Occupational mobility

This paper suggests a synthetic measure of social mobility that can be used to decompose the residual correlation between parental background and child earnings, left after controlling for backgroundrelated intervening factors. Using the EU-SILC dataset for 8 countries, our analysis shows that country differences concern residual correlations rather than patterns of occupational mobility. Decompositions make it evident that significant residual background correlations observed in the UK and in Southern countries mask respectively penalties to upward mobility and a parachute against downward mobility. In turn, insignificant residual effects encompass penalties to both downward and upward mobility in Germany and France, and no patterns in Nordic countries. In quantile regressions, residual background correlations appear to increase along the distribution, but are much flatter in Southern countries. Even if we are not able to provide causal explanations, we suggest that especially in unequal countries results would hardly agree with a standard human explanation.

Unemployment has a strong influence on the economic prospects of the UK economy as a whole. The effect of unemployment can be long-lasting, and as an experience can imply lasting effects on future employment outcomes. In order to avoid unemployment, individuals may decide take jobs they are overqualified for as a stepping stone to a better match when such positions become available. If over-qualification is a negative productivity signal, then this could reduce future career mobility. This thesis aimed to gain some insights into the impact of where individuals live, within the UK, on their unemployment and employment experiences. With that in mind, detailed data sets were constructed in order to answer the questions of interest. Moreover, flexible econometric techniques were employed.

Through the lens of culture intersecting with gender, race and class, this monograph looks at the reconfiguration of skilled worker identity of 20 Philippines-born women who have
immigrated to Australia. Through interviews and analyses of their lived experiences, it attempts to comprehend the complexity of their unemployment, from their encounter with
the labor market, to their attempts in breaking into the workforce. It contextualizes the institutional disadvantages and discrimination befalling migrant women of non-English
speaking background, as well as housework and mothering responsibilities they continue to resist at home. The complex interaction of the women’s higher education, English
language proficiency, their sense of purpose and other personal resources—all assisted in reframing their subordinated identity, and recapturing their careers. The women risked taking jobs lower than their qualifications, took further studies, went through rigorous accreditation, and acquired local experience, as stepping stones to regain their professions and subsequently their middle-class status. Their journey, however, is not without severe difficulties. By using agency and privilege, this monograph argues that the women
epitomized the classical modernist ideology of the self within a capitalist system. They were aware of structural disadvantages and discriminatory practices, but they found ways of
working within these limitations, which results to masking the hardships they endured. The study debunks the effectiveness of the notion that individual’s capacity over the state “to
enterprise themselves” is a success strategy.

Με την επιφύλαξη παντός δικαιώματος. Απαγορεύεται η αντιγραφή, αποθήκευση και διανομή της παρούσας έκδοσης, εξολοκλήρου ή τμήματος αυτής για εμπορικό σκοπό. Επιτρέπεται η ανατύπωση, αποθήκευση και διανομή για σκοπό μη κερδοσκοπικό, εκπαιδευτικής ή ερευνητικής φύσης, υπό την προϋπόθεση να αναφέρεται η πηγή προέλευσης και να διατηρείται το παρόν μήνυμα. Ερωτήματα που αφορούν τη χρήση των μελετών για κερδοσκοπικό σκοπό πρέπει να απευθύνονται προς τους συγγραφείς. Οι απόψεις και τα συμπεράσματα των κειμένων εκφράζουν τους συγγραφείς και μόνο. Για κάθε σχετικό ζήτημα η επικοινωνία διενεργείται μέσω του εξής

The study of intergenerational mobility was once viewed as a quintessentially sociological topic that was widely investigated using occupational mobility tables. However, the popularity of that approach has been dwindling. This decline is associated with the increasing use of the economics model which is not encumbered by the shortcomings of occupational mobility tables. The first limitation of the latter is the contextual nature of occupation which provides an imprecise indicator of an individual’s earnings. The second limitation is the focus on cross-sectional data in an era of increased labor market volatility. The third limitation is the dubious practice of distinguishing between structural mobility and circulation mobility. The fourth limitation is the failure of occupational studies to discern important empirical trends about rising inequality such as the Great Gatsby Curve. The fifth limitation is that occupation is an inaccurate indicator of non-pecuniary rewards and compensating differentials for individual jobs. The recognition of these limitations helps to explain why sociologists are abandoning occupational mobility tables—despite their once great popularity—in favor of the economics approach.

précarité à la mobilité, vers une sécurité sociale professionnelle, La Documentation française, Paris. CErC (2005), La sécurité de l'emploi face aux défis des transformations économiques, rapport n° 5, la Documentation française, Paris. CNiS (2008), Emploi, chômage, précarité. Mieux mesurer pour mieux débattre et mieux agir, rapport sous la présidence de J. B. de Foucauld. Conseil de l'Union européenne (2007), Vers des principes communs de flexicurité : des emplois plus nombreux et de meilleure qualité en combinant flexibilité et sécurité, Bruxelles, 4 juillet. Delarre S. et Duhautois r. (2003), « La mobilité intra-groupe des salariés : le poids de la proximité géographique et structurale », Économie et Statistique, n° 369-370, pp. 173-190.

In the late 1980s Vietnam started seriously implementing doi moi or reforms that are widely held to have led to rapid and sustained economic growth. What distinguishes Vietnam’s growth is that the reform measures have led to a pro-poor growth. Vietnam is

The present paper intends to present the situation of continuous formation programs in Romania, including them in the strategies and Directives of the European Union. This field is poorly researched and analysed in Romania, present studies being elaborated by state institutions, which are trying to fold to the requirements of EU, that wants to become the most competitive and dynamic economy based on knowledge form the world, motive that imp oses investments in human resources development with the purpose to encourage the employees to obtain new competences and to accept occupational mobility. Unfortunately, in Romania and all Member States, training is seen as a cost, which must be minimized, and not as an investment. In the present situation, given by the financial and economic crisis, the sole solution for the development of this sector is strong involvement of the Government and its institution.

Vietnam's success in reducing poverty is revealed by the data of four household surveys, the last being the Vietnam Households and Livings Standard Survey (VHLSS) of 2004. During the period of 1993-2004, the poverty rate measured by per capita consumption came down from 58.1 percent to 19.5 percent, a drop of almost 39 percentage point over eleven years. The poverty rate in 2004 is one third of the 1993 level, which is exceptional if it is benchmarked against a major UN Millennium Development Goal of halving extreme poverty by 2015 (VASS, 2007). Simultaneously, remarkable progress has also been achieved in some of the associated complementary social indicators like net enrolment rate at all levels of education, access to electricity, clean water, sanitation, health facilities, health insurance coverage, possession of durable goods, etc. The rapid and pro-poor growth that engineered the quick reduction of poverty is explained by a number of factors but the market oriented econom...

El análisis de las migraciones y su relación con la conformación de la estructura de clases argentina tienen una larga tradición en la demografía y sociología. Tanto el proceso de migración ultramarina durante la vigencia del modelo agroexportador como el movimiento de población interna y limítrofe a partir del crecimiento industrial sustitutivo fueron objeto de intenso interés sociológico dadas su impacto en los fenómenos culturales, sociales y políticos que atravesó el país. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la inserción de clase de los migrantes al Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires a la luz de las transformaciones experimentadas en el mercado de trabajo y la estructura ocupacional en una década signada por el crecimiento económico y la recuperación del empleo; en contraposición a las políticas de ajuste que habían caracterizado al último cuarto del siglo XX. Para esto se reparará en dos momentos: el año 2003, comienzo del período de recuperación y el año 2014, último con datos disponibles. El análisis se trazará a partir de las principales características del mercado de trabajo del área metropolitana, reconstruyendo la estructura de clase que ostenta y haciendo foco en la inserción de los migrantes en esta última, teniendo en cuenta su origen migratorio. Con este fin, se recurre a la elaboración de un esquema de clase, inspirado parcialmente en el enfoque teórico propuesto por E. Olin Wright. Esta tarea se aborda a partir de las el lugar ocupado respecto de los medios de producción, la autoridad en el proceso productivo, la calificación de la tarea y la rama de actividad, disponibles en las bases de micro-datos de la Encuesta Permanente de Hogares del INDEC.

This study explores how different forms of ethnic-specific networks and ties influence realized educational mobility – and subsequently occupational mobility– among a group of highly educated Turkish Belgian women. Analysis of interview data with thirty highly-educated Turkish Belgian women focuses on their experiences of how various forms of ethnic-specific networks developed opportunities and/or barriers for educational and occupational success, and the importance of structural features in which these networks are embedded. The findings suggest that the importance and influence of co-ethnic networks and ties can change over time and in relationship to different (inter-related) forms of social mobility.

The differences between continuing professional education (CPE) and training are examined by presenting a systems view of the factors that make CPE different from training. The authors analyze these differences by discussing scope, stakeholders, control, and occupational mobility. These factors provide a framework for examining differences between CPE and training from an economic perspective. The authors review economic rationales for CPE and discuss how existing training evaluation concepts, such as cost-benefit analysis and return on investment may be adapted to the specific characteristics of CPE. They end by reflecting on the possibilities that the proposed approach offers and list a number of recommendations for further research.

Romania's regional policy is oriented today towards the eight regions of development. That is why, in order to understand the nature and dynamics of the regional disparities, poverty and social exclusion we shall analyze the main changes occurred in the human development process in Romania, in the last sixteen years. In order to achieve an accurate evaluation, we shall use indicators of regional economic development such as: unemployment indicator, occupation indicator, average number of employees, GDP, business figure of some companies from areas such as industry, construction, commerce and services. In order to develop a best suitable framework for analysis and measurements of the changes occurred at local and regional level, amongst the inclusion of classical indicators such as: the GDP and gross medium income we shall include four other fundamental dimensions: the occupational matrix of the active population; the professional and occupational mobility of the population in the last sixteen years; the social exclusion phenomenon (marginalization) and the integrating phenomenon (inclusion) and participation of the labour force in the new market economy. In order for the analysis of the disparities in Romania to be more relevant we shall comprise data, in comparison at historical regional level, not taking into account the new regions of development. Also our analysis on human development must be placed in the context of our days, by highlighting the actual tendencies and social structure at national level. In order to consolidate the ties between human development at local and regional level with other conditions (e. q. economic growth, macro-economic policies, distribution of financial resources) we mustn't promote only the accumulation of human capital (investment

This paper employs the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey, a nationwide panel, to inquire into the magnitude, determinants, and consequences of occupational mobility in Russia from 1985 to 1998. We show that the restructuring process increases the rate of occupational reallocation. Structural changes account for a substantial part of the increase in gross occupational flows. A model built in the paper outlines the major explanatory factors of increased mobility during transition. The empirical analysis demonstrates that the destruction of existing jobs and occupations and the creation of new opportunities are important explanations for increased occupational mobility in transitional Russia. The econometric results also indicate that the local outside opportunities and the scale of structural change largely determine the probability of occupational switching.

Occupational data are central to much research in the field of social stratification. Yet there is little consensus on how such data are most appropriately classified and scaled. We evaluate occupational scales currently in use on the basis of a fourfold typology. This crossclassifies scales, on the one hand, according to whether they are intended to be 'synthetic' or 'analytic' and, on the other, according to whether they are based on 'subjective' or 'objective' data. Focusing chiefly on issues of validity, we argue that scales of the analytic-objective type are those which, for most purposes, can be used to best advantage in stratification research. We illustrate our argument by applying scales of occupational earnings and occupational status in analyses of the worklife occupational mobility of men in Britain, using the data-set of the National Child Development Study.

The paper studies determinants of Russian adult mortality controlling for individual and household heterogeneity. We utilize twelve rounds of the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey spanning the period of 14 years to study determinants of adult mortality. Survival analysis is the main methodology employed. The results are original in several respects. We find empirical support to the importance of relative status

Recent literature agrees that the degree of intergenerational mobility substantially differs across European countries, ranked between the "mobile" Nordic countries and the "immobile" Anglo-Saxon and Southern ones. In this paper we will compare the intergenerational transmission of advantages in 8 European countries using EU-SILC dataset. Considering parental occupations as background variable, our main aims are to assess whether residual returns to background on offspring's labour incomes persist after controlling for intermediated background-related outcomes (education and occupation) and to disentangle the role played by upward and downward occupational mobility on earnings. Our empirical analyses show that cross-country differences occur in the labour markets rather than in the educational stream. Consistently with previous findings, residual background effects on earnings are not significant in Nordic and Continental countries whereas they appear large in Anglo-Saxon and Southern ones. When the impact of backward and upward mobility is assessed, in all countries but Nordic ones penalties for upgrading emerge mostly in top occupations and are higher in less-mobile countries. These patterns are smoothened but preserved in bottom occupations and robust to different labour income measures.

The mobility effect of general and specific training is a key issue in the debate on the design of educational systems. Using data from two retrospective life-history surveys, we compare general school-based vocational training and specific apprenticeship training with regard to inter-firm, inter-occupational and inter-industrial mobility. The results show that workers with school-based degrees display greater occupational mobility, while no difference in firm and industrial mobility can be discerned. This suggests that apprenticeships do not eliminate job search at labor market entry, that they reduce occupational mobility, and that responsiveness to structural change is similar under both training systems.

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Suburban maintenance gardening is one service sector that has grown in the United States, and in many parts of the country it has become a gendered occupational niche for Mexican immigrant men. What is the social organization of this occupation and to what extent are Mexican immigrant gardeners following in the footsteps of Japanese gardeners, achieving socioeconomic mobility through gardening? Based on interviews conducted with 47 Mexican immigrant maintenance gardeners in Los Angeles, this article examines the occupational structure of this informal sector job, the social context in which it has developed, the mix of informal and formal economic transactions involved, and the strategic challenges that gardeners negotiate. The data show that there is occupational differentiation and mobility within the gardening occupation, and that mobility in the job remains dependent on combining both ethnic entrepreneurship and subjugated service work. Gendered social and human capital, together with financial and legal capital are necessary for occupational mobility. Jardineria, or suburban maintenance gardening, is analogous to the longstanding labor incorporation of female immigrant domestic workers into affluent households, but it is also indicative of a new trend: the proliferation of hybrid forms of entrepreneurship and service work and the incorporation of masculine "dirty work" service jobs into affluent households.

40 % des 742 000 jeunes sortis de formation initiale en 1998 ont déménagé et changé de zone d'emploi au cours de leurs sept premières années de vie active. Ils sont même 13 % à avoir connu au moins deux changements. Dans sept cas sur dix, ces changements conduisent les jeunes à changer de département et environ une fois sur deux à s'installer dans une autre région. Dans 15 % des cas, il s'agit d'un retour vers la région qu'ils avaient quittée en cours d'études. L'ancrage territorial apparaît donc faible au sein des nouvelles générations. 1. C'est moins vrai aujourd'hui. Déjà en 1999, 30 % des actifs résidaient hors de leur zone d'emploi (Insee).

Drawing from Sorokin's hypothesis that socially mobile individuals are at greater risk of experiencing psychological distress than their non-mobile counterparts, we investigate whether intergenerational occupational mobility influences psychological distress, as measured by the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression (CES-D) scale. Using data for men from the Wisconsin Longitudinal Study (WLS) and Sobel's Diagonal Mobility Models, we find little evidence for

Despite the increased use of geographic information systems (GIS) in exposure assessment, spatio-temporally varying datasets, such as daily activity spaces, residential histories, and time-varying maps of environmental contaminants are poorly characterized in the GIS environment. While current state-of-the-art methods allow for integrating datasets that contain spatial or temporal variability, until now datasets exhibiting spatio-temporal variability have been largely unmanageable, and researchers have been forced to simplify the complicated nature of their datasets by reducing or eliminating the spatial or temporal dimension. New Time-GIS technology (also referred to as space-time information systems) allows for incorporat

This paper examines for the first time inequality of opportunity for income in Africa, by analyzing large-sample surveys, all providing information on individuals' parental background, in five comparable Sub-Saharan countries: Ivory Coast, Ghana, Guinea, Madagascar and Uganda. We compute inequality of opportunity indexes in keeping with the main proposals in the literature, and propose a decomposition of between-country differences that distinguishes the respective impacts of intergenerational mobility between social origins and positions, of the distribution of education and occupations, and of the earnings structure. Among our five countries, Ghana in 1988 has by far the lowest income inequality between individuals of different social origins, while Madagascar in 1993 displays the highest inequality of opportunity from the same point of view. Ghana in 1998, Ivory Coast in 1985-88, Guinea in 1994 and Uganda in 1992 stand in-between and can not be ranked without ambiguity. Inequality of opportunity for income seems to correlate with overall income inequality more than with national average income. Decompositions reveal that the two former British colonies (Ghana and Uganda) share a much higher intergenerational educational and occupational mobility than the three former French colonies. Further, Ghana distinguishes itself from the four other countries, because of the combination of widespread secondary schooling, low returns to education and low income dualism against agriculture. Nevertheless, it displays marked regional inequality insofar as being born in the Northern part of this country produces a significant restriction of income opportunities.

examine trends in U.S. social mobility, especially as it relates to the degree to which a person's income or occupation depends on his or her parents' background and to the independent contribution of economic growth. They also compare U.S. social mobility with that in other countries. They conclude that slower economic growth since 1975 and the concentration of that growth among the wealthy have slowed the pace of U.S. social mobility. In measuring mobility, economists tend to look at income and sociologists, occupation. The consensus among those measuring occupational mobility is that the average correlation between the occupations of fathers and sons today ranges from 0.30 to 0.40, meaning that most variation in the ranking of occupations is independent of social origins. Those measuring income mobility tend to agree that the elasticity between fathers' and sons' earnings in the United States today is about 0.4, meaning that 40 percent of the difference in incomes between families in the parents' generation also shows up in differences in incomes in the sons' generation. Beller and Hout show that occupational mobility increased during the 1970s, compared with the 1940s-1960s, but there is some evidence to suggest that by the 1980s and 1990s it had declined to past levels. Existing data on income mobility show no clear trends over time, but increases in economic inequality during the 1980s made mobility more consequential by making economic differences between families persist for a longer time. In international comparisons, the United States occupies a middle ground in occupational mobility but ranks lower in income mobility. Researchers have used the variation in mobility to study whether aspects of a country's policy regime, such as the educational or social welfare systems, might be driving these results. There is as yet, however, no scholarly consensus about the sources of cross-national differences in mobility.

This paper studies occupational mobility of ethnic German migrants who have entered Germany since 1984. The empirical analysis suggests significant differences in the probability of downward occupational mobility by gender, immigration status, and schooling levels. In general, migrants with higher skill levels face sharper deteriorations in their relative labor market position at the time of immigration, but are also able to reach their original occupational status much faster than low-skilled immigrants.

Labour turnover of low-tenure workers rose in Argentina during the second half of the nineties, precisely after important changes were introduced in labour regulations. The analysis of exit rates indicates that the alterations in the labour market institutions apparently had no effect on labour mobility. This fact appears to be associated to the shortage of occupational opportunities which may have increased the incidence of unstable trajectories among those working without coverage. Moreover, the rising unemployment increased the participation of non-registered, highly-mobile workers. Hence, this is a process that by itself led to an increase in overall mobility.

Gender equality in public institutions is a sensitive topic considering the vast efforts of European countries to overcome the problems raised by gender inequality, gender segregation and gender discrimination in the labor market. In order to measure gender equality in public institutions and to identify the most important gender related organizational issues a questionnaire was built, tested in 2010 in one public institution, and then applied at national scale to public servants (both women and men) from local public institutions. The questionnaire focuses on gender stereotypes, sexual harassment, gender discrimination (in hiring, promotion, pay and benefits, evaluation, promotion and task distribution practices in institution) and occupational mobility.

This article develops a new explorative method for deriving social class categories from patterns of occupational mobility. In line with Max Weber, our research is based on the notion that, if class boundaries do not inhibit social mobility then the class categories are of little value. Thus, unlike dominant, theoretically defined class schemes, this paper derives social class categories from observed patterns in a mobility network covering intra-generational mobility. The network is based on a mobility table of 109 occupational categories tied together by 1,590,834 job shifts on the Danish labour market 2001-07. The number of categories are reduced from 109 to 34 by applying a new clustering algorithm specifically designed for the study of mobility tables (MONECA). These intra-generational social class categories are related to the central discussions of gender, income, education, and political action by providing empirical evidence of strong patterns of intra-generational class divisions along these lines.

The paper investigates class based health inequalities in mid to late adolescence. Health status is assessed by means of three subjective self-report measures; evaluation of general health, psychological well-being and disability/long-standing illness. Using six measures of social class (three occupationally and three non-occupationally based) which derive from parental characteristics, no evidence for consistent class based differentials in health amongst adolescents is found. However, it is not concluded that class based health inequalities are absent at this stage of the life cycle. Instead, it is argued that the above measures of social class differentiate between young people on the basis of the socio-economic status of their parents. As such they fail to allow for the possibility that variations in the current social position of young people themselves may have important consequences for their health. Current social position is assessed in terms of economic activity status, occupation and educational attainment. Using these measures, class based health inequalities are indeed found. Extending the analysis further, the relationship between social class of origin, current social circumstances and self-assessed health status is investigated by considering inter-generational occupational mobility. Again, evidence for class based health inequalities is found.

We investigate the evolution and the sources of aggregate employment reallocation in the United States in the 1976-2000 March files of the Current Population Survey. We focus on the annual flows of male workers across occupations at the Census 3-digit level, the finest disaggregation at which a moving worker changes career and relocates to an observationally different technology. The total reallocation of employment across occupations is strongly procyclical and mildly declining until the early 1990s, and then relatively flat. The negative trend is entirely due to younger workers, as it is reversed for men over age 40. To reveal the sources of these patterns, while correcting for possible worker selection into employment, we construct a synthetic panel based on birth cohorts, and estimate a model of occupational mobility. We find that the cross-occupation dispersion in labor demand, as measured by an index of net employment reallocation, has a strong association with total reallocation. The demographic composition of employment, more specifically the increasing average age and College attainment level, explains some of the trend and cycles in worker flows. High unemployment reduces both the level of mobility directly and the importance of the education effect: differently educated workers adjust differently their mobility decision to cyclical conditions. As predicted by job-matching theory, occupational mobility has residual persistence, so shocks to aggregate employment reallocation propagate through time. Finally, cohorts born after the mid-1950's have increasingly low occupational mobility beyond what can be explained by their observable characteristics. * The first version of this paper (September 2002) addressed the 1971-2000 period and was titled accordingly. This new draft focuses on the shorter 1976-2000 period, to exclude the effects of the 1976 change in the imputation method for missing records in the Current Population Survey. The results have not changed much. We thank seminar participants at the FED Board of Governors, Yale University and the "Malinvaud Seminar" at INSEE-CREST for very useful comments. Moscarini thanks Yale University and the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation for financial support, and the hospitality of the European University Institute.

The U.S. both tolerates more inequality than Europe and believes its economic mobility is greater than Europe's. These attitudes and beliefs help account for differences in the magnitude of redistribution through taxation and social welfare spending. In fact, the U.S. and Europe had roughly equal rates of inter-generational occupational mobility in the late twentieth century. We extend this comparison into the late nineteenth century using longitudinal data on 23,000 nationallyrepresentative British and U.S. fathers and sons. The U.S. was substantially more mobile then Britain through 1900, so in the experience of those who created the U.S. welfare state in the 1930s, the U.S. had indeed been "exceptional." The margin by which U.S. mobility exceeded British mobility was erased by the 1950s, as U.S. mobility fell compared to its nineteenth century levels.