Political Ontology

How should New Testament scholarship theorize enslavement mainly when the victim's experience is both linguistically unrepresentable (the very essence of pain) and, more relevantly, when primary sources do not contain first-person testimonies? Specifically, how does historiography account for the plight experienced by victims of enslavement when the historical archive is empty of the victims' voices and, in many cases, mystifies, allegorizes, or erases the victims' agony? I study the figure of the captive in Galatians 4:1-9 from the perspective of recent historiographical insights in the study of the Middle passage. This article argues that the binary captive/free-person is foundational to important theological concepts in Paul, such as filiation and inheritance.

This paper is concerned with frontiers as spaces of disputed, ceded, suspended, or imposed forms of rule, that challenge the integrity of bounded territorial polities and their jigsaw puzzle-limits. In recent decades, frontiers have received increased attention, perhaps due to the growing importance "marginal" and "ungoverned spaces" have acquired within the global economy. In spite of their enormous diversity of climates, landscapes and societies, frontiers in Latin America have historically been described and intervened in surprisingly similar ways. The 'idea' of the frontier is here so intertwined with the reality of these places, that they have become indistinguishable. This article explores the production of frontiers, more than as a type of space, as an object of common sense and intervention. From an ontological point of view, its aim is to problematize the way frontiers are produced and enacted as an object, constituted and enacted in practice, by dissecting its constitutive practices: what is categorized as a frontier, how is it categorized; and its constitutive relations: the conditions and possibilities created by the frontier that empower certain groups and create new systems of access and control of land and resources.

Çağdaş siyaset düşüncesinde bir süredir ontolojik kabul ve varsayımlardan uzak durmaya yönelik bir yaklaşım dikkat çekiyor. Toplumsal yaşamı düzenleyecek olan siyasi ilkelerin aynı zamanda evrensellik vasfını da taşıyor olmasına duyulan arzudan kaynaklanan bu yaklaşımı eleştiren kayda değer bir literatür de oluştu. Ontolojinin siyasi düşüncedeki yeri hususundaki bu çatallanma gelinen noktada nispeten törpülenmiş, tartışmanın tarafları arasındaki kalın ayrışmalar epey inceltilmiş olsa da artık kısa vadede birbiriyle uzlaşması mümkün görünmeyen iki yaklaşımın belirginleşmeye başladığından söz edilebilir: En etkili temsilini John Rawls’un düşüncesinde gördüğümüz deontolojik yaklaşım, günümüz toplumlarındaki derin fikir ayrılıklarını öne sürerek siyasetin toplumsal yaşamda rastlanılan varoluşsal düzlemdeki farklı ön kabuller karşısında tarafsız bir kurum olarak tasarlanması gerektiğini savunurken; William Connolly, Stephen K. White ve Oliver Marchart gibi teorisyenler farklı siyasi düşüncelerin mirasçısı oldukları ontolojik arka planların dikkate alındığı bir çözümleme biçiminin daha yarayışlı olabileceğini işaret ediyorlar. Üstelik bu ikinci görüş çerçevesinde deontolojik bir siyaset düşüncesinin imkânı da büyük bir soru işareti teşkil ediyor. Nitekim Rawls’un adalet meselesine getirmiş olduğu yoruma yönelik dikkatli bir inceleme, ne kadar kaçınmaya çalışsa da onun da bazı ontolojik kabulleri (mesela özerk fail) verili aldığını kolaylıkla açığa çıkarıyor.
Zikredilen örnekten de anlaşılacağı üzere, bu bildiride her siyasi düşünce sisteminin -kendi temellerini teşkil eden bir varlık anlayışına dayandığı ön kabulünden hareketle- yüklenmiş olduğu ontolojik kabullerin dışa vurucusu olduğu savunulur. (Ontoloji, burada, geniş anlamıyla ontolojinin gerçekte neyin var olduğu sorusu üzerinden tartışmaya açtığı “varlığın anlamı” gibi kadim sorunlardan ziyade, siyasi düşünüş ve eyleyişin arka planında yer alarak bunlar üzerinde belirleyici olan ön varsayımlar olarak kullanılmaktadır.) Bildiride, farklı siyasi düşünce ekollerini incelerken onların spesifik ontolojik kabullerini göz ardı etmenin kritik bir noksanlık yarattığı iddia edilecektir. Dahası, evrensellik izafe edilen kimi siyasi düşüncelerin dolaylı olarak kültür emperyalizmine hizmet edebileceği hatırlatılacaktır. Diğer taraftan, ontolojinin dikkate alındığı bir siyaset düşüncesi yaklaşımı, kültür farklılığı argümanının yetersiz kaldığı farklılıklara getireceği açılımla onları hakkıyla anlamamızı sağlayarak karşılaştırmalı siyaset düşüncesi çalışmalarını zenginleştirebileceği gibi, pratik hayatta karşılığı olan fakat literatürde kendilerine yer bulamayan otantik siyaset düşüncelerine bir meşruiyet zemini de tesis edebilir.

Source: https://www.siyasiilimler.org.tr/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Ozet-Kitapcigi_2024_III.-Ulusal-Kongre-1.pdf

М. А. Подлесная, О. К. Шевченко. Исследования социокультурных процессов в гражданском обществе Аннотация. В статье рассматривается понятие героя применительно к концепту фронтира, который авторы статьи понимают как «контактное поле», рубеж, скорее соединяющее, а не разделяющее пространственно-временное поле сопряжения двух и более реальностей. Особое внимание уделяется разработке фронтира как точке сборки и личности героя и новой социальной нормальности. Обозначается необходимость проведения сравнительного анализа уже имеющихся в социологии понятий субъект, актор, герой. Предпринимается попытка развести эти понятия, даются основные признаки героя как тотального субъекта, указывается важность различия героя повседневного и «фронтирного». Обосновывается влияние фронтира как фактора в формировании образа героя на материалах эмпирического исследования, проведённого авторами статьи в восьми федеральных округах РФ в 2023 году (n=1350). Для этого анализируются данные по ряду открытых и полузакрытых вопросов в зависимости от места проживания респондентов, то есть территориального фактора. Авторы статьи приходят к выводам, что протяжённость России и различие её регионов, фронтирность некоторых из них дают соответствующие специфику и запрос на героя. Респонденты тех субъектов РФ, которые выступают в настоящее время сами как фронтир, гораздо чётче артикулируют своё представление о герое и героизме. Хрестоматийным же остаётся для россиян прежде всего военный герой. Значительная часть самостоятельно названных героев -это выдающиеся личности прежде всего советской эпохи, в основном, военачальники, политические деятели, дети-герои ВОВ. Работники повседневного служения и труда -врачи, медработники, волонтёры, спасатели, учителя, учёные и т.д., что было характерно для советской эпохи, в настоящее время в качестве героев самостоятельно респондентами не выделяются. Что приводит к выводу, что актор советского модерна, который соотносился с героизмом и был тесно связан с понятием героя (в частности, труда), сегодня в сознании россиян не актуализирован. Подобные трансформации связываются авторами с влиянием фактора ситуации, а так же со сменой соответствующих социальных онтологем.

The theoretical discussion of the present paper is particularly based on the insights of Giorgio Agamben contextualized in Iris Murdoch’s novel, A Word Child (1975), written in the transitional period of the seventies England. It will inspect Agamben’s biopolitical insights to examine how they may contribute to understanding of the dark side of sovereignty considering the figure of a banished individual. Taking the precariousness of the emotional, political and ontological faculties of ‘love’, ‘homo sacer’ and ‘bare life’ allocated to the human being in Murdoch’s novel, A Word Child, this paper offers a different view of Murdoch’s inspirational emphatic love, socio-political abstruse problems in her novel arguing that Agamben’s account of these issues supplies an underlying structure of the form-of-life. It resounds through Agamben’s view as a never-ending struggle of human beings to underpin the messiness and cruelty of life in which characters are emotionally engaged and entrapped in order to examine some potentialities as the escape routes from the prevailing deadlocks of the era and eventually to trace, according to Agamben, a form-of-life that is called a happy life.

This work considers what ontology might be after the deconstruction of arché in Reiner Schürmann's and Giorgio Agamben's thinking. It addresses the question by reading Schürmanns historical deduction of the categories of presencing in his book Heidegger On being Acting: From Principles to Anarchy. This deduction is at the heart of his thought in that it tries to manifest what it means to live the transition from arché to an-arché, from a life under principles and why's, to a life without why, and the principle of anarchy. This transitional thought rests on what he calls the hypothesis of closure of the metaphysical field. The deduction is therefore a question of a relation between the first beginnings end as an other beginning. He shows this by establishing categories that are both conceptual- and sensible form. This reaches its full articulation in what he calls the categories of transition; categories in which the distinction between category and intuition seems to collapse – that are its own gaze or eye, that sees both the past and the future at the same time. This is a question regarding relationality: the transition from a causal relationality to an anarchic relationality, from a substance ontology to relational ontology. What is the relational status of the transition itself and its categories? This question lead to the main one: is the transition between arché and an-arché a relation between the two? The overall purpose is to explore this question in order to open, in the end, a path between him and Agamben. The later has pointed out that the key problem to live truly anarchic is a critique of the ontological relation because language presuppositional structure manifests in it, which takes its “full” form in his work The Use of Bodies. Here, perhaps – which we only can point to – Schürmann's thought can meet Agamben's in the caesura between arché and an-arché. Can anarchy ever be in a position of principle? In the end we will have to point to the notion of oikonomia as an area of further research to understand the question of anarchy between Agamben and Schürmann.

Cuadernos de Antropología Social / () ()) 25 [25-38] Territorios de diferencia: la ontología política de los "derechos al territorio" " Arturo Escobar* Resumen El presente trabajo presenta las bases del enfoque de ontología política para entender las luchas étnico-territoriales en América Latina. Se argumenta que dichas luchas constituyen defensas de mundos u ontologías relacionales, y que los conocimientos generados en ellas por comunidades y activistas encarnan una propuesta de avanzada frente a la crisis social y ecológica de los territorios. El trabajo busca contribuir a repensar la globalidad como estrategia para preservar y fomentar el pluriverso.

El presente trabajo analiza las expresiones del don / reciprocidad en las experiencias comunitarias de los ayllus del altiplano boliviano con el objetivo de reconsiderar los horizontes de posibilidad y los “límites” del don como alternativas económicas al sistema capitalista-mercantil. Para tal efecto, primero se revisará brevemente el desarrollo de la teoría del don, destacando la importancia de los aportes teóricos de Marcel Mauss. Posteriormente, nos adentraremos en las experiencias de aymaras y quechuas de Bolivia, en la interpretación del ayllu como una representación andina de los hechos sociales totales, los cuales se constituyen a través de la praxis de reciprocidad interna conocida como ayni y mink’a. Partiendo del análisis de estas prácticas al interior de los ayllus, se perfila, pues, el significado del Vivir Bien (Suma Qamaña y Sumak Kawsay). Desde la perspectiva de esta investigación, se busca comprenderlo como una experiencia utópica alcanzable de convivencia entre pueblos aymaras y quechuas. El horizonte del don y del Vivir Bien representa el punto de quiebre del sistema dominante, sugiriéndonos algunas pistas para pensar diversas formas de economía alternativa, a la par que da lugar a nuevas inquietudes.

Has soccer favoured the integration processes of Amerindian peoples in the different national societies to which they belong, or has it rather permitted their cultural assimilation? Based on this general question, four different scenes are analysed: the ethnic through the Yanomami case; the regional with the populations of the Napo river basin; the national with the Pan-indigenous Games; and the international one with the America's Cup of the Indigenous Peoples. The methodology used for data production combines ethnographic work with documentaries, distributed in different places and periods of time. Among the conclusions, soccer has become one of the symbols of the new ages of the indigenous world, instrumentalized in different ways and used to expand and reinforce social links. By the moment, its practice is not directly denoting the abandonment of the cultural being of these towns.

The question of how the relationship between metaphysics and theology should be understood is one of the main topics of debate on the agenda of philosophers and theologians from Aristotle (d. 322 BCE) to Avicenna (d. 428/1037), from Avicenna to the late Islamic theological tradition, and even to medieval Jewish and Christian thought. Avicenna criticized Aristotle for identifying metaphysics with theology and presented a new perspective on the relationship between those two disciplines. He argues that God is not the subject but the goal of metaphysics, in other words-metaphysics is an ontological science in terms of its subject matter and a theological science in terms of its goal. In Islamic thought after Avicenna, the relationship between metaphysics and kalam continued to be one of the most heated topics of debate. Trying to explain the relationship between those two disciplines, thinkers such as Imam al-Ghazali (d. 505/1111), Shams al-Din Samarqandi (d. 702/1303), and Sayyid Sharif al-Jurjani (d. 816/1413) made a distinction between "Islamic science and rational science" and argued that metaphysics is an intellectual science while kalam is a religious (Islamic) science. On the other hand, Siraj al-Din al-Urmawi (d. 682/1283), who dealt with the relationship between metaphysics and kalam in his treatise On the Diff erence between Metaphysics (God-Science) and * Wcześniejsza wersja artykułu, zatytułowana Ujęcie relacji kalam do metafi zyki w myśli Siradż al-Dina Urmałiego (Sirâceddin el-Urmevî'de Metafi zik-Kelam İlişkisi), przedstawiona została podczas XIII sympozjum "Siradż al-Din Urmałi, intelektualny fundament tureckiej myśli teologicznej" (XIII. yy. Türk İslam Düşüncesinin Kurucu Aklı Siraceddin Urmevî Sempozyumu) w Konyi (20-22 października 2023).

Sea en los debates académicos o en las noticias, se nos recuerda constantemente que el mundo enfrenta retos trascendentales, efectos de un mundo común globalizado donde las infraestructuras de desplazamiento (de mercancías, ideas, gente) proliferan constantemente alimentadas por el extractivismo. Sin embargo, cuando se discute cómo enfrentar esos retos, parece que la única respuesta consiste en nuevas formas de extractivismo y más infraestructuras de desplazamiento. Este libro es, sobre todo, una invitación a explorar el terreno en el que puede prosperar una imaginación política que abrace lo incomún y cultive el emplazamiento. Plantea un reto: cómo, en un contexto donde para muchos las infraestructuras de desplazamiento son todo lo que hay, se pueden generar infraestructuras de emplazamiento robustas. Este reto no consiste en solidarizarse con una minoría amenazada por el avance de la frontera extractivista “allá”; más bien, se trata de imaginar una buena vida “aquí” que no se base en las infraestructuras de desplazamiento de las que muchos de nosotros dependemos (y que incluso amamos). El reto del libro es embarcarse en un viaje “para dejar de ser lo que somos”. Combinando las intuiciones extraídas de su experiencia etnográfica de décadas en las "fronteras del extractivismo" (en Sudamérica y el subártico canadiense) y discusiones que han reformulado la pregunta política fundamental como una cuestión cosmopolítica, el autor ofrece una ontología política en la que historias y visiones de una buena vida con orientaciones escalares divergentes ayudan a establecer las coordenadas del viaje y a visualizar algunos de los desafíos que una política orientada a lo incomún debe afrontar para prosperar.

This article aims to demonstrate that the dimension of the sacred is constitutive of politics. First, abandoning any substantive view of the sacred that confines it to the exclusive jurisdiction of religions is necessary, reaching a broad and non-essentialist conception based on developments from Durkheim to Bataille. In this way, the sacred can be considered the center and common foundation of all society, present both in its glorious manifestations and its excremental ones, which will be referred to as pure and impure heterogeneous elements, respectively. Furthermore, contrary to those who speak of the "sacralization of politics"-a formula that implies an external relationship between politics and sacredness and a rejection of their contamination-this article proposes to understand politics as the practice of sacralization-of people and processes, of events, objects, and places-which aims to construct objectivity, that is, to stabilize the principal meanings within a social set.

Abstract: Communitarian thought could be a noteworthy alternative to the prevailing moral-political realities established by liberal assumptions and presuppositions, as its interpretations on issues it broaches in the realms of being, knowledge, and value indicate. However, it is not entirely accurate to say that communitarianism is examined as an alternative to liberal thought in the literature. The role assigned to it is more so to serve as a corrective that moderates the extremes of liberal thought. This article aims to reinterpret communitarianism not as a corrective of liberalism, but as an alternative thought system to it. The main contention of the article is that, just like liberalism, communitarianism can indeed be read as a standalone political philosophy. This claim is sought to be grounded in the article by the existence of a unique philosophical foundation from which the criticisms of communitarian thinkers toward liberalism also emerge and are nourished - in other words, the fundamental premises and assumptions that make the communitarian critique “communitarian”. In this context, rather than focusing on the critiques of communitarians against liberalism, the article offers an examination that reveals the ontological, epistemological, and axiological foundations of communitarian thought.
Keywords: Political philosophy, Communitarianism, Ontology, Epistemology, Axiology

Öz: Varlık, bilgi ve değer düzlemlerinde tartışmaya açtığı meselelere ilişkin yorumları; komüniteryan düşüncenin, cari ahlaki-siyasi gerçekliğimizi tesis eden liberal kabul ve faraziyelerin kayda değer bir alternatifi olabileceğini göstermektedir. Fakat literatürde komüniteryanizmin liberal düşüncenin bir alternatifi olarak incelendiği söylemek pek de mümkün değildir. Ona biçilen rol, daha ziyade, liberal düşüncenin aşırılıklarını törpüleyecek bir düzelticisi olmasıdır. Bu makale, komüniteryanizmi liberalizmin bir düzelticisi değil, ona alternatif bir düşünce sistemi olarak yeniden yorumlamayı amaçlar. Makalenin temel iddiası, tıpkı liberalizm gibi komüniteryanizmin de müstakil bir siyaset felsefesi olarak okunabileceğidir. Bu iddia, makalede, komüniteryan düşünürlerin liberalizme yönelik eleştirilerini de doğurup besleyen özgün bir felsefi zeminin-bir diğer ifadeyle komüniteryan eleştiriyi "komüniteryan" kılan birtakım temel kabul ve varsayımların-mevcudiyetiyle temellendirilmeye çalışılır. Bu bağlamda makale, komüniteryanların liberalizm eleştirilerine odaklanmak yerine; komüniteryan düşüncenin ontolojik, epistemolojik ve aksiyolojik temellerini açığa çıkaran bir inceleme vaat etmektedir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Siyaset felsefesi, Komüniteryanizm, Ontoloji, Epistemoloji, Aksiyoloji

Source: https://www.insanvetoplum.org/sayilar/14cilt-3-sayi/m0740

En el libro: Bolivia: atreverse a interpretarla (2018), Don Pedro había señalado
que los aymaras actualizan constantemente su identidad, sin perder su núcleo
civilizatorio, y así en los últimos tiempos habrían desarrollado un individualismo
productivista muy vigoroso, que coexistiría con antiguas concepciones
colectivistas. Este desarrollo no puede ser entendido adecuadamente por las
corrientes marxistas, que en el ámbito andino han mostrado definitivamente
su naturaleza retrógrada y su incapacidad de entender modos de producción y
sistemas sociales no previstos por el Padre Fundador Karl Marx.

In this zine I explore a way to communicate the book project I am currently working on. The care of territory is an idea that has resonated in my research on processes of community organization in peasant contexts, when my questions refer to the forms of knowledge that underlie these relationships, and the strategies of struggle are linked to the everydayness of the practices and the materialities in which they are inscribed.

The twentieth century was the century of the deconstruction of all absolutes: of liberation understood as a critique of every meaningful structure. In this sense, conflict was understood as an instrument of the rupture of every form, institution and community. Niccolò Machiavelli is the first in our tradition to think about the productivity of political conflict – its capacity, on the model of ancient Rome, to construct new orders, institutions and forms of life. Francesco Marchesi offers an original reading of Machiavellian thought as well as a critique of some of the most influential contemporary theories of conflict including Foucault, Schmitt, Arendt, Lacan and Althusser. In doing so, he proposes an innovative, conflictual political ontology that, with Machiavelli, is capable of conceiving the affirmative, and not only deconstructive, power of conflict.

This article explores the meaning of infrastructural changes resulting from the Corredor Interoceánico del Istmo de Tehuantepec (CIIT) infrastructure project for the cultural survival of Indigenous peoples resident in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec region through the lens of ontological justice. The CIIT is being promoted as a multimodal road and rail transport corridor that will link the Gulf of Mexico with the Pacific Ocean, speed up global trade and benefit local residents. Based on interviews with affected residents in the states of Oaxaca and Veracruz, this research found that there is a strong desire for the continuity of existing, collective life projects, Indigenous languages, cultural identities, beliefs, spirituality, established political and legal systems, and solidarity economy. De facto, the CIIT infrastructure project functions as a technology of erasure of other lifeworlds, imposing integration into the One-World World (Escobar, 2016) and assimilation of Indigenous peoples and Afrodescendant communities. Contemporary legal frameworks are not sufficient to guarantee alterlivability (Hamraie, 2020). Therefore, infrastructural megaprojects based on modern/colonial-extractivistdevelopmentalist premises continue to threaten the futurity of Indigenous and Afrodescendant life projects.

Este articulo analiza los roles y la legitimidad de los envarados en la hacienda Q’ero (Paucartambo, Cusco) y en dos de las comunidades Q’ero que se formaron a partir de esta. A pesar que su relación con la hacienda y el estado se remonta al s XVII, las comunidades Q’ero tienden a ser presentadas como arquetipos de una autenticidad indígena prístina. Usando los registros etnográficos de empiezan en los 1920s y trabajo de campo, el articulo muestra cómo los envarados eran fundamentales en la organización del trabajo en la hacienda y su legitimidad externa provenía del hacendado y de autoridades estatales. Finalizada la hacienda, estas autoridades se articulan con aquellas de la Comunidad Campesina, institución a través de la cual el estado las reconoció en los 1980s. La antigua legitimidad de los envarados asociada al poder externo a la comunidad se torna en una interna muy débilmente asociada al estado. Las conversiones evangélicas y el análisis de las celebraciones a cargo de los envarados muestran cómo estos son cruciales en la recreación de una comunidad que incluye a los seres humanos y a los ruwales – lugares con nombre, agencia e intencionalidad propios – que constituyen el territorio comunal.

This essay discusses the recent works of Jean-Luc Nancy and Giorgio Agamben on the coronavirus. Quite some continental thinkers, such as Peter Sloterdijk and Slavoj Žižek offered their take on the epidemic already, yet those of Nancy and Agamben gained the most traction in the field. This will be obvious in the first section in which we present Agamben's somewhat formidable interpretation of "the invention" of the epidemic. Nancy's work is, in large part, an oblique response to Agamben's position. Before we present Nancy's work, however, we will consider the most important critiques of Agamben's work in the literature. The thesis of this article is that these, somehow, seem to suggest the correctness of Nancy's account of the epidemic on a number of themes, such as the fate of the sovereign, and sovereignty in an age of (mis)information.

I instead demonstrate how plant beings become protagonists in struggles for Shipibo-Konibo sovereignty in order to resist targeted de-existence in the Peruvian Amazon. Moreover, instead of analysing hope as a positive affective attachment to a potential, better future, my fieldwork stories reveal hope as a lens for seeing how people make-do by forming strategic multispecies alliances that maintain the possibility for life in modern/colonial death-worlds.

The aim of the work is to explore the logic of the populist phenomenon by analysing the analogies between Ernesto Laclau's political hauntology (as O. Marchart defined it using the Derridean concept) and the Political Theology as theorized by Carl Schmitt. Since there is not a direct influence of the German jurist on the Argentinian political theorist my paper doesn't take the form of a historical and philological analysis, but instead the one of a theoretical comparison. I will read on the "double movement" in Laclau's theory between the deconstruction of the social totality and the moment of political institution in light of the Schmittian Political, as a moment of ungrounding decision. In both Laclau's and Schmitt's reconstructions of the relation between ontology/metaphysics and politics can be found the idea of the "presence of an absence" (of God or of the social foundation) which haunts the secularized modernity.

Globally, environmental degradation has reached unprecedented levels. In South Africa, indigenous forest have beenlost to mass land conversions under previous colonial and apartheid administrations. These changes have affected social ecologies, engendering experiences of place severing and giving rise to grassroots community struggles in response. This case study aimed to explore and describe participants' psychological experiences of place severing in South Africa's Vhembe District. Thirteen individual and three focus group interviews were conducted between May and July 2019. Thematic data analysis was performed, revealing that epistemic violence and material severing lead to dialogical disruptions that, in turn, contribute to intergenerational community-level distress. In response, the community-based organization Dzomo la Mupo offers alternatives that resist and transcend the coloniality that underpins place severing.

Globally, environmental degradation has reached unprecedented levels. In South Africa, indigenous forest have beenlost to mass land conversions under previous colonial and apartheid administrations. These changes have affected social ecologies, engendering experiences of place severing and giving rise to grassroots community struggles in response. This case study aimed to explore and describe participants' psychological experiences of place severing in South Africa's Vhembe District. Thirteen individual and three focus group interviews were conducted between May and July 2019. Thematic data analysis was performed, revealing that epistemic violence and material severing lead to dialogical disruptions that, in turn, contribute to intergenerational community-level distress. In response, the community-based organization Dzomo la Mupo offers alternatives that resist and transcend the coloniality that underpins place severing.

Este artículo repasa el análisis de Pierre Clastres sobre lo que él llamó “sociedades contra el Estado” y su objetivo es provocar una discusión sobre la manera en que la teoría política occidental pensó la noción de diferencia. En primer lugar, el artículo muestra la manera en que Clastres invirtió la idea de carencia en los pueblos que estudió y, en lugar de presentarlos como sociedades a las que le faltaba algo (fe, rey, ley), los presentó como sociedades contra el Estado. En segundo lugar, el argumento presentado discute la idea de Clastres de la política como matriz de toda diferencia. Para él, la política opera sobre los límites del demos, definiendo cuáles son las diferencias que pueden ser legítimamente articuladas dentro de la comunidad. Finalmente, el artículo propone brevemente una manera en la que el análisis de procesos políticos contemporáneos, como el populismo latinoamericano o los movimientos de indignados en Europa, podrían beneficiarse de la concepción que Clastres tenía de la política y la diferencia.

Статья посвящена переосмыслению государства как политической формы с позиций психоаналитического понимания идеологии Славоем Жижеком и теории государства Михаила Рейснера. В работе последовательно излагаются идеи Жижека раннего периода его творчества и теория государства Рейснера. Жижек, отвергая традиционное понимание идеологии как ложного сознания, представляет ее в качестве структурирующей реальность необходимости. В свою очередь, Рейснер рассматривает государство не только как инструмент угнетения, но и как психологический фантазм, основанный на идеях и бессознательных установках масс. Синтез идей Жижека с наследием Рейснера составляет главную цель данной статьи. При совмещении двух перспектив государство оказывается идеологией, организующей современный политический опыт и скрывающей некую травматическую невозможность символизации Реального. Попытка посмотреть на государство-идеологию сквозь призму
психоанализа позволяет выявить механизмы его функционирования в качестве главного
означающего, вокруг которого центрируется политико-правовой дискурс и политическая
практика. Оказывается, что государство-идеология подменяет иные формы политическихсообществ как темпорально, так и пространственно. Преодоление этой ситуации возможно через приведение фантазма государства обратно к психике человека. Это, в свою очередь, требует признания наличия не символизируемой нехватки в самой сердцевине символического порядка, подрывающей абсолютную власть государства-идеологии определять устройство политической реальности. Неочевидная интеллектуальная связь Жижека и Рейснера, их оригинальные взгляды на природу идеологии и государства позволяют по-новому посмотреть на принципы устройства современной политической формы и внести вклад в ведущуюся дискуссию о государстве.

The article is devoted to a rethinking of the state as a political form from the perspective of Slavoj Žižek’s psychoanalytical understanding of ideology and Mikhail Reisner’s theory of the state. The paper systematically outlines Žižek’s ideas from the early period of his work and Reisner’s theory of the state. Žižek, rejecting the traditional understanding of ideology as false consciousness, presents it as a necessity that structures reality. In turn, Reisner views the state not only as an instrument of oppression but also as a psychological phantasm based on the ideas and unconscious attitudes of the masses. Synthesising Žižek’s ideas with Reisner’s legacy forms the main aim of this article. In combining the two perspectives, the state turns out to be the ideology that organises contemporary political experience and conceals a certain traumatic impossibility of symbolising the Real. The attempt to look at the state-as-ideology through the prism of psychoanalysis reveals the mechanisms of its functioning as the main signifier around which political-legal discourse and political practice are
centered. It turns out that the state-as-ideology replaces other forms of political communities both temporally and spatially. Overcoming this situation is possible through bringing the phantasm of the state back to the human psyche. This, in turn, requires a recognition of the presence of an unsymbolised lack at the very heart of the symbolic order, undermining the absolute power of the state-as-ideology to determine the structure of political reality. The non-obvious intellectual connection between Žižek and Reisner and their original views on the nature of ideology and the state
provide an opportunity to take a fresh look at the principles of the structure of the contemporary political form and to contribute to the ongoing debate on the state.

Varias décadas han pasado entre los inicios y la terminación de la represa de Yacyretá. Pero ahora genera aportes en electricidad para una Argentina con necesidades energéticas crecientes y tiende a modificar la realidad y el potencial de la región del Noreste, por largo tiempo relegada. Una mirada geohistórica dada a Yacyretá ilustra en el tiempo y en el espacio, la magnitud de esta obra pública como fuente de energía para los países y la región y como proyecto de infraestructura en un territorio. Este trabajo se apoya sobre una base empírica y en el estudio de bibliografía sobre la represa, tomando en consideración reflexiones teóricas vinculadas al tema de las redes, la coordinación entre actores y el desarrollo territorial.Several decades have passed between the beginning and the completion of Yacyretá dam. But now it contributes to generate electricity for Argentina, who has growing energy needs and it changes the reality and the potential of Northeast region, long time neglect...

Inspired by decolonial and postdevelopment theories applying political ontology, this study analyzes – from an engaged anthropological perspective – strategies implemented by Zapatista coffee producers and solidarity activists to build economic and epistemic alternatives to current capitalist society, commodified and ruled my market values.
Conscious that “it is not possible to dominate the world if one does not dominate ideas” (EZLN 2017), the research aims to investigate how native, social and ethical criteria need to invade, penetrate the economic arena in order to make trade possible. Observing how international solidarity activities are narrated, the politics of coffee and knowledge production are investigated as they build opportunities for action within a highly politicized economic sphere. Coffee is a source of income but also an instrument of struggle in which perspectives of change towards possible pluriverses are reified. The flows in which it circulates are built around solidarity connections crystallized in the coffee as an object of exchange as well as a radical space of conflict. The meanings conveyed by the product are constructed on a symbolic level, making coffee a relational political arena in which the legitimacy of transactions is built epistemically, ethically and aesthetically.

El presente artículo aborda la cuestión del sentido del replanteamiento de la pregunta por el Ser en cuanto eje vertebrador del pensamiento de Heidegger, y más en concreto, de aquello que es denominado como el Segundo Heidegger. Ello atendiendo a su pertinencia en tanto vórtice del despliegue de un pensar que complica una consideración de la Historia de la Filosofía y de la tarea a la cual como pensamiento inserto en ella se halla él mismo destinado. Tarea la cual, a su vez, en cuanto tal, se encuentra ya mediatizada por el efecto de su propia comprensión: aquella que la propia reproposición de la pregunta por el ser pretende inducir y preparar procediendo a la reflexión y genealogía del propio horizonte que le otorga sentido y necesidad, requiriéndola como una respuesta capaz de alterar y transformar el violento decurso metafísico-científico-técnico de Occidente. Nuestro trabajo se hace cargo así de la circularidad constitutiva del pensamiento de Heidegger, bajo la comprensión de q...

Semantic Web is, without a doubt, gaining momentum in both industry and academia. The word "Semantic" refers to "meaning"-a semantic web is a web of meaning. In this fast changing and result oriented practical world, gone are the days where an individual had to struggle for finding information on the Internet where knowledge management was the major issue. The semantic web has a vision of linking, integrating and analysing data from various data sources and forming a new information stream, hence a web of databases connected with each other and machines interacting with other machines to yield results which are user oriented and accurate. With the emergence of Semantic Web framework the naïve approach of searching information on the syntactic web is cliché. This paper proposes an optimised semantic searching of keywords exemplified by simulation an ontology of Indian universities with a proposed algorithm which ramifies the effective semantic retrieval of information which is easy to access and time saving.

Los norteños de la costa peruana responden a la corrupción política, al cambio climático y a la devastación medioambiental comprometiéndose con los Apus indígenas como líderes de movimientos ecológicos y cocreadores de un mundo interétnico. Desafían los modelos sociales del capitalismo neoliberal y el colonialismo de colonos, que se basan en la distinción entre lo humano y lo no humano y promueven el excepcionalismo humano. Los académicos han considerado formas radicalmente distintas de personas no humanas y sus maneras de estar en el mundo. Al trabajar más allá de las limitaciones teóricas de los enfoques ontológicos (formas de ser) y del activismo político y dentro del ámbito de una política medioambiental y espiritual local, basada en el lugar, muestro cómo pueden desbaratarse las dicotomías históricas del pensamiento occidental y sus efectos. Analizo las dificultades de la política ontológica en un contexto que no se adscribe a las fantasías académicas y políticas de la pureza indígena frente a la modernidad. Analizo las formas conflictivas en que los norteños se relacionan con paisajes más-que-humanos para proporcionar un modelo de acción moral-ambiental-política radical, en el que la “comunidad” y el “bienestar” se definen como humanos en relación con el lugar-como-personas y la “naturaleza” se resignifica como un ancla para la justicia social.

Pan-Indigenous    Peruvian norteños respond to political corruption, climate change, and environmental devastation by engaging Indigenous sentient landscapes as leaders of environmental movements and cocreators of a pan-Indigenous  world. They challenge social models of neoliberal capitalism and settler colonialism, which are based on the distinction between the human and more-than-human and promote human exceptionalism. Scholars of political ontology have considered radically different forms of more-than-human persons and their plural ways of being in the world embedded in relations with the state. I argue that more-than-humans are not just alternative ways of being in the world, but frames through which norteños engage in subversive politics to challenge the justice of neoliberal capitalism and the state. By working beyond the theoretical limitations of ontological approaches (ways of being) and the state’s definition of politics, and within the realm of a local, place-based environmental and spiritual politics, I show how the historical dichotomies of Western thought, Western politics and their effects can be disrupted. I also analyze the difficulties of ontological politics in a milieu that does not ascribe to scholarly and political fantasies of Indigenous purity from modernity. Specifically, I analyze the conflicting ways in which norteños engage with more-than-human landscapes to provide a model for radical ethical-environmental-political action, in which      community      and      well-being      are defined as humans in relationship to place-as-persons and d the earth is resignified as an anchor for social and climate      justice.

Esta comunicación se propone analizar el impacto de la pandemia por COVID 19 en la preexistente crisis global del cuidado, que afecta también a sociedades latino-americanas. Seguidamente, se realiza análisis prospectivo buscando identificar elementos del presente con potencial de proyección al futuro inmediato y mediato, que puedan reconfigurar en forma duradera aspectos estructurales en la organización social del cuidado La metodología es comparativa, considerando estudios en perspectiva de género realizados por organismos multilaterales, áreas estatales y por organizaciones de la sociedad civil, así como estadísticas oficiales. Se colocan estos resultados provisorios en diálogo epistemológico con literatura académica de referencia en el tema. Los resultados presentan posibles alternativas dicotómicas en el escenario post-pandemia: elevación del cuidado a categoría política y ethos civilizatorio materializado en formas de Estado ad hoc, o el retorno al patriarcado como lógica absoluta para la convivencia humana, esta vez en nombre de la racionalidad sanitaria. Palabras claves: Pandemia. Prospectiva. Crisis global de cuidados. Distopia. América Latina.

Campesinos (peasants) and norteños (northerner entrepreneurs) in highland Huamachuco, la Libertad, northern Peru-reconcile their mining within Andean practices about the perceived sentience and agency of mountain-ancestors (apus). They do so by engaging in two different types of apu cannibalism that are antithetical to each other. I analyze how the conflict between Andean campesino communities who practice small-scale underground mining on the apu El Toro site, and, the Summa Gold open-pit mining company (owned by former campesinos now norteño) also on apu El Toro, reshapes, on both sides, relationalities with mountain-ancestors and capitalism. I explore miners' practical moral economies with apus, the local government, and legal authorities to secure economic and political benefits as their worlds are transformed by capitalism. I also analyze how the power inequality between campesino and norteño miners shapes these exchanges, their ability to control the limits of extractivism, and the rhetoric around mining contamination.

This article attempts to elucidate the Deleuzian philosophy of the event between The Logic of Sense and A Thousand Plateaus, where it acquires clearly political nuances. With regard to The Logic of Sense, I show that (i) it takes up the definition of the event of Difference and Repetition, identifying it with that redistribution of pre-individual singularities or individuating differences at the level of the univocal being which defines the conditions of problems; (ii) the event is henceforth also the instance that makes possible the “communication” of the heterogeneous series of bodies and propositions from which the production of sense in language follows; and (iii) the counter-effectuation should be understood in this book as an ethics of the event. With regard to A Thousand Plateaus, I emphasize (i) the “return” to The Logic of Sense that the concept of assemblage entails, (ii) the reformulation of the notion of event that takes place in the new theoretical framework, and (iii) that of the counter-effectuation, which must henceforth be understood as a politics of the event.

Philosophical and theoretical research on tourism is ever more pertinent in an age of increased uncertainty, manifold vulnerabilities, and determination to promote justice, fairness, and equality. The pluriversal challenge facing tourism and tourism studies, that is, the necessity for polycentric, inclusive, and equitably participatory being, doing, and knowing, suggests that these transitional times require an ontology that can assist with understanding the entangled complexities of being and becoming vis-à-vis tourism. Relational ontology is thus presented as a crucial lens for comprehending the ethical, environmental, political, social, cultural, and spiritual potentialities that emerge uniquely through tourism as relationalities. This paper argues that relational ontology not only accommodates but also discloses pluriversality and the ontological multiple, and that it can facilitate not universal but relational understandings, which can coexist, enrich, and promote human flourishing through tourism.

If the ontological is political, as theorists say it is, then the ecological is already geopolitical. More accurately, ecology dooms us to eternal geopolitics. There are big political processes in the series of unimaginable catastrophes dispensed by the planet because a fast-collapsing environment hinges on the politics of unequal territories. The climate of political geography reworks the danger of a total crisis. Far from traditional considerations, we realize that all ecology is undertaken under an intractable post-human security framework. Science uncovers things so massively distributed in time and space locked in competition to annihilate the human. Hyperobjects perpetuate the logic of security. Ontological security supplants the critique of alienation. Terror is normal where everything affects everything everywhere all the time. The technological horizon of the Anthropocene is precisely the defensive measure to secure a place in the future disenfranchised by nature. Ecological thought has always been this inhuman effort toward Earth System geopolitics. So to think ecologically is to think geopolitically. But both do not always align. That we cannot make a world where hyperobjects are not in charge and that we’re fated to terminate is the elementary qualification for doing philosophy. No longer just an existential quandary, perhaps it is the problem of extinction alone that can save us.

In this chapter, we spell out what we mean by reconstruction. The purpose of reconstructing the theoretical traditions including their main characteristics, origins and trajectories as they have evolved in Europe in the twentieth century is threefold: providing concise accounts of broad lines of development and major changes and continuities over time within and of each tradition; introducing main figures who represent and nurture a given tradition, and who reproduce and transform it in specific political, historical and intellectual contexts, to make visible, to define and to strengthen the identity of the European IR community; and thereby identifying the European flavours of each tradition.

Resumo: O propósito deste artigo é explorar o modo como Hannah Arendt compreende a condição de crise como condição subjacente à existência humana no mundo moderno. Para esse fim, serão analisadas passagens de obras arendtianas, bem como algumas noções nelas presentes, de modo a traçar um caminho da condição de crise de uma perspectiva de senso comum até uma perspectiva ontológico-politicamente fundada.

В статье рассматриваются теоретические истоки и идеологические обоснования концепция «когнитивной свободы». Предметом исследования выступает авторский подход Р. Сентенция и Р. Буар к проблематизации феномена «когнитивной свободы» в период существования «Центра когнитивной свободы и этики» (CCLE), а также поиск гносеологических истоков данной конструкции в «старинных аксиомах» Парацельса. Особое внимание уделяется эпистемологической претензии феномена «когнитивной свободы», выступать фундаментальным основанием свободы мысли как таковой и прогрессивной «амбиции» быть в роли нового основания «политической свободы в 21 веке». Важным мотивом рассмотрения феномена когнитивной свободы будет выступать аналитический разбор содержательных компонентов и исследовательских сюжетных линий политологического подхода к пониманию и освоению предметного поля феномена «когнитивная свобода». Внимание уделяется широкому теоретико-методологическому представлению когнитивной свободы именно как политической свободы, ориентированного на современную психологию, нейроэтику, эпистемологические и когнитивные тенденций в современной науке и философии. Анализируется интерпретация феномена когнитивной свободы с помощью диффузионной концепции, ориентированной на использовании комбинации двух подходов: имплицитной когнитивной науки и политического диффузионизма.
The article examines the theoretical origins and ideological foundations of the concept of "cognitive freedom". The subject of the research is the author's approach of W. Sententia and R. Boire to the problematization of the phenomenon of "cognitive freedom" during the existence of the "Center for Cognitive Freedom and Ethics" (CCLE), as well as the search for the epistemological origins of this construction in the "ancient axioms" of Paracelsus. Special attention is paid to the epistemological claim of the phenomenon of "cognitive freedom", to act as the fundamental basis of freedom of thought as such and the progressive "ambition" to be the new foundation of "political freedom in the 21st century". An important motive for considering the phenomenon of cognitive freedom will be an analytical analysis of the content components and research storylines of the political science approach to understanding and mastering the subject field of the phenomenon of "cognitive freedom". Attention is paid to the broad theoretical and methodological representation of cognitive freedom as political freedom, focused on modern psychology, neuroethics, epistemological and cognitive trends in modern science and philosophy. The interpretation of the phenomenon of cognitive freedom is analyzed using a diffusion concept focused on using a combination of two approaches: implicit cognitive science and political diffusionism.

This essay explores Jacques Lacan's theory of desire as functioning according to the logic of tragedy and compares it with Alenka Zupančič's concept of love as comedy, demonstrating however that the latter remains too caught up in the Lacanian worldview to truly capture the active side of love. The essay argues that Zupančič's interpretation of Lacan can be reinterpreted again through the lenses of "messianic psychoanalysis"-psychoanalysis "slightly adjusted"-standing not on the side of the tragic acceptance of fate, but of the promise of "more life." Drawing from the reflections of Agata Bielik-Robson, Eric Santner and Jonathan Lear, this essay intends to demonstrate that Zupančič's comedy of love can be reconciled with the more relational notion of love as a psychoanalytical counterpart of messianic Exodus. An example of such a liberating combination of eros and wit can be found in Freud's interpretation of Wilhelm Jensen's "Gradiva".

The lifeworlds of the eastern European peoples have changed by the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war. Even though the military actions are so far limited by the territory of Ukraine, this war is an event of the history of entire humanity. In this essay I reflect from the point of view of a pluralistic ontology: a philosophical position that takes, as its starting point, the recognition of both Differences and Nothingness as the origin of the World and that tries to re- spect both, Being and Becoming. From my point of view, the World is the topos of an ongoing meeting of multiple Beings; human and non-human ex- istences; created and non-created things. In this essay I will posit eight theses that range from fundamental ques- tions raised by pluralistic ontology to the ontology of History and then to the interpretation of our Zeitgeist. I will do my best to demonstrate that even to- day, from within a deepening caesura, when a growing part of humanity is experiencing a first-hand encounter with Nothingness, the hope for a new bright future has some ground and must not be neglected. The pessimism that seems to have taken over contemporary philosophical debate should not pre- vent us from paying attention to the glimmers of hope in the gathering dark- ness of the Russian-Ukrainian and possibly the new global war.

В статье рассмотрен процесс вхождения слова справедливость в русский язык от его первых употреблений в XV в. до конца XVIII в. Слово справедливость приходит в русский язык из польского, и значения слова вплоть до XVIII в. реализуются в политико-правовой и моральной сферах. Однако в XVIII в. появляется принципиально иные способы словоупотребления, в которых справедливость приобретает значение ‘правила для разума’. Появление подобного значения объясняется секуляризацией и европеизацией российской культуры XVIII в. Вера Просвещения в способности человеческого разума позволила определить справедливость в качестве характеристики способности чувствования, необходимой человеку для правильного познания как социального, так и материального миров.

This chapter interrogates the concept of the subject of rights and questions whether Jacques Rancière’s work could be used to understand and mobilize the subjectification of non-humans in the context of a ‘pluralization of ontologies’ or ‘cosmopolitics’. Using a deconstructive and archaeological/genealogical method to investigate the categories of the ‘subject’ and the ‘person’, it contends that subjecthood has been indissociably associated with the human being and that any ascription of subjecthood and personhood to non-humans, risks reinstating the problems that this attribution attempts to sort out. The question one needs to ask is whether it is possible to think of a subject dissociated from its human form and the normative model humanity has imprinted on it.

This article investigates the role of scenographics in staging climate crisis cultures. The art collective SUPERFLEX's installation It Is Not The End Of The World (Copenhagen 2019) explored human-world relations through techniques of set design, lighting, sound and costume. Central to this was a detailed 1-to-1 scale replica of the UN Building toilets re-imagined as an archaeology of a future without humans. While described as an 'installation', It Is Not.. . is adopted as a case study that exemplifies the role of scenographics in irritating a sense of place and is argued as affording insight into the assemblages of place, world and atmosphere. Drawing upon Global South philosopher Arturo Escobar's 'pluriversal design', I offer an argument for scenographics as a methodology when investigating world feelings in an era of climate crisis. 'Pluriversal scenographics' is proposed as a critical framework for the staging of nondualistic, relational and more-than-human 'possible reals'. Pluriversal concepts are proposed as a model for renewing the political purpose of scenographic practice as a methodology for investigating world feelings. I conclude with a call for a renewed political task of scenography and the value of this perspective for theatre makers, arts professionals and cultural geographers.