Politics and International relations

Perú-China: Una relación especial Luzmila Zanabria La migración china y su impacto económico Establecimiento de relaciones diplomáticas: El tratado de Tianjin Relaciones con la nueva China Componentes económico-comercial y político Cambios en el Perú y China Florecimiento de la relación Conclusiones Capítulo 6. El Perú y La China: los vínculos de su pasado y su proyección de política exterior en el siglo XXI Gonzalo Gutiérrez Capítulo 7. El comercio peruano-chino: hacia nuevos rumbos Julio José Chan Sánchez Los ajustes de la política económica china en la "nueva normalidad" Exportaciones existentes Posibles nuevas exportaciones Fortalezas Retos Brevísimas palabras finales SECCIÓN III Capítulo 8. La presidencia China del Grupo de los 20 y su política de cooperación con América Latina: Perspectivas para el Perú Rosario Santa Gadea La presidencia china del G20 El Think 20 bajo presidencia de China Taller de trabajo del Think 20 en Lima Agenda de Desarrollo 2030 y países de ingreso medio Panorama latinoamericano y países miembros de la Alianza del Pacífico Papel clave de las inversiones Importancia de China como inversor en América Latina Política de cooperación de China con ALC La cooperación Perú-China 6 La Conexión China en la política exterior del Perú en el siglo XXI Capítulo 9. La construcción de una identidad colectiva en la Alianza del Pacífico y China como el "Otro" relevante Angélica Guerra-Barón Introducción El regionalismo suramericano en clave de identidad Una postura ecléctica: entre la EPI y la teoría de la identidad social Las posturas de Chile-Perú y Colombia hacia el Asia-Pacífico La AP y su relacionamiento colectivo con China Conclusiones Capítulo 10.

Pembahasan tentang isu-isu keamanan saat ini semakin menarik untuk diperbincangkan sebab masyarakat internasional telah menyadari bahwa hadirnya isu keamanan non tradisonal seperti terorisme lebih mengancam karena tindakan dari kelompok terorisme lebih sulit diprediksi, kapan dan dimana akan terjadi. Terorisme adalah sebuah perilaku atau tindakan yang menjurus kepada tindakan kekerasan dimana pelakunya dapat individu maupun kelompok. Terorisme melancarkan aksinya dengan motif politis untuk meraih kekuasaan dan menyebarkan teror kepada masyarakat luas. Pada level internasional perilaku terorisme berdampak pada sistem internasional, dampak yang dimaksud terjadinya fenomena teror yang dilancarkan oleh sekelompak terorisme yang telah berhasil mencuri perhatian publik internasional.

Depending on the speed of increasing competition, the desire of covering costumers' demands and expectations, hence providing pleasure, has led businesses to use some management strategies in their activities. Competition advantage with foreign procurement has inclined businesses to use outsourcing. Precise description of basic abilities and decisions to use foreign procurement with a right supplier firm is going to be a crucial factor in success of hotels. A research in 3&4 and 5 star hotels in Ankara has been done. The main problem of the research was in which activities outsourcing must be used in city hotels and which activities must be covered with basic abilities of the business itself. The aim of the present study is to determine which outsourcing strategy is used in city hotel departments. According to the result of the research, hotel businesses apply to outsourcing strategies largely with financial reasons. Sometimes, businesses do not satisfy with services and goods that supplier firms have provided. Businesses call for outsourcing in activities which they consider as beyond their abilities like security, laundry, animation, general ground cleaning etc… Sometimes, there might be a legal disaccord stemmed from contracts between main business and supplierfirm. The main reason for hotels to practice outsourcing strategies is to minimize the costs. That means to make use of employers at ultimate level by focusing on basic abilities which businesses have. Again, errors in outsourcing decisions can increase the problems instead of lowering. For examples, miscommunication with related firms, insufficient motivation, and woes related to service quality may affect brand equity of the business negatively.

Housing stands as a fundamental human right, acknowledged by numerous international bodies and statutes. Despite this recognition, only a handful of nations ensure adequate housing for their populace. This research endeavors to forge a connection between housing rights and social policy through a comprehensive literature review. Drawing from data provided by the Turkish Statistical Institute and the Ministry of Youth and Sports, the study addresses the escalating housing concerns among university students in Turkey. With an increasing student population and insufficient accommodation facilities, the issue has reached a critical juncture. Most students are compelled to reside in state dormitories, which lack the capacity to meet demand. Moreover, economic hardships and a dearth of financial aid exacerbate the housing crisis. The findings underscore the urgent need for the development of policies and solutions tailored to address the housing predicament faced by university students in Turkey.

The European Union (EU) is one of the most successful integration arrangements in the world. However, the disintegration in Europe through Brexit is puzzling. This article aims to clarify this dilemma by addressing the following questions: Was the former French President, de Gaulle, right that the United Kingdom (UK) did not fit in the EU? Is it that the UK government failed to redistribute the gains from EU membership equitably to the Britons who voted for Brexit? Is Brexit happening due to a deceptive campaign? Or was it just the sovereignty that Britons do not want to sacrifice no matter what economic costs they face? This paper aims to clarify why Brexit happened and what lessons can be learned from Brexit for other integration arrangements around the world – especially in Asia. This paper argues that Brexit reminds us of the limitations of regional integration. It strongly advises policy makers to be cautious in expanding too far and too fast and suggests paying proper attentio...

This study aims to examine the reasons for Latvia's perception of Russian Hybrid Warfare as a threat after the annexation of Crimea. Russia's success in implementing its Hybrid Warfare strategy during its annexation of Crimea in 2014, created vulnerabilities for Latvia, which was once part of the Soviet Union and has received disinformation. The author uses the Threat Perception Theory proposed by Raymond Cohen to see the reasons for the perception of Latvia's threat to Russia. Data collection techniques used in this study are library sources from books, journals, theses, and others. The results of this study indicate that the perception of Latvia's threat to Russia's Hybrid Warfare strategy is due to the poor historical relationship between the two countries and the unexpected attacks carried out by Russia against Latvia. Evidence of this threat perception can be seen from statements given by Latvia and Latvia's allies, and defensive responses issued by Latvia

The early modern period marked a turning point in world history, as Europe underwent a profound cultural, intellectual, and political transformation. At the heart of this revolution was the Enlightenment-a movement that redefined governance, trade, and diplomacy, not only in Europe but around the world. This paper explores how the Enlightenment's groundbreaking ideas-rooted in reason, liberty, and individual rights-reshaped international politics and economics. Drawing on the works of visionaries such as Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, Rousseau, and Adam Smith, this paper reveals how their philosophies laid the foundation for modernity. This paper also examines how these changes propelled Europe toward industrialization and global dominance in the late modern period, leaving a lasting impact on international politics, economics, and society.

This paper covers the changes in women labour force and their participation along with categorical employment status as well as main economic activities in Bangladesh. In particular, it pays attention to regional variations on female labour force. Employment, in a poor country like Bangladesh, provides the critical link between economic growth and poverty alleviation as the vast majority of the people depends on employment as their only source of livelihood. The labour market, however, is one of the most important mechanisms for transmitting the benefits of economic growth to different groups in the society. Women, being a significant part of the population, play a significant role in the economic growth of the country. This paper makes an attempt to explore the situation of women labour force to find a clear image in formulating new policies and programmes regarding women employment in Bangladesh.

While the term 'multistakeholderism' has become one of the most commonly used words in Internet governance (IG) studies, only three main categories of stakeholders are almost always highlighted in IG arenas: Governments, Businesses, and Civil Society. However, initial findings from our two-year transatlantic research project show that the technical community and Intergovernmental Organizations (IOs) also are crafting roles for themselves as IG actors. This paper focuses on the Technical communities-composed of organizations such as ICANN, ISOC, and other bodies primarily dedicated to the technical management of the Internet-as another IG actor, and its interaction with IOs. Using a framework from political science, communication theory, and organizational sociology, it analyzes (with interview, observational, and archival data) the emergence of this stakeholder, its strategic interactions with IOs, and highlights new trends of the Global Internet Governance institutionalization.

Ten years ago, the United Nations World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) adopted the concept of Internet governance (IG) and formalized its working definition of this process. In addition to giving it the widest substantive dimension, encompassing any and all normative issues related to the online environment, the WSIS defined the main actors involved in the Internet governance process, namely governments, the private sector and civil society. However, Intergovernmental Organizations (IOs), whether regional (such as the OECD or the Council of Europe) or global (such as some UN agencies like the ITU and UNESCO), also are crafting roles for themselves as stakeholders. Underlining the need for their invaluable experience, capacity and mandate to co-elaborate binding and non binding standards, they have been trying – with varying degrees of success - to establish themselves as the appropriate settings to deal with the cross-border nature of the network in an effective way. With ...

"Das Ende der Gewissheiten" untersucht den politischen Realismus im Spiegel internationaler Staatenbeziehungen.Vor dem Hintergrund der Metamorphose des Leviathan-Motivs von einem archaischen Symbol zur säkularisierten Staatsmacht in der Frühmoderne und seiner Relevanz in den Internationalen Beziehungen begibt sich der Beitrag auf die Spuren des Klassischen Realismus (Hans Morgenthau) und den in seiner Traditionslinie stehenden Theorien wie dem Neorealismus (Kenneth Waltz). Im Lichte der geopolitischen Weltordnung und der geostrategischen Entwicklungstrends ab Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts werden die Grenzen und Spannungen der bestehenden internationalen Institutionen- und Sicherheitsarchitektonik politisch-realistisch analysiert. Dabei wird die Persistenz nationalstaatlicher Machtinteressen und die für den politischen Realismus konstitutive Anarchie internationaler Staatenbeziehungen in den Blick genommen. Sailer argumentiert, dass diese Politdynamiken auf tief verwurzelte machtpolitische Strukturen und anthropologische Grundkonstanten hinweisen, die trotz globalisierter Interdependenzen auch im 21. Jahrhundert weiterhin – und zunehmend wieder – prägend sind. In Kontrastierung historischer Entwicklungen wird die These aufgestellt, dass die zeitgenössischen Verschiebungen als Ausdruck eines fortlaufenden Machtlaufs der Weltgeschichte interpretiert werden dürften, der letztlich auf die Wiederkehr eines ‚quasi-anarchischen‘ internationalen Systems hindeutet. Eine Weltordnung also, in der souveräne Staaten – primär durch Macht, Interessen und Einflusszonendenken geleitet – sich von "gekannten Gewissheiten‘"des Völkerrechts zu lösen beginnen, als sich die "Rückkehr des Leviathan" als eigentliche Abkunft des Staatlichen im Grundsatz ankündigt.

Globalization, through social media, international organizations, cultural demands, and various political, social, and economic models, challenges traditional nation-state structures that depend on singular cultural identities and well-defined borders. These developments have had a particularly distinct impact on the Middle East compared to the West. Due to historical, social and political differences, these countries have not been able to fully implement the process of becoming a nation-state. Therefore, the lack of stable and inclusive governance has led to them having far deeper problems with globalization than the West. As a result, new demands in Middle Eastern societies are often expressed not through democratic or cultural avenues, but through violence, as the existing nation-states are neither stable and secure, nor democratic. This situation is further complicated by international pressures and interventions leading to sectarian and ethnic divisions, and even conflicts. According to the findings, in the sensitive social environment of the Middle East, such interventions exacerbate long-standing tensions and deepen crises, sometimes resulting in civil wars. For instance, the events in Iraq, Syria, Afghanistan, and Lebanon illustrate how the combination of globalization and external interventions have led to irreversible conflicts and polarized societies along identity-based lines.

The intensifying U.S.-China rivalry, marked by competition across economic, military, and ideological spheres, is increasingly shaping global geopolitics. This paper explores the evolving dynamics between the two powers, identifying key areas of contention, including trade wars, technological rivalries, military posturing, and ideological differences. It delves into potential flashpoints for confrontation, such as Taiwan and the South China Sea, while analyzing the broader implications of these tensions on regional stability, global economic consequences, and humanitarian risks. Through a comprehensive examination of U.S.-China relations, the paper calls for strategic management, balanced engagement, and innovative policymaking to address these challenges and avoid a direct confrontation. The importance of diplomacy, multilateral frameworks, and economic cooperation is emphasized as critical tools for preventing escalation and fostering global stability.

Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) also known as the third sectors have become important tools for societal development, peace and unity. Unfortunately, in most fragile states the CSOs" efforts have not yielded significant result due to the colossal challenges they face in such weak democratic environment. As these kinds of states mingle in corruption and human right abuses, so the civil societies serving within them suffer from lack of enabling environment and fair play. It was on this note that this article presents reflective instrumental theory that analyse the relationships between states and civil societies as positive, neutral and negatives. The determinant of the nature of the relationship depends on the state"s mode of operandi. In standard democracies, the relationship is positive, in semi-standard democracies it"s neutral and in substandard democracies it"s negative. This article adopts content analysis to argue that while the democratic attitudes of advanced democracies aided the complementary roles of the civil societies; the undemocratic behaviours of fragile democracies negates those roles. It is based on the premise that the higher the level of adherence to the principles of democracy; the higher the effectiveness of civil societies and vice versa. The article suggests that for civil societies to triumph the people should stand for them and the government must enact rules that will make the environment favourable for them to function.

This study explores the evolving role of Tuan Guru (Islamic leaders) in Lombok during the post-New Order era, emphasizing their influence in both education and local politics. During the New Order period, Tuan Guru's roles were largely symbolic, with limited impact in the legislative or executive realms dominated by the Menak group. However, political reforms led to a significant shift, enabling Tuan Guru to gain a more prominent role in Sasak society's political and educational spheres, alongside the resurgence of Islamic political activism. The candidacy and subsequent victory of TGB Muhammad Zainul Majdi in the 2008 West Nusa Tenggara regional elections exemplify this shift, showcasing the transition of Tuan Guru from purely religious leadership to a more integrated role in political and educational domains. His success marked a departure from the traditional Menak dominance, highlighting the appeal of Tuan Guru as credible and clean alternatives in an era of political corruption. This qualitative study employs descriptive analysis and extensive library research, utilizing primary and secondary sources such as books, journals, archival documents, and relevant writings. The research underscores Tuan Guru's growing influence in shaping both the educational landscape and local politics in Lombok within the broader context of Islamic movements in Indonesia.

This paper explores how the convergence of populism, polarization, social media, and identity politics is reshaping the political landscape in the United States, posing significant challenges to democratic stability and cohesion. It argues that severe political polarization undermines the foundations of democracy by transforming opposition into entrenched, antagonistic identities, creating an “us versus them” environment where compromise becomes nearly impossible. Populist leaders exploit these divisions by framing political conflict as a battle between “the people” and a morally corrupt elite, capitalizing on citizen disillusionment and intensifying the divide. This narrative further aligns citizens with fixed identity-based factions, shifting loyalty away from democratic principles toward factional allegiance. As polarization deepens, individuals increasingly view opposing viewpoints as existential threats, creating a feedback loop where democratic norms are abandoned in favor of partisan loyalty. Social media amplifies these dynamics, enabling populists to communicate directly with audiences, bypassing traditional media’s gatekeeping role. The direct and often unfiltered nature of social media encourages emotionally charged, polarizing messages that foster loyalty among followers by stoking resentment and amplifying biases. The digital environment thus reinforces ideological silos, creating echo chambers where citizens encounter only content that aligns with their preexisting beliefs. This fragmentation of public discourse weakens the capacity for fact-based debate and fuels the spread of misinformation, which further erodes trust in democratic institutions. The study also examines how identity politics strengthens polarization, as individuals increasingly align with groups that reflect cultural, economic, or ideological distinctions rather than nuanced policy positions. This ‘tribal’ behavior fosters an environment in which adversaries are not merely political opponents but are perceived as threats to one’s way of life, deepening the divide. In response, this paper calls for approaches that promote social cohesion, emphasize shared democratic values, and resist the forces driving extreme polarization and populist appeal.

Por que os líderes mentem: toda a verdade sobre as mentiras na política internacional do professor de Ciência Política e codiretor do Programa em Política de Segurança Internacional na Universidade de Chicago, John Mearsheimer, é uma obra incisiva que trata de um tema pouco abordado no campo das Relações Internacionais: a mentira.

Commemoration plays a crucial role in shaping and sustaining Anglo-American relations by strengthening shared cultural, historical and ideological bonds. This paper examines how acts of commemoration contribute to the construction of a collective identity, legitimise political and diplomatic partnerships and support the concept of a ‘special relationship’ between the United Kingdom and the United States. Historical figures such as Winston Churchill and events such as World War II are central to commemorative practices, including public speeches, memorials and cultural events. These activities go beyond symbolic gestures, integrating historical narratives with diplomacy and legitimising contemporary cooperation. While shared histories and cultural values ​​strengthen this partnership, the paper also points to the limitations of commemoration in a changing geopolitical context. Institutionalised alliances such as NATO and pragmatic defence and intelligence cooperation are playing a diminishing role in maintaining relations, particularly during periods of political tension, such as during the Trump administration. The conclusions indicate that while commemoration fosters historical and cultural bonds, its importance diminishes in the face of the growing role of practical cooperation mechanisms.

Since the World Summit on the Information Society’s Working Group on Internet Governance (2004-2005), there has been a growing emphasis on the use of the term multistakeholder in Internet governance (IG). The annual Internet Governance Forum established in 2006, the “NetMundial” jointly convened by ICANN and Brazil in May, 2014 and the recent and more controversial “NetMundial Initiative” launched as a follow-up with the World Economic Forum, highlight the need for multistakeholder discussions and consensus finding. They almost always delineate three main categories of stakeholders: governments, private sector, and civil society. However, we have shown in previous work that International Organizations (IOs) also are crafting roles for themselves as IG actors. Underlining the need for their invaluable experience, capacity and mandate to co-elaborate binding and non binding standards, they have been trying to establish themselves as key players in multistakeholder settings. With a foc...

The interview commenced by discussing Sir John’s role as British Consul General in East Jerusalem, his meetings with Yasser Arafat and his view of Arafat. Jenkins thinks Arafat wanted the entire Palestine. This aim is no different than Hamas’s aim. Subsequently we discussed the Palestinian refugees’ right of return. Jenkins argues that Arafat wanted the refugees to return to their homes in Palestine, to the places in which they had resided in 1947-1948. Then we discussed Arafat’s views on the use of violence and terror. Jenkins contends that Arafat approved of violence. Violence erupted after the failure of the Camp David 2000 peace summit, a summit Arafat was forced to attend. He did not want to come to the summit and arrived only after Clinton assured  Arafat that he would not be blamed for failure if and when the summit failed. The summit did fail, and Clinton broke his promise and blamed Arafat nevertheless.
The discussion continues to discuss the problem of corruption in the Palestinian Authority (PA) and the challenge posed by Hamas. Jenkins sees no point negotiating with Hamas. He doubts Hamas can change, and he doubts that the PLO could find enough commonalities with Hamas to establish a unified Palestinian leadership. Hamas is a rogue actor. It is a violent spoiler. Hamas aimed to sabotage the negotiations. Palestinian and Israeli terrorists and political-religious extremists have successfully derailed the peace process as is evident when these lines are written following the 7th of October Hamas’ atrocities. Finally, we discussed avenues for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, including the ides of a confederation between Jordan and the West Bank. Jenkins thinks this confederation might work.

Bu çalışma ile değişim/dönüşüm kavramları üzerine yapılan tartışmalar çerçevesinde uluslararası hukukun değişiminin nasıl açıklanabileceği konusu incelenecektir. Bu amaçla, öncelikle değişim/dönüşüm üzerine kavramsal bir inceleme yapılacaktır. Bu incelemede, Holsti (1998)'nin ele aldığı farklı değişim kavramları temel alınarak, uluslararası ilişkiler disiplininde değişim sorununu açık ve net bir biçimde ele alan az sayıda kişiden biri olan Rosenau'nun konuyla ilgili başlıca çalışmaları değerlendirilecektir. Kavramsal incelemeden sonra, değişen/dönüşen uluslararası hukuk tartışması yukarıda bahsedilen kavramsal inceleme temelinde ele alınacaktır. Son olarak, elde edilen sonuçların genel bir değerlendirmesi yapılacaktır.

mar y la Zona internacional de los fondos marinos). La protección de numerosas especies marinas, así como de los llamados recursos genéticos marinos, situados en dichas zonas comunes y, por tanto, más expuestos a una explotación desenfrenada y descontrolada, es su principal objetivo.

France was one of the countries that followed with the greatest attention and concern the events that took place in Portugal between 25 April 1974 and the end of 1976. In 1974, there were 800,000 Portuguese living in France and French investment in Portugal had increased significantly in the early 1970s. While the French government initially looked favorably on 25 April and the decolonization process, the French attitude changed significantly after 11 March 1975 and especially during the Hot Summer. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing then advocated for suspending the financial aid that European institutions intended to grant to Portugal.

pdf [hereinafter the Kyoto Protocol]. To enter into force the Kyoto Protocol requires ratification by 55 Parties to the FCCC including Annex I parties accounting for at least 55 percent of the total carbon dioxide emissions of that group in 1990 (Article 25). Presently, 110 parties have ratified the Kyoto Protocol representing 43.9 per cent of total carbon dioxide emissions. FCCC website at http://unfccc.int/ (last modified on June 6, 2003). Given the current position of the United States against ratification, to enter into force the Kyoto Protocol will need Russia's ratification. 10 Article 3 of the Kyoto Protocol.

Este trabalho se propoe a analisar, sob a otica de perspectivas teoricas antagonicas, as projecoes a respeito da hegemonia norte-americana. O objetivo e reunir a posicao de quatro autores e discutir a contribuicao das suas ideias para o estudo acerca dos cenarios tracados para as relacoes internacionais na contemporaneidade. De um lado, utilizaremos os conceitos de Giovanni Arrighi e Immanuel Wallerstein, que apregoam que a presente crise do poder americano e tambem uma crise de hegemonia e, necessariamente, havera uma substituicao do hegemon . Enquanto Arrighi argumenta que havera apenas uma troca do hegemon , Wallerstein afirma que a atual crise tambem marcara o fim do moderno sistema-mundo em suas atuais configuracoes. Do outro lado, temos os autores Jose Luis Fiori e Fareed Zakaria. Este defende que os Estados Unidos terao de lidar nao com o seu declinio, mas com a “ascensao do resto”, e aquele diz que a atual crise, alem de nao significar qualquer decaida do poder estadunidense...

Think tank experts and their opinions have acquired a very influential position in China's public diplomacy. While the presence and roles of think tanks is rarely questioned within developed democracies, their position in emerging powers and the developing world is debatable. This article argues that the landscape of the think tank sector in China-indeed the biggest developing country and the most powerful emerging economy-has changed over the course of the last decade. By providing a detailed account of the evolution of this sector in China, the intent is to enlarge think tank studies beyond liberal contexts and to overcome limitations about the study of Chinese think tanks. As demonstrate by the expanding role of think tank networks in the Belt and Road Initiative they have been able to secure a special niche with regard to foreign policy and diplomacy, notwithstanding China's authoritarian political environment.

In this research paper I have explored and deepened the concept, meaning and phenomenon of New World Order (NWO) through a structured approach, inspired mainly by the logical order used by Ludwig Wittgenstein, but also by the ideas of Thomas Hobbes. My aim is to achieve five key objectives:

(i) to present an innovative method to build a concept starting from etymological bases;
(ii) to explore the meanings attached to each individual term (new, world, order), followed by their reunification in a single concept;
(iii) to examine the process of forming a concept based on three specific terms, and to analyse how they combine to create a central idea;
(iv) to explore the NWO phenomenon by exposing its stages, to discover key concepts, theories and other theoretical main lines of research that contribute to its development and understanding;
(v) to review the existent literature and to extract key points and lines from existing theoretical debates and identifying real examples from world politics that reflect the concept and phenomenon of NWO.

By using Ludwig Wittgenstein’s method, I aimed to show not only the content and meaning of NWO as a concept, but also the process and form of its construction. The method used has the ability to offer an atomistic understanding of how complex ideas are built from their fundamental elements, revealing how they intertwine to create a solid theoretical conceptual framework.

It is time to discover the concept, meaning and phenomenon of New World Order in its truest form.

Latvia’s Security Barometer is a brief, quarterly review of key international and local defense and security developments from a Latvian perspective which may have a bearing on Latvia’s security. It is produced by the Center for Geopolitical Studies Riga in English and Latvian with some general com- ments in italics.

Professor Mohammad Yunus, renowned for pioneering microfinance and social business, received the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006 for lifting millions out of poverty. Despite his global respect, Yunus faced political pressures, particularly in 2007 when he briefly entered Bangladeshi politics, driven by the "Minus Two" theory. Although his political venture was short-lived, he continued his groundbreaking work, while also enduring politically motivated harassment or legal siege from Sheikh Hasina’s government. Recently selected as Chief Advisor of the interim government in 2024, Yunus is tasked with reforming Bangladesh's system, focusing on justice, accountability, and national development, while preserving democratic principles.

What is the far-right's foreign policy outlook? Although International Relations scholarship has provided important insights into the foreign policy preferences of far-right actors, it has predominantly analysed these political actors under the label of populism and focused on the effects of populism on foreign policy positions. Consequently, we lack a clear understanding of the impact of far-right ideology on foreign policy beliefs and preferences. This article provides a theorization of far-right foreign policy by deriving its key characteristics from far-right ideology. It tests this theoretical framework through a comparative analysis of the foreign policy preferences of the populist radical-right Alternative for Germany and the extreme-right, Neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany. The comparative analysis of primary textual data reveals a shared far-right foreign policy outlook characterized by (1) ultra-nationalism, (2) group-based enmity, (3) authoritarianism, (4) revisionism and reactionism and (5) producerist-nationalistic economic positions, but also some important variations in the pursuit of these positions.

Bilateral relations of small states represent a very limited fi eld in academic debates and research within the science of international relations. In fact, there is a lack of research and relevant debates on what the determinants and factors of bilateral relations are between small states and how much those factors contribute to promoting it on one hand, while, on the other, how much same factors condition that cooperation, and, fi nally, how much small states independently determine and defi ne their bilateral relations in their foreign policy activities. In this paper, using the example of bilateral relations between Serbia and North Macedonia in the period of the last ten years, the authors will try to answer the following main research question: What is the basis of the bilateral cooperation between Serbia and North Macedonia and what is its perspective? On those grounds, they will also answer the following questions: To what extent is this cooperation conditioned by internal political circumstances in either country; to what extent is this cooperation determined by regional circumstances; how much is it influenced by the so-called “major actors” in international relations; and, finally, to what extent is it actually a consequence of the sovereign decisions of the authorities in Belgrade and Skopje? With this methodological order of research questions, from the general to the individual in the theoretical sense through the prism of realists and structural realists, the authors will establish the perspective of bilateral relations between small states within the framework of the actual circumstances of international relations.

Paradox reality in Indonesia shows the rise of social diversity, but the achievements of corruption also increased. It shows that the diversity of social patterns is still in the theoretical-formalistic stage. This paper intends to conduct discourse criticism studies toward doctrine with thinking “jihad” to shift the thinking sacred ‘fiqh’ which is formalized. In promoting the eradication of corruption, Islam can play a role in various forms. Moral values taught at least provide answers about the spread of corruption with interpretation radicalization toward Islamic moral values. This new social ethic can encourage people to prevent, monitor, report and fix a number of social sanctions mechanisms in the community in the form of anti-corruption ‘fiqh’. This anti-corruption ‘fiqh’ becomes a kind of corruption prevention effort in the form of Islamic study.

In a manner almost reminiscent of the Ottoman Empire’s frantic search (late nineteenth to early twentieth century) for müstemlekat (colonies) in Africa, modern Turkey seems to have revived its imperialist dreams in contemporary Africa. Following the elaboration of a proactive African foreign policy strategy, Turkey declared 2005 the Year of Africa, and established diplomatic relations with a raft of Muslim-majority African countries (MMACs). While Ghana is not an MMAC, Turkey re-established diplomatic ties with Accra in 2010, heralding a burgeoning relationship. Drawing on the theory of sub-­imperialism in tandem with the diplomacy of architecture (DoA) framework, this work will argue that Turkey has cleverly utilised the symbolism and siting of the Ghana National Mosque Complex (GNMC) to make the most visible and audacious broadcast yet of its imperial intentions in Africa, and in record time. In unpacking the argument my primary interest will be to canvass the view that architectural imprints have become a powerful cultural weapon in the geostrategic soft-power arsenal of recent rising powers.

This study aims to analyze Gilgit-Baltistan Education Strategy 2015-2030 and its revised strategy and implementation plan issued on September 2023 by the Directorate of Education Gilgit-Baltistan. An objective analysis reveals that none of the promised goals outlined in Education Strategy w.e.f 2015 to 2023 have been achieved at any satisfactory level. Revised Strategy and Implementation Plan w.e.f 2023 to 2030 do not reflect on major causes of failure to achieve previously set targets/goals. The strategy paper entails abstract assumptions, encouraging intervention from private sectors and an idealistic call for financial commitments from provincial and federal government. The findings of the study reveals that the subject strategy fails to chart out clear guidance to acclimatize the available resources and it does not incorporate any pragmatic mechanism to eliminate risk factors indicated against each set of goal and objective. The study underscores the importance of considering judicious utilization of available financial and human resources and revision of departmental regulations and statutory laws to curb undue favours and prevent political interferences in Education department Gilgit-Baltistan.

La présente contribution vise à relooker et moderniser Ndikiniméki dans un processus de développement durable. En effet, le déchet est aujourd'hui un enjeu important pour les relations internationales en raison des défis et des avantages environnementaux, économiques et socioculturels qui entourent sa gestion. La gestion intégrée et durable des déchets pour la ville de Ndikiniméki se présente ici comme une grille de réflexion avant-gardiste articulée autour de la définition du déchet du nord et celui du sud, de l'encadrement normatif des déchets au Cameroun et enfin les enjeux et acteurs de la gestion intégrée et durable des déchets pour la ville de Ndikiniméki.

This paper examines the inconsistency between Western nations’ proclaimed universal values and their selective application to non-Western actors like China. Using game theory, it explores the power dynamics and societal differences that create a cooperation dilemma, modeled as a modified prisoner’s dilemma. The analysis reveals that these tensions undermine effective responses to global challenges such as climate change and pandemics.

To address these issues, the paper proposes three strategies: selective cooperation on shared priorities, technological collaboration beyond political divides, and flexible global standards adaptable to regional contexts. These solutions aim to foster pragmatic dialogue and mutual respect, essential for overcoming ideological divides and enhancing global resilience. Ultimately, the study underscores that sustained cooperation is not optional but vital for addressing worldwide crises and creating a shared future.

Keywords: universal values, double standard, Western nations, China, game theory, global cooperation, geopolitical tensions, climate change, pandemics, selective cooperation, technological collaboration, flexible standards, prisoner’s dilemma, asymmetric power dynamics.

Desde sua proposta em 1991, por W. Scott Stornetta e Stuart Haber e sua efetiva criação em 2008, por Satoshi Nakamoto, a plataforma Blockchain passa por constantes modificações e aprimoramentos de suas funcionalidades em vias de maior adequação aos fatores de eficácia e eficiência dos serviços passíveis de automatização, seja no setor público ou seja no setor privado. A partir deste contexto, exsurge o problema de pesquisa deste artigo: como a tecnologia Blockchain está sendo utilizada no setor jurídico pela Administração Pública e pela Administração de Empresas e quais as diretrizes de Governança e Compliance são e podem ser utilizadas ou propostas para os referidos setores? Para responder ao problema proposto, objetiva-se: I) demonstrar o que é e como a plataforma Blockchain funciona; II) identificar as aplicações jurídicas da Blockchain nos sistemas econômico e jurídico brasileiro; e III) verificar a existência, bem como propor iniciativas ou revisões de diretrizes de Governança e Compliance para essa ferramenta.  Como resultado, verifica-se que há intensa e constante aplicação da tecnologia blockchain nos setores públicos e privados, mas há uma carência sobre os indicativos de implementação. Ao final, mesmo reconhecendo a limitação do estudo em exaurir as possibilidades, apresentam-se algumas diretrizes de Governança e de Compliance para que a tecnologia blockchain seja utilizada adequadamente. Para alcançar os resultados e as conclusões pretendidas, utiliza-se o método de pesquisa integrada associado a técnica de pesquisa bibliográfica.

RESUMO: O presente artigo tem como objetivo perquirir acerca da proteção, alcance e significado do direito à propriedade no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, assim como a sua elevação a um direito fundamental da pessoa humana e princípio geral da atividade econômica na Constituição Federal de 1988. Para isto, far-se-á um estudo bibliográfico, através de uma leitura histórica da noção de propriedade, para identificar as bases de sua origem e fundamentos como direito fundamental da pessoa humana, desde a antiguidade clássica até os tempos atuais e os seus reflexos nas Constituições brasileiras. Demonstrar-se-á que a noção e o conceito de propriedade sofreu diversas mutações no decorrer do tempo, assim como influências de diversas teorias, passando de direito absoluto e inato à natureza humana para uma concepção jurídica alicerçada em uma finalidade social e coletiva, com o objetivo de assegurar a todos uma existência digna conforme os ditames da justiça social. Palavras-chave: Direitos fundamentais; Direito fundamental da pessoa humana; Direito à propriedade; Propriedade privada; Função social da propriedade.

The Man of Forty Crowns" (L'Homme aux quarante écus), published in 1768, is a satirical novel by Voltaire that exemplifies his Enlightenment philosophy and critiques of 18th-century French society. The narrative centers on a man with a meager annual income of 40 crowns, using this character as a lens to examine and criticize the economic and tax systems of the time. Through a series of dialogues and humorous scenarios, Voltaire addresses a range of socioeconomic issues, including agriculture, commerce, taxation, population growth, corrupted clergy, bad governance and social inequality. The novel incorporates and critiques Physiocratic economic ideas while promoting Enlightenment ideals of reason, progress, and social reform. Its controversial stance against established economic theories and government policies led to its ban in France upon publication. By employing satire and irony to highlight the unfairness of the economic system and its burden on ordinary citizens, "The Man of Forty Crowns" stands as a significant work of social commentary, demonstrating Voltaire's skill in using fiction to engage with serious economic and political issues of his era.

رُمان فلسفی اجتماعی که در آن جستارهای گوناگونی مورد بررسی قرار می‌گیرند. وُلتر گریزی به مباحث اقتصادی و نیز علوم‌طبیعی می‌زند و نظریه‌های واهی و عملکرد سیاستگذاران را نقد می‌کند. سپس به تقبیح شرارت‌های غیرمیهن‌دوستانهٔ مذهبی‌های مذموم و تن‌آسایانِ مقدس‌نما می‌پردازد و بردباری و خِرَد‌وَرزی را ارج می‌نهد. رُمان حولِ مردِ دهقانی می‌گردد که در آغاز، درآمدی چهل سکه‌ای دارد که میانگین درآمد فرانسوی‌ها در آن برههٔ زمانی است (۱۷۸۶م). او دربندِ فقر و تنگ‌دستی است و از میزان مالیات‌ها، طمع‌ورزیِ واسطه‌ها در تجارت، تباهیِ دیوان‌سالاری و تبعیضِ به نفع روحانیون به ستوه آمده است. در ادامه اما، ارثیه‌ای به او می‌رسد و آندره تبدیل به «موسیو آندره» می‌شود. او برای خود کتابخانه‌ای بنا می‌کند و با خواندن و اندیشیدن، دریچهٔ ذهنش را می‌گشاید و با دانشمندان گوناگون به گفت‌وشنود می‌نشیند. موسیو آندره وُلتر کوچکی می‌شود و به این نتیجه می‌رسد که “بسیاری از قوانین نه بر اساس حقیقت، بلکه از تعصبات ناشی می شوند”. او محفل دانشوارانه و ادبی تشکیل می‌دهد و از هر کیش و اندیشه‌ای را به آن‌جا دعوت می‌کند تا بدین گونه به ژرف‌اندیشی و آگاهی شهروندان یاری رسانده باشد

The present article is inserted in general in the problematic of the climatic change and more precisely in the role that the forests play in this one. Many actors have expressed their concern about a phenomenon that seems to give no respite and that emerges as one of the great challenges of our century. Notwithstanding the concerns and role played by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), much work remains to be done, especially in raising awareness of the importance and size of the problem. One of the major anthropogenic phenomena that functions as the engine of climate change is deforestation. REDD + is an attempt by the UNFCCC to respond to the problems of forests and to the continued emissions from the land-use change sector. Here the Brazilian position was analyzed, which, not without difficulties and questions, has emerged as a "pioneer" in the design and implementation of REDD + strategies.

International politics, often shrouded in complexity, is fundamentally rooted in human nature. Like gravity governing the physical world, realism has long dominated our understanding of global relations. This perspective assumes nations are rational actors driven by self-interest and security concerns, creating a seemingly predictable and competitive global order. Yet, as history has shown, even the most powerful forces can be defied.
In this paper, I delve into the intricacies of international politics, exploring how both the principles of realism and the nuances of human behavior shape the global stage. In addition, I attempt to uncover the key factors that can challenge realist assumptions and provide insights into how nations can navigate the complexities of international relations in a more cooperative and equitable manner.

This paper presents a comparative analysis of intelligence failures in three major powers: the United States, China, and Russia. By examining significant case studies, such as the 9/11 attacks and WMD assessments in Iraq for the U.S., the COVID-19 outbreak for China, and the 2014 Crimea annexation and 2016 U.S. election interference for Russia, the study explores the causes, impacts, and responses to intelligence breakdowns. Through a detailed theoretical framework, this research identifies the common organizational challenges, political pressures, and strategic miscalculations that contribute to intelligence failures in different governance structures. Key findings highlight both similarities-such as bureaucratic inertia and the influence of political biases-and differences, including the role of transparency in democracies versus the centralized control in authoritarian systems. The paper also emphasizes the long-term effects of intelligence failures on national security, public trust, international diplomacy, and the subsequent reforms implemented in intelligence practices. This study offers important contributions to the field of intelligence studies by enhancing the understanding of intelligence failures and providing policy recommendations to prevent future occurrences, especially through the use of emerging technologies and cross-national comparisons.

This study aims to critically assess students' perceptions regarding the use of derogatory language by politicians and its broader societal implications. The researchers adopted a quantitative research methodology, utilising a survey design to systematically collect data. The survey was administered through both online platforms and face-to-face interactions, employing a self-constructed questionnaire comprising 43 closed-ended questions. A simple random sampling technique was employed to select participants, ensuring a representative study population. Data analysis was conducted using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). The findings reveal that the majority of respondents do not condone the use of derogatory, offensive, abusive, insulting, or disrespectful language. Moreover, they believe that discouraging such language could foster social cohesion and harmony. This study highlights the significant impact of derogatory language on various societal segments, emphasising the imperative for politicians to avoid such rhetoric to promote peace and societal well-being.

The issue of food and food security has become a predominant discourse in global politics today especially following the crash in global oil prices and the attendant consequences of food shortages. In Nigeria, food prices have soared with prices peaking at a ratio uneven to the income per capita. This situation is further compounded by agitations in the oil producing regions of the Niger Delta and the destruction of oil infrastructures which has raised the bar for the government to redirect its dependence on oil to agriculture and food production. The objective of this paper was to examine the fate of Nigeria in international polities of food security. In doing this, a secondary source of data was utilized by using descriptive analysis techniques to analyse the body of literature on food security against the background of Nigeria's monolithic oil diplomacy. Finding was made that, the issue of food security have become another major bone of contention in the unequal relationships between developed and developing world where the united states(US) and British Government are desperate to ensure that world food resources are firmly in the grips of the firms where they have interests. Recommendations are made among others, those oil-dependent countries like Nigeria should diversify their economies to non-oil sectors like Agriculture, human resources training and development and promotion of entrepreneurial skills in non-oil sectors of the economies, and that, every tier of government should have political will to promote economic policies and institutional reforms in relevant sectors to realize this objective of diversification.