Rebellion

Few aspects of the 1916 Central Asian revolt are more controversial than the measures taken by the Russian imperial authorities for its suppression. This article explores the punitive expeditions and settler vigilante violence against the Kyrgyz population of Semirech'e during and after the revolt, and the proposals to separate Kyrgyz and settlers by deporting the latter from the Issyk-Kul region and the Chu Valley to the mountains around Naryn. It argues that these persisted under the Provisional Government and into the early years of Bolshevik rule.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

Frederick Douglass’ Narrative was intended and has been read as a first-hand document on slavery and the power of an individual to gain freedom. It contains a wealth of information on the structure of American slavery and the means to overcome it. For a philosopher, the first-person narrative also contains valuable refl ections and indications on what it means to be human in spite of, and in the face of, systematic de-humanization. In the first place, Douglass gives indications on what constitutes human dignity, which is contextualized in religion and the self, body and mind, altruism and morality. Being (potentially) sold and selling one’s physical labor turns into an instrument of liberation. The famous master-slave dialectics is depicted in Hegelian patterns in the fight with Covey. Resistance appears as a quasi-natural feature of being human. Therefore, this document of a Maryland slave and fugitive can be read as a document of far-reaching topics of philosophy that merit generalization. Such a reading has the effect that the reader cannot escape by way of historicism (“that happened to that man back then”) but can apply the fruits of Douglass’ reflections to the understanding of humanity as such.

It is difficult to underestimate the importance of cohesion for armed groups or organizations specialized and engaged in organized violence. This article argues that the recent debate on military cohesion has been far too narrow as it focused on Western state militaries during the 20th and 21st centuries, and even then only on the microlevel. It is necessary to broaden the perspective in order to construct theories that encompass even the vast majority of armed groups—the non-Western, nonstate, and nonmodern. This article advocates two ways of doing so: the investigation of cases that belong to these three types and broadening analysis to two new levels of analysis—the meso-level of armed groups and the macro-level, which contains state and society. Cohesion is established through harmonizing these three levels, which necessitates including them in the analysis in the first place.

SOMMARIO: 1. Preambolo-2. La peste tra politica e politico.-3. Combattere il terrore.-4. Un atto creativo contro l'epidemia.-5. La cura al di là dell'accezione "sanitaria".-6. La metafora di una rivolta "sisifea".

Nous portons tous en nous nos bagnes, nos crimes et nos ravages. Mais notre tâche n'est pas de les déchaîner à travers le monde; elle est de les combattre en nous-mêmes et dans les autres.

Narrative accounts of the aftermath of the Battle of Othée in 1408 describe the destruction of the archives of 12 rebel towns by the Prince-Bishop of Liège and his allies, the Count of Flanders and Duke of Brabant. Yet surviving inventories of the documents handed over by the towns to the princes indicate that the documents were not destroyed but analyzed and triaged. This article analyzes differences in the narrative accounts and between narrative and archival accounts of the treatment of the towns' documents. It challenges the existing chronology on the fate of archives in times of war in European history, suggesting that, while the seventeenth century may certainly have been a turning point, archives were sites of complex intertextual and even ideological interaction by at least the early fifteenth century. The article suggests that rather than telling a lachrymose history of state subjugation, scholars, activists, and activists (for example, those studying the seizure of Palestinian archives by the Israeli military) can use surviving paratextual evidence to understand the logic of sovereignty that guided the confiscation, triage, copy, and destruction of documents in the first place.

The Theses LVI belong to a series of hitherto unpublished early manuscripts of the Dutch humanist and jurisconsult Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) that were acquired by the University of Leiden in 1864. It is not certain when the Theses were written, but preliminary research on the physical manuscript and the sources cited indicate two possible windows. The first is around 1602-1605, that is roughly at a time when Grotius was also working on his Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty (De Iure Praedae Commentarius). The second dating places the genesis of the manuscrbipt around 1613-1615.
In the context of Grotius’ writings, the Theses LVI assume an important position for several reasons: They raise questions about state formation, the duty of citizens to the state and the right of political resistance in far greater detail than in any other work of the celebrated Dutch humanist. The Theses LVI also feature important reading notes that yield priceless insights into the sources that Grotius directly consulted and their influence on his ideas. The manuscript grants modern scholars a unique glimpse into the working mind of its author. Evidence points not only to the ferocious haste with which Grotius wrote his works, but also the occasional sloppiness of his reading and research habits."""

Does the Leviathan —the state— have the absolute and unlimited authority? Can the population fight against the authority of the state? Are they allowed to resist? Are they able to rebel? The aim of this final paper is to answer those and more questions about the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes and, most of all, how the English philosopher understands the civil disobedience, or the resistance, and which are the following consequences of disobeying for those individuals who decide to do it.

« Insoumis et déserteurs italiens en France pendant la Première Guerre mondiale », », EL-GAMMAL (Jean), JALABERT (Laurent) sous la direction de, Autorités, pouvoirs et conflits du Moyen Âge à nos jours. 10e Université d’Hiver 2017 de Saint-Mihiel, Nancy, Annales de l’Est, 2018, pp. 273-293.

In introduction this article will present a relation between rap and street poetry, furthermore there will be a historical context of this phenomena pointed out. After that a division into the protest and rebellion street poetry will be made. In each of them an additional typological partition into different types of the protest and rebellion street poetry can be found. In the last part a description of a well known Slovenian protest, which has turned into a rebellion, and its echoes in Slovenian street poetry will be presented.

[Free download from https://muse.jhu.edu/book/68114 during the COVID-19 pandemic!]
While a large number of researchers have studied the revolt of 1916 in Central Asia, they have not provided sufficient answers to two fundamental questions. Why did the uprisings take place almost only in Central Asia, while the edict to mobilize labourers was issued also to indigenous peoples (inorodtsy) of other parts of the Russian Empire, namely Siberia, the Caucasus, and Kalmykia? Why did it occur in the year of 1916, although, according to many researchers, its causes had been accumulated during many years of Russian rule? In order to answer these questions, it is important to examine specificities of administration in Russian Central Asia, social changes in this region during World War I, and people’s perception of Russia’s situation in the war and relations with its adversaries. The last point is also related to international factors of the revolt.
This revolt was a colonial rebellion not simply in the sense that colonized people stood against the colonizers, but also because it reflected defects in the colonial administration. Russian rule in Central Asia had persistent problems, including weak integration of the native population into the imperial administrative system epitomized by the lack of metrical books. There were cleavages between the Russians and the natives, as well as mistrust between officials and the population, both exacerbated by large-scale land seizure for Russian settlers.
Still, Russian Central Asia was basically peaceful until the first half of the First World War period. A large-scale revolt erupted in the atmosphere of the increased social activity and upheaval, and after the news of the difficult war situation and the reduction of armed forces in Central Asia gave some natives an impression that Russian rule had been weakened. The edict on labourers, which was a result of the confused decision-making of the tsarist government faced with the crisis of the whole empire, revealed a contradiction between the level of mobilization required by a total war and the weak, segregationist administrative system in this region. The world war turned the latent colonial crisis into an explicit one. Therefore, the 1916 revolt has to be analysed as an interface of the World War and the Russian colonial crisis in Central Asia.

Kur'ân'da İsyan Yakınanlamlıları ve Nüansları

Arap dilinde 40’tan fazla isyan yakınanlamlısı lafız bulunmaktadır. Bunlardan
30 civarında lafız Kur’ân’da isyanla yakın manada kullanılmıştır. Bunların çoğu
birbirinin tam müterâdifi değil, aralarında nüanslar bulunan mütekârib lafızlardır.
İsyan yakınanlamlılarından bazıları genel olarak itaatsizliği ifade ederken,
bazıları direk itaatsizlik bildirmezler. Bazıları siyasi isyan ifade ederken, bazıları da
Allah’a ve onun emirlerine karşı isyanı ifade etmektedirler. Bazıları kuralları
çiğneme, taşkınlıkta bulunma yönüyle isyanla yakınlık gösterirken, bazıları da karşı
çıkma, kabul etmeme ve muhalefette bulunma yönüyle isyanla yakın mana
taşımaktadırlar. Yine bazıları sadece kafirler için kullanılırken, bazıları da hem
müminler hem de kafirler için kullanılan lafızlardır.
Çalışmamız giriş, beş bölüm ve sonuçtan oluşmaktadır. Birinci bölümde
teradüf ve tekarüb konusu incelenmiştir. İkinci bölümde Arap dilinde ve Kur’ân’da
furûk konusu ele alınmıştır. Furûkun gelişimi, savunucuları ve delillerine
furûkçuların farkları tespit yöntemlerine yer verilmiştir. Üçüncü bölümde Arap
dilinde isyan yakınanlamlılarını ve zıt anlamlıları tespit edilip bunlara yer verdik.
Dördüncü bölümde isyan yakınanlamlılarının anlamları incelenmiştir. Beşinci
bölümde ise; tespit edilen isyan yakınanlamlıları gruplandırılmış ve aralarındaki
farklar tespit edilmiştir.

Overview of the external and internal challenges facing the Qing dynasty from 1800 to 1911, focusing on the nature, causes, and effects of Sino-Western trade and diplomacy; domestic rebellion and foreign wars; and reform and revolutionary movements that preceded the fall of imperial China.

The book "The Roman wolf and Illyrian serpent. Last struggle" is dedicated to the first war that has engulfed the entire area of today's Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is in its fully documented in the ancient source material. Great Illyrian revolt that broke out in the last decade rule of imperator August, or at the beginning of a new era, was a final break with the prehistoric and protohistoric periods in the Illyrian lands, and then enter the historical period. From the end resistance of rebels in September 9. AD. complete a conflict of Roman and Illyrian world, which started 240 years earlier, in the time of the ancient Republic. The causes of the uprising were primarily economic in nature. As occasion served the order on the mobilization of indigenous youth in the auxiliares. Immediately after the riot, recruited natives spread the rebellion with unprecedented speed. Because of the outbreak and spread of uprising, the Romans had to stop an operation of the final subjugation of Germania west of the river Elbe. The uprising in Illyria, which spawned the creation of a unified military - political alliance of rebellious peoples and theirs polities, for then ruling establishment in Rome represented a great danger. War from 6. AD till 9. AD. involved a large military force of 15 legions, and as many auksilijarnih units, and again returned veterans to service. But despite the enormous military power, only a betrayal of the high-ranking rebel officials led to the accelerated collapse of the Union and the fall of Pannonia. A year later he collapsed resistance in the Dinaric belt."

This thesis uses historical analysis to examine the memory of the Yellow Turban Rebellion 184 CE in the works of elite Chinese from the Late Han dynasty to the Ming dynasty. The Yellow Turban Rebellion was the catalyst that led to the end of the Han dynasty (206 BCE-220 CE) and began the period known as the Three Kingdoms (220-280 CE). This study reveals the changing perceptions of the rebellion throughout various periods of imperial Chinese history, analyzing the causes and repercussions of this change. The early official histories that provide a narration of the rebellion are the San Guo Zhi, written by Chen Shou in the 3rd century CE, and the Hou Han Shu, written by Fan Ye in the 5th century CE. These accounts show the typical style of official histories, providing political legitimation through the use of the historical record for the ruling dynasty. The study of the Zizhi Tongjian, an unofficial history written by Sima Guang in the 11th century CE, reveals a shift in the use of history from legitimization to political instruction for the ruling elite. The last primary source used, the Sanguo Yanyi, written by Luo Guanzhong in the 14th century CE, marks another shift in the purpose of history. The author wrote this text as a form of moral education in the form of a novel, embellishing on the historical narrative present in the previous works. All of these modern narratives of the rebellion draw predominantly from the Sanguo Yanyi, leading to a narrow and distorted understanding of the importance of the Yellow Turbans in Chinese imperial history. This is true of modern popular culture as well as academic works, which tend to analyze particular representations in the story of the Three Kingdoms. Modern scholarship has focused too strongly on the Three Kingdoms era, leading to a neglect of the Yellow Turbans in historical scholarship in the fields of Daoism, political history, and cultural history, among others. This thesis aims to provide a more comprehensive understanding of the Yellow Turban Rebellion, how it is remembered, and various ways in which increased study could benefit the discipline of history.

Over the course of Hollywood history, movie studios have reveled in a crafty fascination with juvenile delinquency, which has been traditionally founded on a certain masculine mythology. There has recently been new attention given to how the media have represented delinquent girls (Kearney 1996, yet the historical dominance of boys' delinquency in movies is primarily due to how "JD" films depict the ripe conflict of boys becoming men within a supposedly progressing society. This article traces the development of the male juvenile delinquent in teen movies, showing how rebellion has moved through a range of thematic discourses while revising (and often reviving) past notions of masculine behavior in cinematic depictions of teenage deviance and violence. The analysis reveals that despite the constant struggle of young men dealing with their conflicted gender roles, Hollywood has changed its methods of generating sympathy for the plight of delinquents while nonetheless remaining consistent in showcasing the rousing thrills of delinquency itself.

Garrison communities as counter societies are deconstructed by analysing the counter narratives of the Zeeks' riot from a resident of Western Kingston and a police officer. The two major political parties have used patron-clientelism to mobilize support. Scarce resources are only distributed to party supporters to maintain their loyalty and entice rival supporters to switch their allegiance. Distribution of houses is a case in point, which leads to community majority of loyal supporters that balkanise against political challenges with the support of gunmen under the control of the don. As the Jamaican state started contracting in the 1980s because of liberalization there were less material incentives for partisan mobilization. However, the dons were increasing their wealth from illegal activities and eventually replaced the state as the providers for some inner city residents who became more loyal to the dons than their political party. Garrisons are counter societies with their own security structure, laws, justice and welfare systems. The dons, when they break the law, can utilize the security structure in the community and the loyalty of some residents to effectively challenge the state as was evident during the Zeeks' riot. This has set a bad precedence that inndr city communities have increasingly been exploiting to their advantage.

La figura de Omar ben Hafsún ha sido interpretada durante los últimos dos siglos por diferentes autores para acercarse a la historia social y militar de al-Ándalus. Este trabajo tiene por objeto el estudio de la problemática mozárabe y muladí, el estudio de Omar ben Hafsún, su sede en Bobastro y como transcurren los acontecimientos de su rebelión, apoyada por gran parte del espectro de la sociedad de los siglos IX y X en el sur de la Península Ibérica.

Based on archival research conducted mainly at the Bank of England, the National Archives of Zimbabwe, Central Archival Repository in Pretoria and the Cory Library at Rhodes University in Grahamstown, the article examines the financial planning of the Rhodesian Front (RF) government (1962–1979) in the making of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) of 11 November 1965. Its rebellion against Britain occurred in a period of decolonisation characterised by the attainment of majority rule in African countries. Having enjoyed settler colonial status from 1923 and significant political and economic room to manoeuvre, Rhodesians elected the RF into power to protect white minority interests indefinitely. Although the literature has focused variously on the British–Rhodesian impasse, UDI and the liberation struggle, it has neglected financial developments, without which the UDI would never have been declared and sustained for 15 years.

This article provides a first in-depth perspective on how financial considerations were just as important as political, social and military considerations in the period between the RF’s rise to power and its rebellion. Central to its analysis is changing imperial and colonial economic relations. Although Rhodesia’s financial system was fully integrated into London’s sterling area by the 1960s, this link was severed following the rebellion and a post-sterling Rhodesian financial system emerged. Given that London had ruled out military invasion to stop the Salisbury rebellion, its only alternative was economic sanctions on the basis of its historical control of the colony’s financial system in circumstances where the colony was keen on using financial instruments to survive punitive exchange control measures and sustain minority rule. This article examines the financial makings of this imperial-colonial conflict and the considerations and activities on the eve of Rhodesia’s UDI. It shows the importance of local political dynamics and their influence on global financial arrangements. Rhodesia’s rebellion, crucially aided as it was by local financial arrangements, became an important international issue leading to the ostracism of the colony through United Nations economic sanctions where it used its monetary system as a rebel bulwark. In a sense, an examination of the making of Rhodesia’s financial system prior to UDI provides an important background account to its subsequent survival of sanctions for 15 years where it had been projected to collapse in just months.

De term “Mai Mai” wordt gebruikt als etiket voor een bonte verzameling van kleinschalige, vaak langs etnische lijnen gevormde gewapende groepen in oost Congo. Doorgaans roept de naam associaties op met hekserij, barbarij en irrationaliteit. Mai Mai groepen staan immers bekend om het gebruik van amuletten, tatoeages en spirituele rituelen met water die hen immuun zouden maken tegen kogels. Zulke simplistische voorstellingen vertroebelen ons begrip van Mai Mai milities. Want als de Mai Mai inderdaad zo’n beestachtig en bloeddorstig zooitje zijn, hoe verklaren we dan dat deze groepen op grote schaal in hedendaags oost Congo voorkomen? Hoe komt het dan dat delen van de bevolking toch enige sympathie voor hen hebben? Deze bijdrage poogt Mai Mai milities te demystificeren door middel van een historische en sociologische benadering. Ze legt uit wat Mai Mai groepen eigenlijk precies zijn en geeft een overzicht van hun historische wortels en ontwikkeling. Ook verklaart zij waarom er van de dag nog steeds Mai Mai milities actief zijn. Daar blijkt geen eenduidig antwoord op te zijn, gezien een veelvoud aan historische, sociale en economische factoren een rol spelen.

This study explores the advantages and disadvantages of being a professional coach with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). The abundant literature on ADHD is reviewed and looked at in light of international and national (French) coaching performance standards By looking at the relationship one with ADHD tends to have with themselves, with others, with sustained focus and follow-through, and with creative processes, this study concludes that a coach with ADHD who can have the most impairing traits of the disorder under control most probably has an edge over non-ADHD coaches, in particular when it comes to the creative aspects of the coaching process.

Holden Caulfield, the beat writers, Elvis Presley, Chuck Berry, and James Dean—these and other avatars of youthful rebellion were much more than entertainment. As Leerom Medovoi shows, they were often embraced and hotly debated at the dawn of the Cold War era because they stood for dissent and defiance at a time when the ideological production of the United States as leader of the “free world” required emancipatory figures who could represent America’s geopolitical claims. Medovoi argues that the “bad boy” became a guarantor of the country’s anti-authoritarian, democratic self-image: a kindred spirit to the freedom-seeking nations of the rapidly decolonizing third world and a counterpoint to the repressive conformity attributed to both the Soviet Union abroad and America’s burgeoning suburbs at home.
Alongside the young rebel, the contemporary concept of identity emerged in the 1950s. It was in that decade that “identity” was first used to define collective selves in the politicized manner that is recognizable today: in terms such as “national identity” and “racial identity.” Medovoi traces the rapid absorption of identity themes across many facets of postwar American culture, including beat literature, the young adult novel, the Hollywood teen film, early rock ‘n’ roll, black drama, and “bad girl” narratives. He demonstrates that youth culture especially began to exhibit telltale motifs of teen, racial, sexual, gender, and generational revolt that would burst into political prominence during the ensuing decades, bequeathing to the progressive wing of contemporary American political culture a potent but ambiguous legacy of identity politics.

Comparative Analysis of John Locke's Second Trestise of Government and Niccolo Machiavelli's The Prince and Discourses of the Livy.
Author: Angel Versetti

"A wise ruler should nip any rebellion in the bud, claims Machiavelli’s Prince. Yet people have a right to rebel even against the shadow of tyranny, according to Locke’s Second Treatise. These two notions might suggest eternal confrontation between the oppressive ruler and rebellious citizenry, paranoid and suspicious of each other’s schemes. This is where the moderating approach from Machiavelli’s Discourses comes in: rebellion is a nuisance, but since the ruler needs the power of people to assist him in his quest for glory, let them rant and mob a bit.""

This article is a study of the brief tenure, rebellion, and sultanate of Egypt’s Ottoman governor Ahmed Pasha (d.1524). It investigates the context of the rebellion, it’s aftermath and impact in Egypt and the Ottoman Empire as an event that showcases a critique of and challenge against the Ottoman imperial enterprise in the Arab lands following the region’s conquest from the Mamluks in 1517. Despite its historical significance, the rebellion has remained in the scholarly margins in sixteenth century Ottoman historical studies. This episode illuminates the theme of opposition to Ottoman imperialism with a focus on the opposition against the administrative implementation of the “Ottoman way” in Egypt following the demise of the Mamluk Sultanate. One of the goals here is to interpret the complex political context that resulted with the revolt. This context connects the empire’s “center” to its “periphery,” allowing us to revisit the socio-political dynamics of Egypt during the first decades of Ottoman rule. A case study of Ahmed Pasha’s revolt thus brings nuance to the state/”center”-oriented narratives that obfuscate the socio-political dynamics of the province/”periphery” by doing a comparative analysis of histories written in Egypt. State-centered narratives typically voice a swift and seamless transition into Ottoman rulership in former Mamluk-ruled territories. As demonstrated in this article, Ahmed Pasha presented a powerful voice of dissent and an ideological critique of, and challenge against, Ottoman sovereignty as well as the implementation of the “Ottoman way” in Egypt.

A revolta que houve em Vila Rica entre 28 de junho e 20 de julho de 1720, conhecida como “Revolta de Vila Rica”, ou ainda, “Revolta de Felipe dos Santos”, foi percebida e utilizada de diversas formas ao longo do tempo pela historiografia brasileira. Muitas foram as compreensões da revolta e muitos foram os usos da mesma, seja na criação do 'mito' Felipe dos Santos, seja na sua anulação para engrandecimento dos “verdadeiros heróis nacionais”. O presente artigo visa expor estes diversos usos da Revolta e mostrar a evolução na compreensão desta e a presente situação da pesquisa, que se distancia muito em profundidade se comparada às primeiras exposições, sem contudo dar-se por encerrado tal processo.

12 Eylül 1980 Askeri Darbesi siyasi suçluyu kapatma pratiklerinde dönüm noktasına işaret etmektedir. Bu süreçte, askerileşen cezaevleri siyasi mahkumlara emsaline rastlanmamış, basit işkencelerden öte kompleks tredmanların uygulandığı bir baskı aygıtı halini almıştır. 1981 yılında açılan Metris Cezaevi, bu tredmanların en aktif şekilde uygulandığı cezaevlerinden biridir. 15 günde bir 3 numara saç traşı, sabah 6’da uyanıp akşam 22’de yatma zorunluluğu, er dahil bütün askeri personele “komutanım” şeklinde seslenilmesi, sayımların içtima şeklinde alınması vb. uygulamalar görülmüş olup, bunların yanı sıra, kadın mahkumların erlere aratılması ya da aramaların erlere seyrettirilmesi, dayak, falaka, askı, mazgal ve kapı altlarından mahkumlara pornografik fotoğrafların atılması, soğukta bekletme, koğuşlara basınçlı su sıkma, ışıkları yakıp söndürme suretiyle psikolojik işkencenin yanı sıra mahkeme belgeleri ve savunma notlarını kaybetme, dilekçeleri mahkemeye göndermeme, kitap yasağı, mektup, telgraf haklarını kısıtlama ile avukat ve ziyaretçi görüşünü yasaklama gibi “idari tecrit” tabir edilen uygulamalarda bulunulmuştur. Siyasi suçluların askeri mahkemelerde gayri nizami yargılamalarını takip eden tutukluluk dönemlerinde cezaevleri artık bir direniş mekanı olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. 1980 Askeri Darbesi’ni takip eden dönem sadece cezaevleri için değil, siyasi mahkumlar için de bir dönüm noktasını teşkil etmiştir. Bu evrede, siyasi mahkumlar örgütlülüklerini muhafaza edebilmişler, böylece baskıcı cezaevi politikalarına karşı direniş gösterebilmişlerdir.
Metris Cezaevi mahkumlarının direnişleri amaca göre farklılık göstermiştir. Cezaevi operasyonunun yaklaştığının hissedildiği dönemlerde barikat kurma gibi daha şedit direnişler sergilenirken, idari tecride karşı ölüm oruçları, bu dönemdeki başka bir direniş şekli olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Ölüm orucu, mahkumiyet esnasında bedeniyle siyaset yapmaktan başka seçeneği kalmamış homo sacer’in elinde kalan son şeyle siyasi katılım gösterme şekli olarak karşımıza çıkmıştır. Özellikle tek tip elbise uygulaması, mahkumların kimliksizleştirme politikasına karşı siyasal özne olma niteliklerini koruma bağlamında katlanılamaz bir dayatma olmuş, tek tip elbiseye karşı başlatılan 1984 ölüm oruçlarında dört mahkum hayatını kaybetmiştir. Direnişlerin sonuç verip kazanımların sağlanması halinde cezaevi şartlarının iyileşmesi ve eylemin kazanım sağlanamadan sönümlenmesi halinde şartların eskinden kötüye gitmesi, direnişin rasyonel bir siyasi katılım olarak görülmesine yol açmıştır. Ayrıca bu yıllarda, cezaevleri direnişlerinde hayatlarını kaybeden mahkumlar, Türkiye solunun tarih yazımında feda anlatılarına konu olarak gelecekteki solcuların siyasallaşmasında rol oynamışlardır.

A theological exploration of the theme of holy rebellion, as expressed in various biblical texts.

Academic Reviews

"Saying No to God offers a powerful statement of the case against bibliolatry and the sin of treating the Bible as though it were God. Korpman brings into focus the Bible's depiction of a God that not only can be but wants to be argued with and times disobeyed." (James F. McGrath, Clarence L. Goodwin Chair in New Testament Language and Literature at Butler University)

"Saying No to God is a work of profound love - and I loved every passionately engaged word. A book that will change your life." (Donna Bowman, professor of interdisciplinary studies in the Norbert O. Schedler Honors College at the University of Central Arkansas)

“In this remarkable book, Korpman gives good reasons we ought sometimes to disobey, disagree with, and argue against God's voice. Saying 'no' to God may be the most holy thing we can do. Reading this book may be the second most!" (Thomas Jay Oord, Director of Doctoral Program at the Center for Open and Relational Theology at Northwind Theological Seminary)

"Korpman's work ... emulates the great saints and illuminates the path ahead." (Brad Jersak, Lecturer in Peace Theology at St. Stephen’s University)

"In this insightful work, Korpman invites readers to do what Abraham, Moses, and many other biblical characters did: to dare to argue with God. This book is not only interesting, it's needed." (Brian D. McLaren, previously adjunct professor at Fuller Theological Seminary)

In providing the background to contemporary society, modern history often appears more relevant than medieval history. The search for relevance, however, has led some historians to impose interpretative models upon the medieval past. The Marxist school of history has used the Peasants’ Revolt of 1381 to support a central tenet of its model: that all history is about class struggle. Rodney Hilton, a prominent historian of the revolt, made two assertions in presenting the rebel actions as a class conflict: that the rebellion had a single united agenda; and that there was a degree of coordination through communication between county leaders. My study of the revolt in Suffolk in 1381, particularly of the events in the town of Bury St Edmunds, suggests that here the rebels were pursuing local grievances rather than a class-conflict agenda. Coordination within the county has also been greatly overstated. There does not seem to have been a single leader in Suffolk as claimed by contemporary chronicles. In revising views of the Peasants’ Revolt as a class struggle, my research challenges the foundations of the Marxist model of history.