Rebellion

India's Demographic Dividend is estimated to peak around the year 2041, and the share of the workingage population of India (20-59 years) is expected to hit around 60% from the calculated 50.5% in 2011. India, which has the highest youth population with 356 million in the 10-24 years old age group in the world, has the potential to grow their economy with proper investment in the education, health, employment, and rights of the youth. However, many youths in India are unemployed and face various issues in the complex global world. The article focuses on the youths of Northeast India in the contemporary world and the challenges faced by them that affect their social life and employment opportunities. Secondary data and narratives are assessed and analysed for the purpose of this research article. The article tries to highlight the need for immediate intervention from the Governing body to use the window of opportunity provided by the demographic dividend.

This article argues that the making of a pagan identity in eastern Saxony during the Ottonian era and even after it relied on biblical concepts such as rebellion and apostasy, which were connected in the minds of medieval Christian clerics. It shows that disobedience, considered a sin, and thus an evil thing, was their source, and not necessarily or exclusively pre-Christian beliefs. Paganism during the Early Middle Ages should not be associated with modern paganism, which originates in the nineteenth-century ethno-romanticism. This approach does not exclude the existence of archaic beliefs and rituals, but rather diminishes their importance in the definition of paganism. Medieval paganism should be understood rather as a literary construction, strongly influenced by theology. Furthermore, the connection between disobedience, rebellion, and apostasy functioned as a literary device for the purpose of justifying the punitive campaigns against a wide range of rebels, who rejected everything that involved ecclesiastical authority.

Cette thèse s’intéresse à une forme de l’imaginaire : le psychédélisme. Gilbert Durand définit l’imaginaire comme « l’incessant échange qui existe au niveau de l’imaginaire entre les pulsions subjectives et assimilatrices et les intimations objectives émanant du milieu cosmique et social » (Durand, 1960, p. 38). Ainsi, l’imaginaire psychédélique est à appréhender comme lieu de reliance d’une communauté. Comprendre la reliance, c’est analyser les modes dynamiques qui créent les liens - parfois distendus - dans la société post-moderne. Ce concept mêlé à l’imaginaire psychédélique a ouvert les portes de la perception d’une mystique hippie. En intégrant des codes et des formes d’autres cultures au sein du mouvement psychédélique, la jeunesse occidentale à assimilé des modes de spiritualité qui se structurent dans une pensée syncrétique.Détenteur d’une puissance parfois céleste, parfois diabolique, il est. « au centre des bouleversements culturels de la fin des années soixante, il a même...

Luego de la firma de los acuerdos de paz en 2016, entre el Estado colombiano y la guerrilla de las FARC-EP, han surgido grupos disidentes armados ilegales en diversas regiones de Colombia, en especial, zonas con presencia histórica del conflicto y los cultivos ilícitos. Dadas las diferencias contextuales entre ambas organizaciones, el objetivo del presente artículo es explorar y describir si las disidencias son una continuidad en términos ideológicos, estructurales, políticos y económicos del antiguo movimiento guerrillero, o si por el contrario son un nuevo tipo de organización. Para esto, se analizan factores políticoideológicos, de control social y de financiamiento, desde un enfoque histórico con un análisis cualitativo, de tipo descriptivo y correlacional. Los resultados permiten identificar que existen algunas continuidades, pero varias rupturas con las antiguas FARC-EP. Las disidencias no alcanzan a tener una estructura de la dimensión del grupo guerrillero, pero tampoco se trata de un grupo aminorado dado que cuentan con más fuerza y control que otros tipos de organizaciones, lo que permite caracterizarlas más a manera de organizaciones criminales y plantear la idea de un nuevo ciclo de violencia en el país. Palabras clave: conflicto; paz; disidencias; guerrilla; criminalidad; FARC-EP. ENG FARC-EP dissidents groups: continuation or new criminal groups?

Yüksek Lisans Tezi, İstanbul Üniversitesi, 2024.
Karayazıcı'nın ihdas ettiği Celâlî ordusunun önde gelen isimlerinden Karakaş Ahmed'in hayat hikayesi Osmanlı belgelerinden, Venedik baylos ve konsoloslarının raporlarından, bazı Ermeni müelliflerin kolofonlarından ve çağdaş Osmanlı müverrihlerinden takip edilebilmektedir. Bu Celâlî reisinin şiddetle yoğrulmuş sergüzeşti Osmanlı taşrasının dinamiklerine, Celâlîlerin de kullandığı devrin kanundışı suistimal yollarına ve Celâlî-Devlet ilişkisine ışık tutarak Celâlî fenomenine yeni bir perspektif kazandırmayı hedeflemektedir.

Anonim bir Osmanlı tarihi olan bu eser, Osmanlı Devleti'nin başlangıcından Yavuz Sultan Selim'in ölümüne kadar geçen dönemi anlatmaktadır. Sade bir Türkçe ile yazılmış olan bu metni anlamak günümüz okuyucusu için çok zor olmayacaktır. Orijinal Türkçesine sadık kalınarak hazırlanan bu eserde modern tarih kitaplarının ağırbaşlılığını bulmak epey zor olacaktır. Gerçeklik ve doğruluk gibi kaygıları olmayan bu metinde tarihi gerçeklikler, olağanüstü olaylar, menkıbevi hayatlar ve halk anlatıları iç içe geçmiş durumdadır.
Oldukça öznel ve abartılı bir anlatıma sahip olan bu Osmanlı tarihi, araştırmacılar ve meraklı okuyucular için orijinal dilinde, sözlüğü ve tıpkıbasımıyla birlikte hazırlandı. Dönemin tarih yazımı örneklerinden biri olması sebebiyle bu kitap, araştırmacıların faydalanabileceği bir kaynak olmanın yanı sıra, içerdiği ilginç hikayeleriyle okuruna keyifli vakit geçirtmeye de adaydır

During 2009, Sri Lanka witnessed unprecedented violence resulting in large casualties, human suffering and economic loss. The Sri Lanka government was able to crush the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) but this has left behind a series of problems, particularly for the civilians. There are problems of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), rehabilitation of former child soldiers, restructuring the war-torn economy and absence of a political platform for the Tamils.

The article analyzes the phenomenon of runaway peasants in the 18th century through the prism of documents preserved in village court books. Fleeing to Podolia, which became a migratory destination after it was reincorporated into the Crown in 1699, was particularly popular in eastern Lesser Poland and the western part of the Ruthenian Voivodeship at the time. However, the preserved rural documents talk less about actual fl eeing to Podolia, and more about a fl ight as a kind of referential patt ern, which designated success both in rupture from social ties and in securing a more satisfactory living for oneself. Therefore, the motif of "escape to Podolia" was primarily used in peasant discourse to formulate values. At the social level, this was above all the freedom of social and geographic mobility with preserving all rights within the framework of the village community and serfdom. At the individual level, the potential opportunity to start a new life outside the control of local social structures was posited as a main value. The negative image of Podolia as a land of criminals, lose women, and sorcerers, which functioned at the same time, served in turn to describe the dangers which the decision to leave the village could bring with it.

Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) begins in childhood and its manifestations must be present in more than one environment. Meta-analyses involving samples from several countries show that around 2.5% of adults have ADHD. ADHD can lead to numerous adverse consequences in many areas of adult life, such as impairments in academic and professional performance and social relationships.

Hans Hägerdal currently holds a position as Professor in History at Linnaeus University. He has worked on indigenous societies and colonial encounters in Eastern Indonesia. In particular, he has looked at the methodological problems and possibilities of writing indigenous history, using a concurrence of colonial data, oral tradition, and material remains. The present study was conducted in the context of a research project funded by the Linnaeus Center for Concurrences in Colonial and Postcolonial Studies.

Skripsi yang berjudul "Samin dan Kehutanan Abad XIX" ini beranjak dari tiga permasalahan. Pertama, nilai-nilai yang diperjuangkan Samin terhadap hutan. Kedua, hambatan serta tekanan yang muncul atas pelaksanaan nilai-nilai tersebut. Ketiga, kausalitas perlawanan Samin terhadap pemerintah Belanda. Dalam meneliti masalah-masalah tersebut, skripsi ini menggunakan teori perkembangan kebudayaan milik Arnold J. Toynbee, di mana perkembangan kebudayaan ditentukan pada tanggapan (response) atas tantangan (challenge) yang diterima oleh entitas masyarakat tertentu. Penelitian tentang gerakan Samin Surosentiko pada akhir abad XIX serta awal abad XX di dominasi oleh penjelasan tentang perlawanan tanpa kekerasan. Selain itu, penelitian yang ada mengindikasikan penempatan faktor ekonomi, sosial, dan politik sebagai kausalitas determinan. Ketiga kausalitas tersebut bermuara pada kesimpulan bahwa gerakan Samin pada akhir abad XIX dan awal abad XX merupakan bentuk perlawanan terhadap pemerintah kolonial Belanda pada masa itu. Padahal, secara historis, perlawanan Samin dimulai oleh dua isu utama yakni kehutanan dan perpajakan. Penjelasan sejarah pada isu pertama yakni hubungan Samin dengan kehutanan jarang sekali diteliti. Di sisi lain, nilai-nilai spiritual Samin yang disandarkan pada ajaran agama Adam terabaikan begitu saja dari panggung perdebatan kausalitas. Gerakan Samin pada abad XIX menunjukkan bahwa nilai-nilai yang diperjuangkan Samin meliputi ketuhanan, etika kehidupan, etika politik, pengetahuan bertani, dan cara pandang terhadap hutan. Sistem pengetahuan tentang pertanian bertumpu pada penghargaan yang tinggi atas peran manusia dalam mengubah alam menjadi pangan. Selain itu, tanah Jawa termasuk hutan di dalamnya adalah ciptaan Tuhan yang dititipkan Pandawa kepada orang Jawa. Kedua, Sejarah pengelolaan hutan Jawa sejak era Daendels hingga munculnya peraturan kehutanan 1865 dan Undang-Undang Agraria 1870 ternyata semakin memperjelas pembatasan interaksi alami antara Samin dengan hutannya. Ketiga, Gerakan Samin muncul karena nilai-nilai kehidupan Samin atas hutan mendapat penetrasi dari Belanda.

The artist uses a BlackBerry phone to delve back in time to the 2011 London riots, unravelling an intersection of class, race, and violence in his new Somerset House Studios show A BlackBerry Bold 9650 mobile phone, first released back in 2010, is entombed in a transparent glass vitrine atop a museum plinth. On its rectangular landscape screen, like a pocket-sized cinema, a 2011 video plays grainy footage shot from a similar handheld device. Burning red flames furiously engulf buildings, black smoke billowing into the night sky. The shaky film clip depicts the House of Reeves, a furniture store in Croydon, on fire during the 2011 England riots. The moving image loops, as though caught in time, haunting the present. The object is part of Imran Perretta's exhibition A Riot in Three Acts at Somerset House.

This book highlights the broad scope and span of resistance as a contentious practice in the early modern Iberian world.  In this context, from the late Middle Ages onwards, resistance, rooted in the political and legal language of the ‘old regime’ that provided agents with legitimacy and resources for their actions, took place mainly within the established jurisdictional system. These resources for litigation and demand made resistance a widespread kind of contesting practice related to wider protests. The authors assess the wide array of actions developed by individuals and communities to preserve their rights and identities.

The book demonstrates how the Portuguese and Hispanic polities and their colonial possessions experienced resistance from below over a long period of change that marked the rise of more centralised states. Offering a comprehensive overview of the variety of forms and expressions of resistance developed in different social, cultural, and territorial contexts, this collection sheds additional light on the relationship between order and conflict within early modern European empires.

Although some rebel groups work hard to foster collaborative ties with civilians, others engage in egregious abuses and war crimes. We argue that foreign state funding for rebel organizations greatly reduces incentives to “win the hearts and minds” of civilians because it diminishes the need to collect resources from the population. However, unlike other lucrative resources, foreign funding of rebel groups must be understood in principal-agent terms. Some external principals—namely, democracies and states with strong human rights lobbies—are more concerned with atrocities in the conflict zone than others. Multiple state principals also lead to abuse because no single state can effectively restrain the organization. We test these conjectures with new data on foreign support for rebel groups and data on one-sided violence against civilians. Most notably, we find strong evidence that principal characteristics help influence agent actions.

Nižu se, iako sporo, provedeni Duškovi pritvorski dani i noći u ne baš uslovnim prostorijama ZIKS-a u Spužu, nedaleko od Podgorice kao glavnog grada prve "ekološke, uveliko demokratske i nadasve pravne" države Crne Gore!? A već pet godina sluša(s)mo i gleda(s)mo prof. dr Duška Kneževića, što u "Liveu" sa slobode iz "sigurnog" Londona ili od skoro odnosno pet mjeseci će već isteći a njegova javljanja iz pritvora i nada da "neće, niti može još dugo (po)trajati" padoše u vodu odnosno sve mu se izjalovi! Na njegovu žalost! Tako je izabrao ili se odlučio na svoju strateški planiranu odbranu protiv (ne)prijatelja Mila!? Doduše, proročki mu se ostvari(la) želja da "jedan od nas dvojice ne može biti na slobodi" odnosno šetati se (neće) slobodno Podgoricom! I bi, upravo tako! Dok se Milo slobodno šeta Podgoricom, u svojstvu "počasnog predsjednika" države Crne Gore uživajući sve beneficije te počasne titule koju je sam promovisao i u zakon sproveo, i po malo krstari Evropom učestvujući na visokorangirane skupove evropskih političara, dotle Duško, za sada, još tavori u pritvorskoj jedinici spuškoga zatvora odnosno ZIKS-u. Ni dva advokatska tima, sa ekspertima u pravnoj struci, ne pomogaše Dušku, jer i dalje čami u (ne)znatno poboljšanim uslovima pritvorske jedinice-sobi! Ipak, neuslovnoj za njegov dojučerašnji rejting odnosno nivo što je sve imao, a na koje je navikao uživajući dvije decenije tokom drugovanja, prijateljujući i "poslujući" sa Milom! Čulo se od advokatske odbrane njegove da je on tako htio i odabrao svu taktiku i strategiju da ide bez puštanja "snimka plave torbe" kao dokaza, a bez kojeg misli pobijediti korumpirani nekadašnji sistem u Crnoj Gori! Zna Duško da ima još mnogo ostataka u policiji, pravosudnim institucijama i dugim uredima države njegove Monten(ij)egrinske, iako je režim DrPS-ovaca poražen, da nije potpuno reformisan i oslobođen onih koji su spremni da opstruiraju u pomognu svom bivšem nesmjenjivom stranačkom lideru-vođi "Sedmaku Čobaninu" odnosno bivšem dvostrukom predsjedniku države, a sada "počasnom predsjedniku" Crne Gore, drugom po redu odmah poslije Filipa! Htio bi Duško, samo da mu kako može biti, da koordinira svoju odbranu koja se, svi su izgledi, temelji na verbalnom negiranju onoga što je činio i za što ga nadležni tužilac države Crne Gore tereti, a ujedno tokom davanja iskaza u sudu on optužuje Milivoja Katnića, bivšega glavnoga SDT-a i Mila Dukanovića, bivšeg predsjednika države Crne Gore za podmetanja i montiranja tužbi koje su protivu njega pokrenute i zbog kojih je još uvijek tu gdje je, i ne zna se do kada! Nije zasigurno da to može potrajati još najmanje onoliko koliko je već u pritvoru, a ne može se ni procijeniti, realno gledajući, da li će biti pušten da se makar sa slobode brani!? Misli(io) Duško da zna kako se i na koji način može pobjediti onaj čiju je političku stranku finansirao, reče nam, pune dvije decenije, on i "još 100 privrednika koji ćute" i neće da progovore!? Duško dozovi se pameti, ako već nijesi za vrijeme provedeno u pritvoru i ispuni već jednom tvoje obećanje dato nebrojeno puta građanima Crne Gore pa i cijeloj javnosti, koja te je gledala i čula kako u svom "Liveu iz Londona" u prethodnih skoro pet godina daješ "argumente" kao odbranu i pucaš iz prazne puške u etar ne bi li nekoga navukao na tanak led da ti povjeruje ili (da)

En L’homme révolté, Camus realiza un estudio deconstructivo-histórico-metafísico de las posiciones fundamentales de los diversos tipos de revoluciones que han existido hasta su presente. Contraponiendo la rebelión a la revolución, aboga por una nueva forma de existir, hace una propuesta ética anclada no en una filosofía totalizante sino en un pensar afirmativo, agenciante, liberador. Tras analizar la noción de violencia metafísica, tal como aparece en consideraciones de Derrida y Levinas, vemos que también hay en Camus una lectura deconstructiva de la violencia de las posiciones metafísicas e históricas, por lo cual no puede abandonar la metafísica ni la violencia a favor de la no violencia. El “pensamiento de mediodía” queda así suspendido en un doble movimiento que parte desde la violencia originaria y, a la vez que totaliza la existencia en un nuevo modelo de esencia humana, produce su deconstrucción.

Palabras clave: Camus - metafísica -  deconstrucción - rebelión - violencia

LEEDS (ING.)-Eis uma produção em que o contexto torna-se indispensável e a pesquisa extrafílmica crucial. Sintetizar o conflito entre as duas Irlandas e sua relação com o Reino Unido é tarefa inglória para quem não tem familiaridade com a luta pelos direitos civis travada ali. Cumpre lembrar apenas que a República da Irlanda, conhecida como Irlanda, é um país independente e membro da União Europeia. Já a Irlanda do Norte faz parte do Reino Unido, junto com a Inglaterra, a Escócia e o País de Gales. Uma guerra civil de caráter sobretudo religioso (católicos na Irlanda do Sul e protestantes na do Norte) partiu o país em 1922. Antes de tudo, desde o século XVI a coroa inglesa governa a região, gerando movimentos de independência. Não à toa, mesmo que as duas estejam divididas, Kneecap (Rich Peppiatt, 2024) é uma coprodução entre elas (com o British Film Institute), já que a questão da língua as une. E a linguagem é o tema central nesta história de dois rappers revoltados e um professor de música que insistem em falar irlandês. Sim, falar irlandês é ato de rebeldia.

This paper investigates possible sociopolitical reconciliatory
mechanisms to garner support for peacemaking in conflict-torn
societies. Building on the Kurdish question in Turkey, associated
with a four-decade-long armed conflict that has spilled over
into neighboring Syria and Iraq, we identify policies and framing
that can attract support for a political solution to the conflict.
We highlight the need for a sociopolitical reconciliatory
approach that addresses both the hopes of the warring
minority and the fears of the majority. The results from an original
nationwide survey indicate that minority demands can initially
be addressed through a ‘soft settlement,’ lying between
individual and collective rights. Our results point to the need to
relax the concept of negotiated settlement, which has become
the most frequent approach to ending internal armed conflicts
in the post-Cold War era.

La fiscalidad no se limita a los impuestos, ni mucho menos a un aspecto económico, jurídico, administrativo, político o cultural de un país, es un todo complejo que revela las relaciones del Estado con la economía, del gobierno con la sociedad, de su legitimidad con los contribuyentes, del ejercicio del poder con los actores sociales, del país con el concierto de naciones. En pocas palabras, la fiscalidad es signo, consecuencia y causa de la manera como la sociedad produce, se reproduce, distribuye la riqueza y se justifica. Su definición implica un discurso conceptual y un posicionamiento frente a la distribución de la riqueza, la consolidación del Estado y la forma que adopta su régimen.

En este libro, y a lo largo de la trilogía Fiscalidad y poder en el porfirismo, se demuestra que la política fiscal contribuyó al milagro porfirista, fomentó el acelerado crecimiento económico, favoreció la consolidación del régimen de Díaz y engendró, también, profundos desequilibrios y fracturas que alimentaron la Revolución.

¿La Independencia y la Revolución mexicana, eventos fundadores del país y de su modernidad, son hijos de la Revolución francesa? ¿En qué medida los actores y modelos franceses contribuyeron a ellos?

Durante la conmemoración del Centenario de la Revolución y el Bicentenario de la Independencia, el equipo "México Francia" reunió a más de treinta investigadores -venidos de Francia, Estados Unidos y México- para reflexionar sobre esas preguntas y avanzar algunas respuestas a través de estudios históricos puntuales. Este libro recoge las investigaciones más acabadas y las presenta en cinco ejes temáticos: Arrebato de ideas: Franceses en movimiento; Aprendizaje de una sensibilidad; Afrancesados laboriosos; y Representaciones vagabundas.

El lector descubrirá los aportes y límites de la participación de actores y modelos franceses en esas coyunturas, y podrá evaluar los procesos de transferencia cultural que con frecuencia omite la vieja historia nacionalista.

It is hard to say that Simone Weil was concerned with law – and not surprisingly legal scholars pay little attention to her thought. Indeed, she is too harsh against institutions which are pivotal in modern democracy – political parties – and she is too prone to see law as something not so different from violence, to be of great importance among lawyers. Yet, taking Simone Weil into account from a legal perspective is by no means without interest: she foresaw some trends in contemporary constitutionalism as, for example, the decline of general legislation and the growing prominence of judicial power; and she still offers a valuable contribution – both critical and constructive – to ongoing legal-philosophical debate, as, for instance, the criticism about human rights rhetoric or the appeal to social justice duties.

For those of us who are Black, Indigenous, or otherwise visibly racialized, what does it mean to find ourselves when we are situated in and shaped by a profoundly racist society? Based in part on the experience of living through the Freedom Convoy’s occupation of so-called Ottawa, I explore the notion of finding oneself as a liberatory practice and an act of resistance.

In conversation with key anti-colonial (Fanon, 2008; Coulthard, 2014) and anti-racist (Bannerji, 1995, 2000; Thobani, 2007; Hall, 2021) thinkers, this discussion follows three lines of inquiry: 1) reflecting on the experience of living through the 2022 Freedom Convoy; 2) engaging conceptually with whiteness (Ugwaba, 2020) and the idea of white permission in terms of exploring racialized identities; and 3) embracing waywardness (Hartman, 2020) over palatability as people targeted by oppression.

Additionally, I emphasize the need to engage with the “ugly” parts of meaning-making in identity, proposing the “consenting macabre” as a route to truly reclaiming ourselves.

W dniach 22–27 lipca br. w Tinzaouaten na północy Mali przy granicy z Algierią doszło do zaciętych walk między rosyjskimi najemnikami z Korpusu Afrykańskiego (kontynuacji Grupy Wagnera), współdziałającymi z siłami zbrojnymi Mali (FAMA), a koalicją tuareskich grup zbrojnych (CSP-DPA). W ich toku siły rosyjsko-malijskie wpadły w zasadzkę rebeliantów i poniosły znaczące straty. Klęska podważa wizerunek Rosji jako skutecznej siły w Afryce.

O estudo ora posto, traz uma leitura analítica do romance Um Divórcio (1950), de Sarah Beirão, apresentando como objetivo principal as questões relacionadas à condição feminina nomeadamente no que se prende com a educação. O enfoque se centra nas imposições sobre o casamento no modelo da família tradicional burguesa, na década de 50, do século passado, em que a escolha do marido ainda não era inteiramente um direito da mulher. O posicionamento da romancista pelos direitos femininos, com ativa participação em associações portuguesas, – a exemplo do Conselho Nacional das Mulheres Portuguesas (CNMP) – fez dela destaque na defesa das causas em favor de uma classe minoritária, mais precisamente, da condição da mulher no século XX. Dirigente de revistas que buscavam consolidar o feminismo em Portugal, suas ações refletem na elaboração de representações femininas que mostravam tanto a opressão quanto a adesão aos novos valores, à semelhança da protagonista, que insiste no divórcio. Ainda que se trate de uma sociedade conservadora e patriarcal, é necessário destacar a contribuição de representações femininas neste romance, levantando questionamentos deste âmbito, principalmente, por se ter em conta que, grande parte das leitoras da época ainda realizavam leituras de romances do século XIX. Este breve ensaio recorreu ao aporte teórico dos estudos de gênero, em específico, da crítica feminista. Nesse contexto há, então, nomes como: Anália Cardoso Torres (1996); Constância Lima Duarte (2003); Cecil Zinani e Salete Santos (2015); Fátima Pais (2012); Lúcia Osana Zolin (2009); Maria Elisa Cevasco (2009); Simone de Beauvoir (2016); dentre outros.

Lytvynenko R. The Mius Rebellion of 1820: Return from Oblivion

The paper is dedicated to bringing out of oblivion and actualizing an event that has practically disappeared from Ukrainian historical memory and scientific focus, related to the large-scale anti-serf Rebellion of Ukrainian peasants, which took place in 1820 on the Mius River in the Land of the Don Army.
Keywords: Land of the Don Army, Ukrainian peasantry, serfdom, Mius Rebellion of 1820, historical memory.

This article looks at the rebellion of the Irish Legion at Riohacha, New Granada (Colombia), in 1820. It highlights the Atlantic networks of politics, commerce, and migration upon which Colombia's independence from Spain took place. These networks catalysed thinking about changing notions of masculinities and collective identities in this period. The sources for the article are archival documents in Dublin and Bogotá, and newspaper reports and private correspondence that reflected on the events in question. The Irish Legion served the cause of Independence in Colombia under the command of Simón Bolívar, and it was largely envisaged as a brave and generous Irish contribution to the cause of liberty. The Legion's rebellion thus caused numerous reinterpretations of their motives, both at home in Ireland and amongst Hispanic Americans. The article provides a brief narrative of events and traces the ripples of their consequences in Riohacha itself and away in Bogotá. The study emphasises how identity formation in early nineteenth-century Hispanic America (including local, regional, national, colonial, and imperial identities) was a flexible and contested process based on understandings of masculinity and race, and influenced by often unexpected events such as hunger, looting, ambush, and desertion.

One of the most contentious issues in political philosophy is the right of rebellion. The purpose of this paper is to briefly explore and compare the views on this subject of two important figures of the Islamic and Christian medieval traditions: Abū al-Ḥasan ʿAlī al-Māwardī and Thomas Aquinas respectively. After presenting each one of the two thinkers and their contexts, I will look at what precisely they say about the right of rebellion. Then, I will attempt a comparison, trying to articulate 'similarities in differences and differences in similarities' (Lee H. Yearley). This exercise helps us sharpen our understanding of each individual position. It also gives us a glimpse of how these two important religious traditions-Sunnī Islam and Catholic Christianitygrappled with the ethical question of confronting the unjust ruler, for even though neither of them can be reduced to the views of one single person, both Māwardī and Aquinas came to be recognized as 'orthodox' representatives of their respective traditions.

How does foreign support for rebel groups affect rebel governance of civilians during armed conflict? Existing studies primarily examine the local and domestic politics of rebel rule, leaving the effects of foreign intervention on rebel governance underexplored. Focusing on rebel provision of social services, this study considers two competing arguments. The first suggests that foreign sponsorship reduces rebels’ need to rely on local civilians for resources and hence decreases rebels’ incentives to provide services. The second anticipates that by augmenting rebels’ resources and military capabilities, foreign support increases their capacity to provide welfare services. These competing logics suggest that different types of foreign support have divergent effects on rebel social service provision. The article tests this theory using cross-sectional time-series data on external support for rebel groups and rebel governance for the post-1945 period. It finds that rebel groups that rec...