanded their perceptions of the world in which they interacted. Even after the fall of the Parthians to the rebellious Sassanid Persians in the 220s CE, the Romans continued to find their three-century-long rivalry with the Parthians of interest and relevant to the changing world of late antiquity.

The main aim of the article is to draw attention to the distortion of Republican Roman soldiers' image. Some modern scholars treat the 'ideal type' as a reflection of reality and attribute to legionaries the features desired by representatives of the social elite. Meanwhile, it seems that less wealthy citizens created their own vision of the qualities that a Roman soldier should have. This leads to the question of whether the officers and their subordinates had the same understanding of obedience and discipline.

Pompey rise can be attributed to various factors which includes when Pompey aligns with Sulla against King Mithrades VI of Pontus, marriage to step daughter of Sulla,Consulship at age 35 and first triumph and the second triumph .Also abolished the consulship of Ceaser absentee and the Pompey was able to stop the pirates of the sea. More so Pompey was able to reorganisation of the Asia Minor. However the fall of Pompey was as a result of the political troubles for instance the triumvirate , Civil wars and Pompey fled to Egypt after being defeated by Caesar and was killed by Plotemy king of Egypt.

This paper discusses the archaeological evidence of an important Hellenistic funerary hypogeum recently discovered in Perugia (central Italy). The whole context dates from the beginning of the 3rd and the first half of the 1st century BC.; the hypogeum contained one sarcophagus, twenty-two cinerary urns of travertine and a rich tomb group. Two urns show a very rich high-relief, polychromous and gold-plated decoration, which depicts the myth of Oenomaus and a Centauromachia. The chronological sequence of the urns, together with the evidence of seventeen funerary titles, reveals the history, identity, culture and ideology of a local aristocratic family, in parallel with the economic and political effects of the expansion of Rome.

When teaching students about the Government of the Roman Republic, and looking for readings to assign them, I have been frustrated by the lack of a reasonably comprehensive summary of the major institutions that was shorter than book-length, so I decided to write my own.  I offer it here to colleagues who may have a similar pedagogical purpose.  I ask only that, if you use it for more than personal reference, you properly acknowledge my authorship.

Cornelia is one of the most famous women in the Roman world: she was no ordinary woman, although she reflected all of the characteristics the Romans believed a woman should have.
Firstly, in contrast to what usually occurred, she is remembered in an inscription as Africani filia, Gracchorum mater rather than as a wife; secondly, her role as a mother is considered exceptional both due to the number of children she had and the fact that, unlike other mothers of her time, she treasured her children, considering them to be her jewels (Val. Max. 4.4.pr.); thirdly, the education that she provided for her children was uncommon (Cic. Brut. 27.104 and 58.211; Quint. 1.1.6; Tac. dial. 28.3-6; Plut. Tib. 8.6-7).
Due to these characteristics, Cornelia is depicted as an exceptional woman, a woman who showed typically masculine strength and determination; in view of this, is it really correct to think that Cornelia was chosen in the Roman world as a model for other mothers? With regard to the distinction made by S.S. Sered, is the Cornelia portrayed in sources written by men a “symbol”, an “agent” or both? My paper will try to answer these questions.

Cornelia è una delle donne più famose nel mondo romano: non fu una donna come le altre, sebbene rispecchiasse tutte le caratteristiche che una donna romana doveva avere.
In primo luogo, diversamente da quanto accadeva solitamente, in un’iscrizione è ricordata in quanto Africani filia, Gracchorum mater piuttosto che come moglie; secondariamente, il suo ruolo come madre è considerato eccezionale sia per il numero dei figli da lei avuti, sia per il fatto che, diversamente da quanto facevano le donne sue contemporanee, Cornelia considerava come gioielli i suoi figli; in terzo luogo, l’educazione che riservò loro fu fuori dal comune.
Per queste caratteristiche Cornelia è descritta come una donna eccezionale, una donna che ha mostrato forza e determinazione tipicamente maschili; ma è veramente corretto ritenere che Cornelia venne scelta nel mondo romano come modello per le altre madri? In riferimento alla distinzione fatta da S.S. Sered, la Cornelia ritratta nelle fonti scritte da uomini è un “symbol”, un “agent” o entrambi? Il presente articolo cercherà di rispondere a tali domande.

From: G. CIFANI, L'architettura romana arcaica. Edilizia e società tra Monarchia e Repubblica, Roma: L'Erma di Bretschneider, 2008, pages 80 -109. 80 182 Sintesi schematica sul monumento, con riferimenti alle fonti letterarie, epigrafiche e numismatiche: TAGLIAMONTE 1996 e DE ANGELI 1996 con bibl.; per una rassegna completa delle fonti letterarie: (L. Da Riva) FONTES VI.2, pp. 274-344. FONTES VI.2, pp. 274-344. FONTES 183 Sull'argomento vedi: PALOMBI 1997 b. 30. TEMPIO DI GIOVE CAPITOLINO Il tempio di Giove Capitolino è l'edificio più importante del periodo arcaico e, insieme alle mura urbane, l'opera di maggior impegno dell'età dei Tarquini; la sua memoria si è trasmessa inalterata dall'antichità all'epoca moderna 182 . Di seguito vengono riportate separatamente le fonti letterarie da quelle archeologiche su cui vengono basati i modelli ricostruttivi. -Le fonti letterarie Il voto della costruzione del tempio viene attribuito in maniera pressoché concorde dalla tradizione letteraria a Tarquinio Prisco all'epoca della guerra contro i Sabini (Cic. rep. II.20.36; Liv. I.38.7; I.55.2; Dion. Hal. III.69.1; IV.59.1; Plut. Publ. XIV.1; Tac. hist. III.72). Nell'area capitolina destinata al cantiere insistevano già: templa (Serv. Aen. 9.446), arae (Varro ling. V.74), fana sacellaque deorum (Liv. I.55.2; Fest. 160 L; Lact. inst. I.20.38) relative a culti più antichi, alcuni dei quali risalenti a Tito Tazio e a Numa (Varr. Ling. V.74; Aug. civ. 4.23). La loro exauguratio sarebbe stata effettuata dall'augure Attus Navius (Dion. Hal. III. 70.1); solo i culti di Terminus, Iuventas e Mars avrebbero rifiutato di cedere loco (Aug. civ. 4.23) e furono quindi inglobati nel tempio della triade capitolina (Dion. Hal. III.69.5; Aug. Civ. 4.23). Tarquinio Prisco avrebbe quindi dato inizio ai lavori che si sarebbero svolti negli ultimi quattro anni del suo regno (583-579) e avrebbero comportato la realizzazione di un terrapieno cinto da un grande muro di sostruzione, su cui si sarebbero impostate le fondamenta (Dion. Hal. III.69.1-2; IV.53.1; Liv. I.38.7; Tac., hist. III.72; Eutr. I, 6); lo stesso monarca avrebbe commissionato la statua di culto al coroplasta veiente Vulca (Varro in Plin. N.H. XXXV.45.157). La costruzione del tempio venne ripresa però solo da Tarquinio il Superbo che, per finanziare il cantiere, utilizzò il bottino frutto del saccheggio delle città latine di Suessa Pometia, e Apiolae, mentre la manodopera sarebbe stata reclutata in parte a Roma (Liv. I.56.1) e verosimilmente nel Lazio, come rivela una fonte tarda sull'impiego di un contingente di fabri coacti dalla città di Cora (Gloss. ps. Plac. f5) f5) f 183 , nonchè dall'Etruria, per gli artisti e gli artigiani specializzati nella decorazione coroplastica (Liv. I.56.1; Plut. Publ. XIII.1; Fest 342 L; Serv. Aen. VII. 188). Il costo dell'operazione, finanziata ex manubiis, viene quantificato dallo storico L. Calpurnio Pisone (fr. 16 P) in 40.000 talenti di argento e, più verosimilmente da Fabio Pittore (fr. 10 J ) in 400 talenti equivalenti a 40.000 libbre, secondo una stima preferita anche da Livio (I.55.88-89) e poi ripresa da Dionisio di Alicarnasso (Dion. Hal. IV.50.4-5) e da Plutarco (Plut. Publ, XV.3). L'inaugurazione del tempio sarebbe avvenuta nel 509 a.C. ad opera del primo console della repubblica: M. Horatius Pulvillus (Polyb. III.22.1; Cic. dom. XLIV. 139; Liv. II.8.6; VII.3.8; Dion. Hal. V.35.3; Plut., Publ. XIV.2 ; Cass.Dio III, fr. 13.3-4; Tac. Hist. III.72) Secondo una preziosa testimonianza di Dionsio di Alicarnasso (Dion. Hal. IV. 61. il tempio aveva un perimetro di 800 piedi, con ogni lato di quasi 200 piedi, una differenza tra lunghezza e larghezza di soli 15 piedi, un triplo ordine di colonne sulla facciata, tre celle di cui quella centrale era dedicata a Giove (Dion. Hal. IV.61.4), quella destra a Minerva (Liv. VII.3.5), quella sinistra a Giunone (C.I.L. VI, 32329.9).

This paper reconsiders the political facets and purposes of Caracalla’s imitatio Alexandri and esteem for Sulla. Both emulations represented the result of a well-pondered political way of thinking and acting. On the one hand, Caracalla reclaimed the exemplum Sullanum displayed by his father, and sought to lead fruitfully the edgy relationships with the Roman political class also through the political role-model embodied by Sulla; on the other hand, by activating the cultural and historical heritage of Alexander in the hellenophone and Near Eastern provinces, the Emperor aimed to interact effectively with the local communities, elites, and populations.

The mid-Republican period from the fourth to the third centuries BC is one of the crucial periods in the history of Rome and Latium, but also one of the least well-known.
Following the initial, and somewhat isolated, synthesis in 1973, which culminated in the exhibition Roma medio repubblicana, two international conferences (Mid republican Rome. From the conquest of Veii to the battle of Zama and Besides “Roma medio repubblicana”. Latium between Galli and the battle of Zama) will now seek to address anew the themes of growth and transformation of the city of Rome and its territory, and to reconstruct the complex and interconnected latin landscape, from the beginning of the fourth to
the end of the third centuries BC; and will analyse the fundamental elements of the interrelationship between Rome and Latium.

After the death of Alexander III of Macedon, the Seleucid Empire emerged as one of the most powerful Hellenistic kingdoms of Asia. His huge territorial extension and the various peoples who came under their control necessitated the creation of a mighty army that would ensure their control and help protectit from its enemies.

Documenti e iscrizioni per lo studio di Roma repubblicana Volume a cura di Simonetta Segenni e Michele Bellomo ISBN cartaceo 978-88-5526-481-5 ISBN ePub 978-88-5526-482-2 Epigrafia e politica II. Documenti e iscrizioni per lo studio di Roma repubblicana, a cura di Simonetta Segenni e Michele Bellomo

In the absence of non-Roman oriented historiography, the coinage issued by the rebel socii provided the only direct evidence of their aspirations. Their coinage, while expertly integrated in the Roman monetary system from the metrological and iconographical point of view, displays some distinctive characters. At the same time, it shows that the socii shared a great part of their religious and cultural tradition with the Romans. While rebelling from Rome, they showed themselves tightly bound to it. Actually, their common identity as Italians could only be maintained while fighting against Rome, the power that in first place made them a nation. The coinage issued by the socii is thus a perfect example of the tension between the longing for a common identity independent of Rome and the acknowledgement that their very same common identity was deeply merged in Roman-ness.

The collapse of the Roman heavy bronze coinage weight standards during the 3rd century BC is a well-known fact. Between the series following the Roman libra of 288 scruples’ standard (c. 323 g), assigned by M. Crawford to the years 280-270 BC, and some of the light series of the years 210-200 BC, the weight loss is over 90%. The Roman state initially experienced an obvious monetary panic as it lacked the means to fund its war effort after Trasimene and Cannae. In a matter of few years, its subsequent decisions affecting its coinage structure testify to a heightened awareness of what was at stake as far as the financial aspect of the war was concerned. Through the debasement of the bronze coinage, the recourse to a short-lived gold coinage and the establishment of a stable silver coinage, the Republic managed to raise additional resources and reduce its liabilities while improving its financial capacities. In doing so, it designed a monetary policy aimed at supporting a successful war economy.

Il ruolo deglI oppIda e la dIfesa del terrItorIo In etrurIa: casI dI studIo e prospettIve dI rIcerca a cura di Franco Cambi arIstonotHos Scritti per il Mediterraneo antico Vol. 5 (2012) Il ruolo degli oppida e la difesa del territorio in Etruria: casi di studio e prospettive di ricerca a cura di Franco Cambi

This examination of C. Duilius (consul in 260 BCE) and his achievements consists of a series of linked hypotheses, each suggested by direct evidence for Duilius' activities and contextualized by near-contemporary precedents (wherever possible) or relevant analogues from slightly later periods. Taken together, these hypotheses suggest that the elogium on Duilius’ rostral column may be read not only as an account of a capable commander who destroyed the myth of Carthaginian supremacy at sea, but also as an encomium on a generous benefactor to Rome’s citizenry. The inscription’s redactor successfully asserted Duilius’ preeminence among his peers, symbolized by the imagery and position of the rostral column commemorating his naval victory that was erected by order of the Senate and Roman people near the Comitium and Rostra. The cumulative evidence also suggests that the inscription’s reference to Duilius’ distribution of ‘naval booty’ to the Roman people involved the conversion of massive amounts of captured bronze, including the rostra removed from Punic ships, into “coinage,” i.e., the brick-sized aes signatum coins dated to c. 260 which bear naval imagery. Thus, by turning a mundane medium of exchange into a vehicle of propaganda through which his exploits and generosity could be ‘broadcast’, Duilius was able to reemphasize his new status as the first Roman celebrate a naval triumph. He could do this because the coins constituted a special triumphal/manubial issue under his authority, and he was therefore not subject to the constraints, real or implied, that kept Rome’s annual moneyers from issuing coins with personally significant types for another 125 years. His sudden emergence as a leading figure in Rome was rewarded with other honors, including a prestigious censorship in 258 and a perpetual personal honor, also bestowed by the SPQR, that allowed him to “triumph” to the end of his long life.

From the article's conclusion:
"Gaius Duilius has long been acknowledged as the first Roman to win a sea-battle, the first to celebrate a naval triumph, the first to be honored with a rostral column, and the first to present a gift derived from naval booty to the Roman people. Indeed, he came to be seen primarily as the man who set Rome on the road to maritime expansion and, ultimately, domination of the Mediterranean world. He was remembered also as the first (if not only) man to have a flute-player and wax-torch bearer accompany him home from feasts, as if he were perpetually triumphing. Now, we may add to Duilius’ list of firsts: he was the first politician to utilize Roman coinage to broadcast a new ideology of Rome’s (hoped for) naval greatness and dominance of the Mediterranean; he was also, it seems, the first Roman politician to use coinage as a medium for self-promotion, a century and a quarter before anyone would do it again."


Key words:

Gaius Duilius
Rostral Column
Naval Triumph
Naval Warfare
Battle of Mylae
Aes Signatum
Roman Navy
Roman Republic
Roman numismatics
Roman Topography
Punic Wars
First Punic War
Roman Epigraphy
Latin Epigraphy
Trireme
Quinquireme
Roman ships
Fasti Triumphales
Summi Viri
Octavian
Augustus
Forum Augustum / Augusti

"This magisterial compilation personalizes and historicizes the history of religion in the city of Rome. After introductory essays on the documentary sources for the various Greek, Roman, Oriental, Jewish, and Christian cults in question, there are yearly lists of religious office-holders of various kinds, followed by 4,000 biographies of individuals who fulfilled ritual, organizational, or doctrinal roles. Concluding chapters discuss important aspects of Roman religion and its relationship with the state. The data assembled here will open up many new perspectives: on the social place of religion and certain cults, on the interplay between different religious groups, and on the organizational history of individual cults. The volume as a whole signifies a major advance in our understanding of ancient religions.

Readership: Scholars and students of classics; Roman history; ancient religion; the history of Christianity and the early Church; Jewish studie"

ÖZET: Kuzey Afrika'da teşekkül etmiş Numidia Krallığı’nda, M.Ö. 118 yılında Kral Micipsa’nın ölümünün ardından Iugurtha ve iki üvey kardeşi olan Hiempsal ve Adherbal arasında yaşanan taht kavgası sonunda beliren iç savaşa Roma Cumhuriyetinin hakemlik yapması sürecinde, Cirta şehrinde yapılan katliam ve bu katliamda tâcir olan tüm İtalyanları toplu olarak katledilmesi üzerine Roma Cumhuriyeti Numidia Krallığı’na karşı savaş açmıştır. “Bellum Iugurthinum” olarak anılan ve (M.Ö. 111–104 yılları arasında) yedi yıl süren bu savaş, Numidia’nın mağlubiyetiyle sonuçlanmıştır. Bu çalışmada, savaşın kökenleri ve gelişimi ele alındığı gibi, savaş toplumsal bir olgu olarak ele alınmış, sonuçları hem Numidia Krallığı, hem de Roma Cumhuriyeti açısından incelenmiştir. Numidia bu savaş neticesinde ikiye bölünmüştür. Savaş sonunda elde edilen ganimet ile uzun süren savaşta Roma’nın yaptığı masrafları karşılayıp karşılamadığı tartışmalı bir husus olup, çalışmada savaşın maliyeti açısından yapılmış çeşitli analizlere yer verilmiş, Roma açısından toplumsal muhalefetin belirginleşmesi, ordunun profesyonelleşmesi ve siyâsallaşması gibi neticeleri değerlendirilmiştir.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Iugurta, Gaius Marius, Sulla, Numidia Krallığı, Geç Roma Cumhuriyeti, Antik Afrika Tarihi, Roma Ordusu Çalışmaları, Tarihsel Sosyoloji.

ABSTRACT: After the death of King Micipsa in 118 B.C. in the Kingdom of Numidia, which was formed in North Africa, the Republic of Rome declared war against the Kingdom of Numidia after the massacre in the city of Cirta and the massacre of all Italians who were traders in this massacre, during the process of the Roman Republic arbitrating the civil war that emerged as a result of the fight for the throne between Jugurtha and his two half-brothers Hiempsal and Adherbal. This war, which was known as "Bellum Iugurthinum" and lasted for seven years (between 111-104 BC), resulted in the defeat of Numidia. In this study, the origins and development of the war are discussed, as well as the war as a social phenomenon, and its consequences are analysed both in terms of the Kingdom of Numidia and the Roman Republic. Numidia was divided into two as a result of this war. It is a controversial issue whether the spoils obtained at the end of the war covered the expenses incurred by Rome in the long war. In this study, various analyses made in terms of the cost of the war are included, and the results such as the prominence of social opposition, professionalisation and politicisation of the army are evaluated for Rome.

Keywords: Jugurta, Gaius Marius, Sulla, Kingdom of Numidia, Late Roman Republic, Ancient African History, Roman Army Studies, Historical Sociology.

ABSZTRAKT: Az Észak-Afrikában kialakult Numídiai Királyságban Micipsa király i. e. 118-ban bekövetkezett halála után a Római Köztársaság hadat üzent a Numídiai Királyságnak a Cirta városában történt mészárlás és az ebben a mészárlásban részt vevő összes itáliai kereskedő lemészárlása után, a Római Köztársaságnak a Jugurtha és két féltestvére, Hiempsal és Adherbal között a trónért folytatott harc eredményeként kialakult polgárháború döntőbíráskodásának folyamata során. Ez a háború, amely "Jugurthiai háború" néven vált ismertté, és hét évig tartott (i. e. 111-104 között), Numídia vereségét eredményezte. Ebben a tanulmányban a háború eredetét és alakulását, valamint a háborút mint társadalmi jelenséget tárgyaljuk, és elemezzük következményeit mind a Numídiai Királyság, mind a Római Köztársaság szempontjából. Numídia e háború következtében kettészakadt. Vitatott kérdés, hogy a háború végén szerzett zsákmány fedezte-e a Róma által a hosszú háború során viselt kiadásokat. Ebben a tanulmányban a háború költségei tekintetében készült különböző elemzések szerepelnek, és az eredmények, mint például a társadalmi ellenzék előtérbe kerülése, a hadsereg professzionalizálódása és politizálódása, Róma esetében kerülnek értékelésre.

Kulcsszavak: Jugurta, Gaius Marius, Sulla, Numídiai Királyság, késő római köztársaság, ókori afrikai történelem, római hadseregtudomány, történeti szociológia.

АБСТРАКТ: После смерти царя Миципса в 118 году до н. э. в Нумидийском царстве, образовавшемся в Северной Африке, Римская республика объявила войну Нумидийскому царству после резни в городе Цирта и истребления всех италиков, которые были торговцами в этой резне, в процессе арбитража Римской республикой гражданской войны, возникшей в результате борьбы за трон между Югуртой и его двумя сводными братьями Гиемпсалом и Адербалом. Эта война, известная как "Югуртинская война" и длившаяся семь лет (между 111-104 гг. до н. э.), привела к поражению Нумидии. В данном исследовании рассматриваются истоки и развитие войны, война как социальное явление, а также анализируются ее последствия как для Нумидийского царства, так и для Римской республики. В результате этой войны Нумидия была разделена на две части. Спорным является вопрос о том, покрыли ли трофеи, полученные в конце войны, расходы, понесенные Римом в ходе длительной войны. В данном исследовании приводятся различные анализы стоимости войны, а также оцениваются такие результаты для Рима, как заметная роль социальной оппозиции, профессионализация и политизация армии.

Ключевые слова: Югурта, Гай Марий, Сулла, Нумидийское царство, Поздняя Римская республика, история Древней Африки, изучение римской армии, историческая социология.

L’indagine svolta ha permesso di fare apparire come meglio condivisibile, tra le varie prospettive in tema di origine della compravendita consensuale romana, quella secondo cui essa sorse come istituto sganciato dalle radici del ius civile. In tal senso, almeno, depongono due ordini di considerazioni. In primo luogo, l’ipotesi sostenuta si può argomentare sulla base del passo di Paolo conservato in D. 18.1.1 e in D. 19.4.1pr.-2, dal quale emerge la convinta opinione del giurista classico, secondo la quale la compravendita consensuale doveva essere qualificata iuris gentium nel senso che i suoi caratteri fondanti erano emersi prima nel ius gentium e, solo successivamente, da esso erano stati recepiti nel ius civile (e non invece nel senso che, come viceversa accaduto per la traditio o per la stipulatio, essa fosse sorta nel ius civile e quindi fosse stata estesa ai rapporti con i peregrini). In secondo luogo, l’opinione può essere motivata sulla scorta di alcune osservazioni di dettaglio, che sono state sviluppate, da cui è sembrato emergere con sufficiente nitidezza che i Romani, in materia di compravendita con i peregrini, a partire da una certa epoca in poi, che si deve probabilmente collocare nel terzo secolo a.C., abbiano ritenuto non più soddisfacente il modello che avevano seguito fin dall’età arcaica. Tale modello arcaico era stato basato su quella che abbiamo potuto definire l’estensione “nei limiti del possibile” della disciplina civilistica ai casi di compravendite che intervenivano tra Romani e stranieri. Si trattava di un’estensione difficoltosa e a tratti anche illogica, dovuta al fatto che il diritto romano era stato pensato solo per la comunità dei cives: solo i Romani potevano avere la proprietà delle cose; solo ai cives era accessibile la mancipatio e pertanto solo per loro aveva senso compiuto la distinzione tra res mancipi e res nec mancipi; conseguentemente, solo per i cives poteva dirsi che esistesse una garanzia automatica dall’evizione in caso di vendita (reale) di res mancipi (in quanto tale garanzia derivava dalla mancipatio). L’estensione “nei limiti del possibile” di una siffatta disciplina ai rapporti di compravendita tra Romani e stranieri aveva prodotto un regime complesso, ma anche spurio e in gran parte contraddittorio, che infine apparve insoddisfacente, ciò che costituì la premessa per il suo superamento.

تحاول هذه الدراسة تتبع دور القمح المصري في السياسة الرومانية مركزة على أواخر العصر الجمهوري و أوائل عصر الإمبراطورية، ورصد كيفية استخدام الرومان له في صراعاتهم مع بعضهم البعض و مع غيرهم من القوى الأخرى في عصر الجمهورية، ودوره المركزي في اقتصاد الإمبراطورية. هذا التتبع لدور القمح المصري في العصر الروماني هو محاولة للخروج عن الإطار التقليدي الذي وضعت فيه مصر في كتابات ذلك العصر، باعتبارها مملكة بطلمية في البداية وباعتبارها ولاية رومانية بعد ذلك. وفي الحالتين تسيطر على مصر قوة أجنبية سواء الأسرة البطلمية المقدونية أولا أو القادة الرومان ثانيا. ليست مصر في هذه الكتابات سوى إقليم يدير شؤونه قوة أجنبية، و بذلك يأتي التأريخ لهذا العصر باعتباره تاريخ العلاقات السياسية بين البطالمة و الرومان، وصراع القادة الرومان فيما بينهم للاستيلاء على مصر، في حين أن الهدف الأساسي لكل هذه الصراعات هو السيطرة على القمح المصري.

Esta Historia universal SIGLO XXI, preparada y editada inicialmente por Fischer Verlag (Alemania), sigue un nuevo concepto: exponer la totalidad de los acontecimientos del mundo, dar todo su valor a la historia de los países y pueblos de Asia, África y América. Resalta la cultura y la economía como fuerzas que condicionan la historia

Abstract: According to Livy (33.27.3-5), in 196 BCE the proconsul Lucius Stertinius set up three arches (fornices) upon his return from the victorious campaigns in Hispania Ulterior: two were built in the Forum Boarium in front of the Temples of Fortuna and Mater Matuta, while the third one was erected in the Circus Maximus. The three fornices, funded from the (proceeds of the) spoils (de manubiis) of the war, were surmounted by one – or more – gilded bronze statues/standards (signa aurata). Stertinius’s arches are the earliest recorded examples of a monumental type destined to gain enormous success in the decades to come, especially from the Augustan age onwards. Yet unlike the two fornices in foro bovario, the single fornix of Stertinius in maximo circo has usually been treated by scholars in a most cursory and perfunctory fashion. Particularly interesting is the issue of the precise position of Stertinius’s arch within the Circus Maximus, especially in connection with the vexed question of the route of the triumphal procession in the Vallis Murcia. By a process of elimination, it will be concluded that this honorary structure was most likely located in the centre of the south-east curved end of Rome’s most famous arena for chariot racing. Thus it is conceivable that the Fornix Stertinii may have been a precursor of the triumphal arch dedicated to Titus in 81 CE, an arch built to commemorate the Flavian capture of Jerusalem (70 CE) and the ensuing triumph de Iudaeis (71 CE). ********** Riassunto: Secondo la testimonianza di Livio (33.27.3-5), nel 196 a.C. il proconsole Lucio Stertinio fece erigere tre archi (fornices) al suo ritorno dalle campagne vittoriose nella Spagna Ulteriore: due furono costruiti nel Foro Boario, di fronte ai templi della Fortuna e della Mater Matuta, mentre il terzo venne innalzato nel Circo Massimo. I tre fornices, finanziati con i proventi del bottino di guerra (de manubiis), erano sormontati da una o più sculture di bronzo dorato (signa aurata). Gli archi di Stertinio sono i più antichi esempi di un tipo monumentale destinato a conoscere un immenso successo nei decenni successivi, soprattutto a partire dall’età augustea. A differenza però dei due fornices in foro bovario, il singolo fornix di Stertinio in maximo circo ha ricevuto finora scarsa attenzione critica ed è stato trattato in maniera alquanto sommaria e superficiale. Di particolare interesse risulta essere il problema della posizione dell’arco di Stertinio all’interno del Circo Massimo, specialmente in rapporto alla dibattuta questione del percorso del corteo trionfale nella Valle Murcia. Procedendo per esclusione, si giunge alla conclusione che il monumento onorario era verosimilmente ubicato al centro del lato curvo di sud-est del gigantesco edificio per spettacoli. Sembra dunque lecito ipotizzare che il Fornix Stertinii possa aver preceduto l’arco trionfale dedicato a Tito nell’81 d.C., eretto per celebrare la conquista flavia di Gerusalemme (70 d.C.) e il successivo trionfo sui Giudei (71 d.C.).

Abstract: The Roman centurion was perhaps the most important officer in the Roman army. This article argues that during the Republican period, Roman soldiers elected their own centurions, based on a confluence of literary, philological, and epigraphic evidence.  This practice of elective officership has significant implications for our understanding of Roman military leadership and the dynamics of the Republican-era army, which was a citizens’ militia that nonetheless engaged in sophisticated and successful operations across the Mediterranean.  The election of centurions is also important for the ongoing discussion about the broader political culture of the Roman Republic, as the position of centurion represented an important elective office available to citizens outside of the aristocratic political class.

This paper focuses on how Roman commanders, while still overseas and in the field, managed the capitulation of the defeated enemy in preparation for triumph. Lucius Mummius’ deeds in Greece as consul and proconsul after the sack of Corinth offer some of the best evidence concerning the delicate questions that faced Roman commanders when assembling the booty: what artworks should be removed and shipped to Rome (and Italy) as evidence of victory, and what should be left in situ in order to avert the ongoing resentment of the Greek communities. Several documents and anecdotes describe Mummius’ activity and convey different attitudes towards him. The role of these artworks in his political plans, both in Italy and overseas, reveal a complex pattern from which we can identify their key-role in the aftermath of the Achaean war (146 BC). First, he razed Corinth and punished a great number of Achaean and Beotian towns by removing some of their artworks. Then, he not only offered many artifacts as ornamenta to the temples in the urbs or to the local communities in Italy, but he also relocated some statues in Greece to benefit sanctuaries and cities which had supported Rome during the war. Moreover, Mummius usually abstained from removing the anathemata, although some he rededicated in his name to the gods. At the end of the article Mummius’ conduct is compared to Scipio Aemilianus’ policy of repatriation of anathemata stolen by the Carthaginians and to the use of Greek artworks by Octavian after Actium.

""Book abstract: Despite the crucial role played by both law and architecture in Roman culture, the Romans never developed a type of building that was specifically and exclusively reserved for the administration of justice: courthouses did not exist in Roman antiquity. The present volume addresses this paradox by investigating the spatial settings of Roman judicial practices from a variety of perspectives. Scholars of law, topography, architecture, political history, and literature concur in putting Roman judicature back into its concrete physical context, exploring how the exercise of law interacted with the environment in which it took place, and how the spaces that arose from this interaction were perceived by the ancients themselves. The result is a fresh view on a key aspect of Roman culture.

My chapter discusses the location(s) and functions of the Praetor's tribunal from the 4th c. BCE down to the Augustan era, and how each location affected or influenced the 'identity' of teh urban praetor.""

This paper argues that Pompeius’ refusal to disband his army and his decision to stay with it near Rome in 77 BCE was not merely an act of disobedience toward the proconsul Catulus, but amounted to a persistent and open intervention in political agenda-setting in the city of Rome, despite the fact that, as a promagistrate, Pompeius was not expected to play any active part in city politics. His interference disrupted real political debate, because it forcefully promoted a single “correct” decision. However, Pompeius was able to intervene successfully only due to support from some senators in Rome, who legitimately exercised power in the sphere domi.