Monotheism

RÉSUMÉ L'article retrace l'émergence du monothéisme biblique après la destruction de Jérusalem en 587 avant l'ère chrétienne. Dès le début, ce monothéisme s'ex-prime de manières très différentes ; d'ailleurs la Bible a gardé de nombreuses traces de discours polythéistes, faisant ainsi apparaître les difficultés de penser le monothéisme. SUMMARY The article retraces the origins of biblical monotheism, which can be located in the attempts to explain the destruction of Jerusalem and Judah in 587 BCE. From the very beginning biblical monotheism is constructed in very different ways. The biblical redactors also integrated traces of polytheistic worldviews showing hereby the difficulty of a monotheistic discourse. De nos jours, les religions monothéistes ont plutôt mauvaise presse. On leur reproche d'engendrer l'intolérance, la violence et les fanatismes. L'actualité géopolitique semble en effet confirmer une telle appréciation. De nombreux conflits du monde actuel comportent des composantes idéo-logiques. Au nom du Dieu unique, on tue, on exclut, on prêche la haine et l'intolérance. Pendant plusieurs siècles cependant, l'avènement du monothéisme était regardé comme marquant un progrès intellectuel et philosophique dans l'histoire de l'humanité. Grâce au monothéisme mosaïque qui est à l'origine du judaïsme et sans lequel ni le christianisme ni l'islam n'au-raient vu le jour, l'humanité aurait abandonné la divinisation de la nature et se serait libérée d'une soumission superstitieuse aux éléments cosmiques.

Psalm 24, along with Psalm 15 and others, has long been recognized as a "temple entry liturgy," a song to be sung on the occasion of the pilgrimage and entrance to the temple in Jerusalem. If we establish that both Psalms 15 and 24 are based on temple entry liturgies, then it appears that the pilgrims that would have been singing or reciting them are looking for instruction from the God of Israel, YHWH (Ps 15); YHWH attempting to enter in at the temple gates (Ps 24); if we bring in Psalm 118 and others, it makes it more clear that pilgrims are coming to seek the face of YHWH, are coming in the name of YHWH, and are blessed by YHWH after entrance. Although encountering YHWH in the temple and receiving his blessing is the final objective of the pilgrims, Psalm 24 seems to suggest that YHWH is somehow among the travellers as well, attempting to likewise gain passage through the temple gates. Although the reference is more inferred than explicit, the psalm seems to imply an underlying understanding that there were two YHWHs, and there is evidence that such an ancient belief existed, generally expressed as there being one YHWH who was, or came to, earth while the other YHWH was enthroned in heaven. In a Jewish religious text written centuries later, the book known as 3 Enoch, the patriarch Enoch ascends to heaven and God makes him an archangel, with the new name of Metatron. Enoch/Metatron is God's vice-regent and has a crown and throne in heaven. The text informs us that Enoch/Metatron bears " the Name " of God and that he is known as " little YHWH " or " the lesser YHWH. " In this study, I will discuss something of a trajectory of a tradition of two YHWHs – two Gods – a tradition with roots in the rituals of the First Temple. I will touch on some examples from the Hebrew Scriptures that seem to demonstrate a belief in, or awareness of, the idea that there was more than one divine being that could be called YHWH. Similarly, I will also discuss the notion that a human being could be called, or identified with, YHWH, particularly in ancient Israel's ritual system (as expressed in the biblical psalms and historical narratives), but also in the theology and religious literature (such as 3 Enoch) that later sprang forth from earlier practices. I will examine the significance of bearing " the name of YHWH " and how this permits a subordinate figure, such as an angel or human being, to be recognized as YHWH, or to represent him. These concepts will be brought to bear on the question of why it appears that we are seeing two YHWHs in Psalm 24 and other biblical passages.

This thesis has two primary goals: (1) to analyze the countours and extent of the generic category of deity in the Hebrew Bible, and (2) propose a semantic base for the term. It begins with a description of the fields associated with cognitive theory, and particularly cognitive linguistics. Chapter 2 examines the cognitive origins of notions of deity and discusses how this heritage is reflected within the biblical texts. The third chapter examines the conceptualization of Israel's prototypical deity, YHWH, beginning from the earliest divine profiles detectable within the text. In Chapter 4 the discussion returns to the generic notion of deity, highlighting references within the biblical text to deities other than YHWH. The conclusion synthesizes the different sections of the thesis, sketching the origins and development of the Hebrew Bible's representation of both prototypical and non-prototypical notions of deity. Implications for further research are then briefly discussed.

Theos Hypsistos known as The Supreme God has attracted attention as a cult since the time of the first researches until now. In conclusion to the curiosity for the Ancient Civilizations, inscriptions, starting at 19th Century, about that cult are found and according to those inscriptions it has been said that there were a unique religious system which had a tendency to monotheism. Those monotheist elements held in the system, not being able to answer the questions about the society and its origin and
most importantly being worshipped in lots of different region caused that the cult to be chosen as a research topic. According to that, places which have the examples of the cult in an intense way like the cities in Anatolia and the West and North Black Sea region seen as a Roman state and protectorate in the Roman Sovereignty are taken as a center to the research.

In the history of Human-culture, story is like one who is absent while he is present, and almost all monotheistic and non-monotheistic religions have used it in their Holy Books to convey their messages and teachings, in a way that the Holy Qur'an, the Islam's eternal miracle, can be considered  as  the "storytelling" of the ages. Storytelling has been exploited in Qur'an, especially the tales of the prophets, to strengthen the religious beliefs, to introduce role models, to make Muslims familiar with Islamic traditions, and to encourage them to look and reflect upon the divine revelations and numerous manifestations of creation due to the diversity of its audiences. Storytelling is one of the most important tools to convey the God's invitation to accept His unity portraying the lives of earlier prophets, the day of resurrection, heaven, and hell. The main theme of The Holy Qur'an, and the stories of the prophets in it, is the confrontation of Wisdom vs. Idiocy (or good and evil). It has been tried, in present paper, to explore this theme or conceptual metaphor in the stories of Holy Quran. So, initially the word "oppression" is lexically studied in Qur'an, and then, various manifestations of this meta-narrative will be explained in it.

Jan Assmann: Exodus. Die Revolution der Alten Welt, München (C.H. Beck) 2015, 493 S. € 29,95. Rezension publiziert in: Frankfurter Zeitschrift für islamisch-theologische Studien 3 (2016), Universalität und Universalismus im Islam, S. 219-223. Die Seitenzahlen im durchlaufenden Text (runde Klammern) beziehen sich auf die Studie Assmanns, diejenigen in eckigen Klammern auf die Druckfassung der Rezension.

Dqs Mittelalter l0 (2005) 2: Produktive Kulturkonflikte frtihe vollplastische Skulptur vorhanden ist, zum anderen auch nicht klar ist, wie das Golgothakreuz wirklich aussah, d. h. ob es überhaupt mit einem Corpus Christi versehen war. Ob die schon früher in der Forschungsliteratur herangezogenen georgischen Großkreuze, auf die sich auch Schüppel beruft, den Brückenschlag herstellen können, ist zumindest fraglich. Interessant und aufschlussreich ist der Abschnitt über die liturgischen Funktionen dieser wegen ihrer Größe nicht leicht handhabbaren Kreuze. Schon aufgrund ihres hohen Materialwertes waren die Kreuze wohl nicht permanent ausgestellt. Wie das Mainzer Beispiel zeigt, konnten die Kruzifixe zerlegt werden, um dann vor allem während der Passions-und Osterzeit liturgisch gebraucht zu werden. Erstaunlicherweise wurden die recht sperrigen Objekte während der Festzeiten auf Prozessionen mitgeführt, verhüllt und enthüllt, niedergelegt, verehrt, um schließlich, mit beträchtlichem Kraftaufwand emporgehievt, zumeist über Lettner oder Kreuzaltar ihren Standort zu finden. Aufgrund der schlechten Quellenlage bleibt die Frage nach dem Verbleib der Kreuze außerhalb besonderer Feste und Anlässe weitgehend unbeantwortet.

Voor het vak Wereldgodsdiensten dienden wij een persoon die een aanhanger is van een andere religie dan het christendom (i.c. de islam, hindoeïsme, boeddhisme of jodendom) te interviewen. Daar ik al een aantal jaar leerkracht protestants- evangelische godsdienst ben en in mijn lessen ook de islam, het jodendom, het hindoeïsme en het boeddhisme bespreek, kende ik reeds de basisprincipes van deze religies. Het leek me leerzaam om verder te kijken dan de basis en ook te peilen naar de persoonlijke motivatie en geloofsbeleving van de gelovige in kwestie. Voor deze opdracht heb ik gekozen om mijn collega leerkracht levensbeschouwing, Tijani Boulaouali te interviewen. Tijani werd in 1973 geboren in Tissalli bij de stad Driouch in Noord-Marokko en bracht er zijn jeugd door. In augustus 1999 emigreerde hij naar Nederland en later ook naar België. Tijani doctoreerde in de Arabische en Islamitische studies aan de KU Leuven, en is daar ook assisterend academisch en onderwijzend personeel aan de Faculteit Theologie en Religiewetenschappen. Zijn specialisaties zijn: religieuze vertaling, koranstudies, islamitische studies en interreligieuze dialoog. Tijani heeft tevens heel wat boeken en artikels op zijn palmares staan. Daarnaast doceert Tijani ook islamitische godsdienst in het secundaire onderwijs in Gent. Voor de sluiting van de scholen hadden we een aantal keer afgesproken om tijdens een gezamenlijk vrij lesuur eens samen te zitten voor dit interview, maar elke keer opnieuw moesten we beiden toezicht overnemen van afwezige leerkrachten. Daarna kwam het virus Covid-19 roet in het eten gooien en was ik helaas verplicht het interview via digitale weg af te leggen.

إن "التوحيد" جوهر الإيمان الذي أرسى القرآن دعائمه، وشاد أركانه وبنيانه، وهو أعلى قيم القرآن المجيد وقمة مقاصده. ولكي يحيا، ‏ويكون فاعلا، وليحقق كل ما أنيط به، لا بد أن يوجد في الأمة، ويتحرك وينشط بالدعوة ويحيا الثلاثة -  التوحيد والأمة والدعوة - معا ‏بالقرآن وفيه.‏‎  ‎فكتاب "التوحيد" كان أول كتاب من كتب خمسة كانت باكورة إنتاج " المعهد العالمي للفكر الإسلامي " عند التأسيس، ‏وذلك لأن "الجمع بين القرائتين" هو جوهر "إسلامية المعرفة" ومنطلقها، و"الجمع بين القرائتين" لا يمكن ان يقوم إلا على التوحيد ‏الخالص، ولذلك فقد سارع شهيدنا الفاروقي الى إصدار كتابه مع الإصدارة الأولى ل "إسلامية المعرفة" ليوحي بذلك الى أن "إسلامية ‏المعرفة" (منطلقها وغايتها وهدفها) لا يمكن تحقيق شيء منها الا بإرساء دعائم التوحيد والانطلاق من حقائقه.‏‎  ‎فكتاب "التوحيد" الذي ‏نقدمه ليس مجرد كتاب في الإيمان أو العقيدة وعلم الكلام، بل هو كتاب يؤسس لحضارة ويقيم عمرانا، ويرسي دعائم تجديد خير أمة ‏أخرجت للناس. ‏

The Debate between Wilhelm Schmidt and Raffaele Pettazzoni about Monotheism and the Supreme Being

In the West throughout centuries the discourse about religion was under the monopoly of the Church. According to the Bible, God sent direct testimony to the first man and, therefore belief in a single God, namely monotheism constituted the religion of the primordial men.  In the 18th century the Enlightenment philosophers who aimed to re-evaluate the validity of the traditional assumptions considered as invariable, submitted them to the rational criteria. They formulated religious questions and in this context the problem of monotheism in terms of philosophical speculation. Contrary to Hume and Rousseau who assumed that because of their low level of intellectual development first men could not be monotheist, Voltaire argued that at the beginning men believed in a single God. Basing their arguments on the principle that such as the natural process, the process of mental evolution also develops from simple to complex or to “perfect situation”, these philosophers pronounced a philosophical judgment. But as there was no agreement regarded the simple or perfect situation, controversies concerning the primordial religion persisted. In the second half of the 19th century, The Science of Religions gaining its autonomy from Philosophy and Theology emerged as an independent discipline. It is hard to say that The Science of Religions which, like other scientific disciplines tried to elaborate a specific methodology has even today managed to find its own definitive method. After being evaluated from theological and philosophical perspectives the question of monotheism was reconsidered in the context of religious studies and because of the lack of a common methodology led to different results. Wilhelm Schmidt, an ethnologist and at the same time a Catholic clergy and, the Italian historian of religions Raffaele Pettazzoni who complained the pressure of the Vatican assumed to deal with the issue of monotheism and High God scientifically. But even though both emphasized the historical approach, the fact that they get very different results raises some questions.  For the basic nature of the scientific approach is that everyone processing the same data with the same method will obtain the same results. Therefore, if there is a conflicting situation, it is originated from either the nature of the issue, or from the researcher himself, or from the method employed.
The purpose of this study is to shed a light on just the methodological problem in The Study of Religions in the context of Schmidt’s and Pettazzoni’s views concerning monotheism and the Supreme Being and the criticism they addressed to each other.  On the other hand, this essay will provide some important clues about the ideological struggle conducted in the West under the name of science and which has scarcely been voiced.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

The Cultural Atlas of Islam. Gives an overview of Arabia as the crucible of Islam; its language and ‎history, religion and culture, and the essence of Islamic civilization. Also discussed are The Qur'an, The ‎Sunnah, institutions, the arts, the sciences, the law, and the spreading of Islam. Final chapters include ‎theology and mysticism, Hellenistic philosophy, the Natural Order, the art of letters & calligraphy, ‎ornamentation in the Islamic arts, the spatial arts, and the art of sound.  ‎

The research presented in this book aims to interpret Exod. 3:14 within the context of Exodus and its literary composition. The story of how this verse was received in the West shows that it has more often than not been read through the lens of its Greek and Latin translations and almost systematically taken out of the literary context it belongs to. This thesis views and interprets Exod. 3:14 in light with the pericope of the burning bush (Exod. 3:1-4:18) and links it to the other two parts of the book of Exodus where God/YHWH reveals and explains his name to Moses (Exod. 6:2-7:7; 33-34). The detailed exegesis of these three passages leads to the identifying of four aspects of the revelation of the divine name, which corresponds to four singular moments of the composition of the book.

Resumo: Trata-se aqui de demonstrar o percurso desenvolvido por David Hume na obra História Natural da Religião (1757), a saber, a origem psicológica do pensamento religioso como fruto da combinação de medo e ansiedade, assim como a cronologia das religiões que vai, necessariamente, do politeísmo ao monoteísmo, examinando também-de acordo com a visão de Hume-a influência das diversas religiões na moral e na conduta. Palavras-chave: David Hume. Monoteísmo. Politeísmo. Religião.

Abstract: It is demonstrated the path developed by David Hume in Natural History of Religion (1757), that is, the psychological origins of religious beliefs through the combination of fear plus anxiety and the chronology of religions that goes necessarily from polytheism to monotheism, as well as examining, according to Hume, the role of religion in moral behavior.

Presented at the 2011 annual meeting of SBL in San Francisco, 20th November 2011.
There is a danger in assuming that monotheistic discourse must reflect a monotheistic belief: it may represent, rather, a way of speaking about 'the divine' which avoids separation of divine roles and identities in a polytheistic context. This is visible in much of the Egyptian literature analogous to biblical wisdom literature, where 'the god', to whom divine actions are attributed, can even stand alongside named, individual deities. Comparable tendencies or techniques are visible elsewhere, and we must be wary of assuming, therefore, that the attribution of all divine action to a single God in biblical wisdom literature must signal a rejection of the existence or effectiveness of other deities (perhaps especially when the God of Job appears to have children ...). If it did not begin as an affirmation of monotheism, however, such discourse may have become a vehicle for the development of new ideas.

The image of the stone with seven eyes in the book of Zechariah 3-4 is very puzzling, and has been interpreted in various ways. In this study I will suggest that the most logical interpretation of this image lies in the Babylonian kalû ritual and the well-known mythological Sibittu iconography that was familiar and accepted by the returning Babylonian exiles. This iconography was chosen for a specific reason, and then was given a new identity by the prophet, probably as part of a certain agenda.

This article, which contains what I regard as the most important result of my classifier studies to date, would not have come into being if not for Friedrich Junge. It was Friedrich, with an open-mindedness rare in Egyptology, who was willing to take a chance on a joint project in what seemed then a rather adventurous new subject in Egyptology. The results of this partnership, which incidentally renewed the close ties between Jerusalem and Gottingen, speak for themselves in a number of publications. I am honored and pleased to dedicate this article to an excellent Egyptologist and a very good friend.

مقدمة:‏
لا يراودُ القارئَ شكٌ في أنَّ دينَ الإسلام، هو جوهرُ الحضارة الإسلامية، وأنَّ ‏التوحيدَ هو جوهرُ هذا الدين؛ إذلم تصطبغ أية حضارة في القديم والحديث بطابع ديني ‏كما حصل ذلك في الحضارة الإسلامية. ولعلَّ خصائصَ هذا الدين الذي يجعلُ حياةَ ‏الإنسان في الدنيا خلافةً في الأرض، وحملاً للأمانة الربانية، جعلت بناء الحضارة في ‏أشكالها المعنوية والمادية عملاً دينياً، لا يقل أهمية عن التوجُّه إلى الخالق بالشعائر ‏العبادية الخالصة، من صلاة وصيام وحج. كما أنَّ التوحيد الخالص في دين الإسلام ‏جعل الإنسان المسلم يسعى جاهداً للتحقق بالإيمان بالله وطاعة أوامره والرجاء في ثوابه ‏وهو يمارس الإنتاج الزراعي، والتطوير الصناعي، والإبداع الفني، والتشييد العمراني، ‏والتخطيط المدني، والتنظيم الاجتماعي، حتى يصحَّ القول: إنَّ تجليات التوحيد تصبغ ‏الحضارة الإسلامية في سائر منجزاتها.‏
كيف يمكن أن يتحقق لنا ذلك القدر من اليقين في أن إحسان العمل في شؤون ‏الدنيا فيما تتقوَّم به الحياة وتترقّى أسبابُها، وتزدهر به الحضارة في مجالاتها المادية ‏والمعنوية، هو شأن ديني، يفرضه الإيمان، ويتوجَّه به أصحابُه إلى الله سبحانه لنيل ‏الدرجات العلى من ثواب الآخرة ونعيمها؟ ‏
أجل! إنَّ القرآن الكريم سبيل لتحقيق ذلك اليقين، لكن القرآن الكريم لم ينكر ‏على الإنسان رغبته في الاستئناس بالخبرة التاريخية، وحاجته إلى الملاحظة الحسية، ‏وسعيه للاستدلال بالمشاهدات المادية، لتعزيز إيمانه بما يهدي إليه القرآن الكريم. ولعل ‏القراءة المتأنية للكتاب، الذي نحن بصدد الحديث عنه، تكشف عن الإبداع الذي ‏حققه المؤلفان في تحليل النصوص التاريخية والشواهد المادية للوصول إلى أنَّ التوحيد هو ‏جوهر الحضارة الإسلامية. وبهذه القراءة المتأنية يتحقق ذلك اليقين لغير المسلم بالاستناد ‏إلى فاعلية المنهج الذي يستخدمه المؤلفان، وقوة الحجج التي يقدمانها، كما يتحقق ‏ذلك للمسلم الذي يجد فيما يقرأه في الكتاب تجليات لإيمان المؤلفيْن ويقينهما الديني، ‏الذي يتعاضد من خبرتهما وكفاءتهما العلمية. ‏
الكتاب الذي نحن بصده "أطلس الحضارة الإسلامية" هو الترجمة العربية للنسخة ‏الأصلية من الكتاب بعنوان: ‏The Atlas of Islamic Civilization‏ الصادر ‏بالإنجليزية عن دار النشر الدولية ‏MCMILLAN‏ في لندن عام 1986 في 600 ‏صفحة من القطع الكبير، بعد استشهاد المؤلفين في منـزلهما بفترة قصيرة. ترجم الكتاب ‏إلى ست لغات: الماليزية، والإندونيسية، والتركية، والإسبانية، والبرتغالية، والفارسية، ‏قبل أن يُترجم إلى العربية.‏
مؤلفا الكتاب إسماعيل راجي الفاروقي، وزوجته لوس لمياء الفاروقي. ولد إسماعيل ‏إسماعيل الفاروقي في فلسطين، وتخصص في الدراسات الفلسفية، ودرس العلوم ‏الإسلامية وتاريخ الأديان، وأحاط بتاريخ الشعوب وأديانها وحضاراتها، وعمل أستاذاً ‏في عدد من الجامعات الكبرى في الولايات المتحدة وكندا، وتجول في بلدان العالم ‏الإسلامي، وعمل أستاذا زائراً في كثير من جامعاتها، ونشر حوالي خمسة وعشرين كتاباً ‏وأكثر من مائة بحث، وشارك في تأليف "الأطلس التاريخي لأديان العالم" وموسوعة ‏‏"الديانات الأسيوية الكبرى" وكان آخر ما دفع به إلى الطباعة في حياته هذا المجلد ‏الضخم "أطلس الحضارة الإسلامية". ‏
أما المؤلفة المشاركة في تأليف هذا الأطلس، فهي زوجة الدكتور إسماعيل الفاروقي، ‏الدكتورة "لوس لمياء الفاروقي" المتخصصة في الدراسات الإسلامية والخبيرة بالفنون ‏الإسلامية والموسيقى. وقد مارست التدريس والبحث والتأليف في مصطلحات ‏الموسيقى العربية والفنون الإسلامية، وتاريخ الموسيقى. وقد جرى اغتيال المؤلفان في ‏منـزلهما في جامعة تمبّل في ولاية بنسلفانيا الأمريكية في ظروف غامضة، نسأل الله لهما ‏الرحمة والمغفرة، وذلك في شهر رمضان 1406ھ (مايو 1986م).‏
والقراءة المتأنية للكتاب، والألفة بالكتابات الأخرى للمؤلفيْن، تبين أن محتوى ‏الكتاب يمثل خلاصة الخبرة العلمية والبحثية للمولفين، فقد ظهرت معظم الموضوعات ‏الواردة في الكتاب في البحوث المنشورة سابقاً لهما بصورة أكثر عمقاً وتفصيلاً. ولكنها ‏تَرِد هنا ضمن بنية متكاملة تكاد تحيط بموضوعات الحضارة الإسلامية، وأعلامها، ‏ومدوناتها، وتجلياتها؛ مما يسوغ وجود كلمة أطلس في عنوان الكتاب. وقد شاء الله ‏سبحانه أن يكون هذا الكتاب هو آخر ما يدفعان به إلى الطباعة، قبل أن يلتحقا معاً ‏بالرفيق الأعلى. ‏
والجدير بالذكر أن المترجم (وهو يفضل مصطلح الناقل بديلاً عن المترجم) هو ‏الدكتور عبد الواحد لؤلؤة أستاذ الأدب الإنجليزي في العراق، وهو أديب ومترجم مشهود ‏له بالكفاءة، وقد نوَّه في مقدمة الناقل بالمساعدة التي قدمتها زوجته مريم في ضبط ‏العبارة العربية، وبالتقويم والتشذيب الذي قام به زميله وصديقه الدكتور رياض نور الله ‏في مراجعة الترجمة.‏
وقد تعاون المعهد العالمي للفكر الإسلامي ومكتبة العبيكان في الرياض على القيام ‏بمهمة الترجمة والنشر.‏

In light of the common sense of non-monotheists, the Trinity, this crucial issue on spirituality is deeply related to the new human activity of herding animals. The three monotheistic religions came about in the regions where animal husbandry was a dominant way of life. In the New Testament, for example, there are a number of texts where Jesus was depicted as if he were a shepherd. In these depictions, Jesus plays the role of a shepherd who gently cares for large flocks of sheep in order to protect, nurture, and lead them to a good path.
When we take into account the expansion of the European Christian world, which escalated after the conquest of the ‘New World’, the shepherd-flock relation is naturally regarded as one of the key concepts that forms the basis of the succeeding evolution of human history.
Interestingly, this basic concept of the shepherd-flock relationship is enriched by taking into account the third animals, called mediators; Semitic organizations consist of a two-tiered structure, whereas Proto-Indo-European organizations consist of a three-tiered structure because of the different role played by mediators.
On the one hand, the relationship between shepherds (pastors) and flock (sheep) described in the Old Testament and the New Testament envisions a two-tiered organization. On the other hand, the uniqueness of Proto-Indo-Europeans was the adoption of dogs as mediators, resulting in a three-tiered organization by function. In other words, in addition to the difficult issue of Jesus’s humanity-divinity, what happened at this time was the clear-cut contrast between the descriptions in the Bible (two-tiered structure) and the organizational principles inherent to Proto-Indo-Europeans (three-tiered structure). In some sense, this was a deadlock that was almost impossible to overcome as long as you remained a Christian that respected the Holy Bible and an Indo-European; the Trinity was the theological theory to solve this controversial problem.
As such, beyond the issue of the doctrine, there was an enigma regarding the transformation of the organizational principle.

Our research has surveyed the philological origins of the word "science" and "religion". Furthermore, it has reexamined the definitions of "The Science of Religion" and "The Science of Comparative Religion". Building on this foundation, the author compared the major similarities and differences between the Jewish, Christian and Islamic Religions, especially via the lens of Monotheism, exploring the Jewish Shema, Christian Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, and Islam"s Tawheed. This new research aims to contribute to a better understanding of our three major monotheistic religions.

Le Livre d’Adam de Charles d’Hooghvorst est une compilation exceptionnelle d’articles comprenant des textes traditionnels et leurs commentaires, qui permettront au lecteur de découvrir le lien qui unit les trois grandes religions monothéistes.

De toute évidence, cette unité profonde ne peut se déceler dans leurs manifestations exotériques, étant donné que celles-ci n’expriment que leurs différences. Il faut rechercher dans les trois grandes religions du Livre le seul sens qui les unit. Charles d’Hooghvorst s’est magistralement acquitté de cette tâche.

Par le biais d’une série d’articles d’apparence disparate, l’auteur amène le lecteur à retrouver l’unique fondement de toutes les traditions : le véritable mystère de l’homme ou d’Adam, car selon les mots d’un hadît musulman : « Celui qui se connaît lui-même, connaît son Seigneur ».

D’après Charles d’Hooghvorst, le Dieu des trois grandes religions monothéistes est un Dieu qui se révèle de façon sensible. « Ce savoir sensible procède de la parole perdue par Adam lors de sa chute originelle. Tel est bien le Livre qu’Adam ne peut plus lire. Par le fait de son incarnation en ce bas monde, l’homme possède encore cette racine du savoir, bien que muette et dans un état desséché. Il ignore cependant que même dégradée, celle-ci constitue son bien le plus précieux, car il ne peut ressusciter sans elle ».


Charles d'Hooghvorst (Bousval, Belgique 1924 – Barcelone 2004), ami intime de Louis Cattiaux dont il a propagé l’enseignement, est l’auteur d’essais sur les grands thèmes de la spiritualité traditionnelle. À l’exemple de son frère Emmanuel d’Hooghvorst, sa préoccupation le conduisit, en bon érudit, à approfondir les racines des différentes traditions.

This article offers a sustained reinterpretation ofGilbert Crispin's (1045/6-m7) Disputation ef a Christian with a Pagan as a genuine philosophical dialogue. The traditional reading of this work (R. W. Southem, A. Sapir Abulafia and G. R. Evans) regards it as a kind ofultimately inferior-continuation of Gilbert's earlier DisputaJion of a ]ew and a Christian, a masterpiece ofJewish-Christian polemical literature. In fact, however, Gilbert tries out a novel argumentative approach in his second Disputation by the deliberate and pronounced use of reason (raJio) instead of scriptural authority (auctoritas) and thus opens a more prorn ising route to the rational discussion of controversial religious matters. The article analyses the different philosophical elements of this text and argues that the dialogue between pagan philosophy and Christian faith established here heralds the beginning of a new and fruitful literary genre in medieval literature.

L'amour dans le Coran (Love in the Quran) is a translation into French of the Syrian Shaykh's book al-Hubb fî al-Qur'ân (2009), an essay on the theme of God's love for humankind, and how humans can return that love to God. The second part of the book deals with the importance of love in human life, claiming that while reason is the source of faith, love is the source of commitment to what faith should be indicating.
Translation and preface : Samia Touati

Quelques citations :

"L'amour est fortement présent dans le Coran car il joue un rôle remarquable dans la vie des individus et des sociétés."
"Le Coran s'adresse aux facultés intellectuelles de l'homme, l'incitant à réfléchir, autant qu'il parle à son coeur, l'encourageant à aimer."
"Lorsque l'amour de Dieu est absent du coeur de l'homme, celui-ci sera habité par l'amour des altérités (al-aghyâr). Si le coeur de l'homme est rempli de l'amour divin un rayonnement se dégagera de cet homme adoucissant toute difficulté autour de lui dans cette vie."

This interview was made in April 2017 and published in Estonian in the Estonian edition of Jan Assmann’s "Die Mosaische Unterscheidung: oder der Preis des Monotheismus": Jan Assmann, "Moosese eristus ehk monoteismi hind". Tallinn: Tallinn University Press, 2017, pp. 211–236. This is the original English version of the interview, made available with the kind consent of the interviewee.

The article offers an overview of the (dis)continuities between the major Abrahamic religions (especially Christianity) and transhumanism, as well as some possibilities envisioned by scholars for their ongoing dialogue. Important points that come up along the way include: ecology vs. space exploration; the neglect of injustices suffered by past generations; the importance of bodily and mental imperfections for the development of culture; and our all-too human expectations for what posthumans may desire. Also presented is a review of various possible criticisms against wildly ambitious projects, such as Frank Tipler's attempt to fuse transhumanism with Christian eschatology. It is argued that process theology and James Gardner's "Biocosm hypothesis" offer a more intriguing view: a salvation which is not predestined but merely possible, and whose details are being negotiated through specific historic events and even through our day-today decisions and deliberations. Such a view overcomes Nietzsche's notion of eternal recurrence by stressing the importance of rethinking, redaction, and creating variations of what already exists.

2 Kgs 17:24–41 uses the phrase yere YHWH  in two distinct
ways and that the tension between the two different meanings of this phrase is an essential part of the narrative. This phrase can refer to cultic worship and also to exclusive loyalty to God. Phrases similar to the former meaning are extensively used in Akkadian, and the latter meaning seems unique to the Hebrew Bible. This passage contrasts these meanings to highlight the idea that the new settlers in Samaria were disloyal to YHWH despite their ritual worship of Him.

כדי להציג ולהדגים את גוון האמונה ההיברידית של אברהם נבקש להתחקות אחר שיירים של מיתוס זר, למתוח את הציר שבין נוכחותו בפועל ובין ייצוגו באופן אך סמלי, ולזהות את היסוד שמטשטש את הקשר ויוצר למעשה את הפער. בהתאם להגדרתנו "אמונה היברידית" (שתוצג להלן) ננסה לבחון כיצד באמונת אברהם בא לידי ביטוי היבט קבלת היסוד הזר תוך דחייתו, וכיצד לבסוף נפתר מאבק זה ומושלם התהליך ההיברידי.

The Author proposes to describe the possible foundations of a Trinitarian theism that may be a philosophically adequate translation of the Johannine declaration: " God is love " , introduced by some contemporary thinkers as a key to resolving some aporias within classic theism. This is done by way of analysis of Trinitarian ontology and relational ontology, for which there is an attempt to provide a shareable phenomenological basis. The paper then goes on to questions of epistemology (hyperphatic theology) linked to the ability of human reason and human language to express the categories introduced in this analysis, categories that are nothing else but a renewed philosophical appreciation of the terminology proper to Trinitarian speculation.

Sommario: L'autore si propone di descrivere i possibili fondamenti di un teismo trinitario che sia una traduzione filosoficamente adeguata dell'affermazione giovannea " Dio è amore " , introdotta da alcuni pensatori contemporanei come chiave di volta per risolvere alcune aporie interne al teismo classico. Il percorso descritto passa attraverso l'analisi dell'ontologia trinitaria e dell'ontologia relazionale, alle quali si tenta di fornire una base fenomenologica condivisibile. Per poi spostarsi su questioni di epistemologia (teologia iperfatica) legate alla capacità della nostra ragione e del nostro linguaggio di esprimere le categorie introdotte nell'analisi, le quali non sono altro che la rivalutazione filosofica della terminologia propria della speculazione trinitaria.

This volume introduces ancient Israel's Scriptures, or the Hebrew Bible, commonly called the Old Testament. It also traces the legacy of monotheism first found in the pages of the Old Testament. Where pertinent to the message of the Old Testament, the book explores issues of history, comparative religions, and sociology, while striking a balance among these topics by focusing primarily on literary features of the text. In addition, frequent sidebar discussions introduce the reader to contemporary scholarship, especially the results of historical-critical research and archaeology. Along the way, the book explores how the Old Testament conceptualized and gave rise to monotheism, one of the most significant developments in history. • Pays unique attention to the origins of monotheism, the common heritage of Jews, Christians, and Muslims • Includes generous number of illustrations, 20 freshly created maps, and frequent sidebar discussions in each chapter, as well as concise chapter summaries and glossary of terms • Has a web component that includes study guides, flashcards, PowerPoint lecture slides and a test bank

Pays unique attention to the origins of monotheism, the common heritage of Jews, Christians and Muslims
Includes a generous number of illustrations, twenty freshly created maps, and frequent sidebar discussions in each chapter, as well as concise chapter summaries and glossary of terms
Has a web component that includes study guides, flashcards, PowerPoint lecture slides and a test bank

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions

Die Geschichte der Amarnazeit und das Wirken der verschiedenen Charaktere, deren Namen Echnaton, Nofretete, Tutanchamun oder Aja II. wohl vielen Individuen ein Begriff sein dürften, ist in der Ägyptologie auch weiterhin ein vieldiskutiertes Thema-die Publikationen zu den verschiedenen Bereichen Geschichte, Religion, Gräber etc. füllen wohl bereits eine eigene kleine Bibliothek. Michael E. Habicht will nach eigener Aussage (S. 7), die Fakten darstellen, wie sie der Forschung derzeit zur Verfügung stehen. Speziell durch die DNA-Analyse der erhaltenen Mumien von Amenophis III., Tutanchamun sowie der beiden Föten aus KV 62, der Leichnam aus KV 55 sowie die Younger und die Elder Lady aus KV 35 konnte 2010 ein relativ genauer Stammbaum der einzelnen Personen naturwis-senschaftlich belegt werden. Und hier setzt Habicht mit seinem Buch an. Er bietet eine Zusammenfassung des derzeit vorliegenden Materials. Das Buch beginnt mit kurzen Einleitungen zur Geschichte der 18. Dynastie (S. 9-12), einer Betrachtung der Eltern Amenophis' IV., Amenophis III. und Teje (S. 13-27), sowie einer Geschichte der archäologischen Entdeckungen in Tell el-Amarna (S. 28-33). Hiernach werden mehrere Kapitel über Amenophis IV. geboten, die sich grob in vier große Abschnitte fassen lassen: Die ersten Jahre der Herrschaft (S. 34-62), Achet-Aton und der Atonkult (S. 63-101), die DNA-Analyse sowie Theorien über die letzten Jahre Echnatons (S. 102-181) und folgend ein Ausblick auf die Zeit Ägyptens unter Tutanchamun bis Haremhab (S. 182-239). Ein ab

This is the research paper I wrote when I did independent study of monotheism in seminary.
In this paper I isolate and analyze several Qur'anic verses that insist on the oneness of God, then I explore their implications for the Christological monotheism. Christological monotheism employs the concept of identity of God (instead of nature of God) in order to address the tension between humanity of Christ and oneness of divinity.

is a Ph.D. student at the University of Cape Town where he is researching monotheism in Japan. He serves as an instructor at Atlanta Bible College, and is the author of several books and articles on monotheism and Christology including Constantine and the Divine Mind (Wipf and Stock, 2019). 'Not by one path is so great a mystery to be reached.'-Symmachus, 384 CE Few religionists of late antiquity have remained as attractive as the Roman emperor Julian (331-363 CE), the bookish nephew of Constantine the Great whose brief but passionate rule, so fraught with public religious controversy, has continued to entice historian, theologian, and poet alike. Julian's dramatic failure to reverse the empire's Christian trajectory, a course initiated by the overwhelming influence of his uncle, is well known. Less penetrable perhaps has been the precise nature of the 'Hellenistic' religious engine driving his illfated quest. Doubtless Julian's own 'complex character' has left his religious views more vulnerable to scholarly interpretation (see Downey, 305), and certainly in his own time Julian earned for himself a variety of names: 'Defender,' 'Restorer,' or, in the words of Libanius in his funeral oration for Julian, 'Disciple of Deities and Friend of Deities.' In the eyes of the Christians who overcame his legacy, one name prevailed: 'Apostate.' See the invectives of Gregory of Nazianzus (329-390 CE), who 'created' Julian as 'the Apostate (Elm 2012a:9-16). What names have modern historians given him? According to one influential view, Julian was an eccentric, something of a maverick practitioner of an unconventional, theurgic form of Neoplatonism inherited directly from Maximus and Priscus (Bowersock 1978:29-30). Rowland Smith (1995) famously ar

Multiple entries in a brief theology of God as Trinity: Primary challenges. Is Christian faith a true monotheism? Does it fit in the Biblical narrative? Is today main historical narrative truer? What does Tradition set about Trinity, in a nutshell? Does Trinity have something to do with Ethics? Is Trinity an effective model of community? To what extent? Is Trinity revealed in Jesus' life? How does Tradition hand Trinity over to the little ones? and so on.

View online: https://religiondatabase.org/browse/1268/#/
This entry treats the state religion of Pre-Islamic South Arabia from the second half of the fourth century CE until the region was absorbed by the Sassanians in the seventh century CE. During this time, the ruling Himyarites not only expanded South Arabia to its largest territorial extent ever, spanning from modern Yemen to lower Iraq and perhaps even to Palestine (Robin, 2012), but they also adopted a new form of monotheism, which was heavily influenced by but distinct from Judaism. This Judaizing Himyarite Monotheism worshipped a monotheistic deity called either Raḥmānān "The Merciful" or ʾIlān "God." While details about this religion are sparse, Philostorgius provides some hints concerning its character. He records that Constantius II sent an expedition to Himyarites (called "Homeritae") in South Arabia in what would be the time of Thaʾrān Yuhanʿim (324-375 CE). He describes the Himyarites as "of the Israelitish family" but notes that they sacrificed to various native gods. There were also Jews in the royal court, who are said to unsuccessfully oppose the Christian embassy, as Philostorgius alleges that the Himyaritic king converted to Christianity and built three churches. Yet during that time, public state sponsorship of polytheism did not cease in the epigraphic record. It is not until the reign of Thaʾrān's son, Malkīkarib Yuhaʾmin (375-400 CE; Robin, 2012), that worship in the monumental display texts was almost unilaterally directed to Raḥmānān, with mentions of the old gods becoming almost extinct (yet, they still persist in the less public stick inscriptions; Stein, 2009). Explicitly Jewish inscriptions also begin appearing in fourth century CE; albeit, the exact relationship of South Arabian Judaism with other outside contemporary Jewish groups remains unclear (Hughes, 2020a). There is further uncertainty as to whether their God, who is twice explicitly called "The Lord of the Jews," was originally identified via syncretism with Raḥmānān or if he was thought to be a separate distinct but still monotheistic divinity, who existed alongside Raḥmānān (Gajda, 2017). Regardless of this potential distinction, the name Raḥmānān does eventually get absorbed into local Christian and Jewish vocabulary as a moniker for "God." During the fifth century CE, the state continues to sponsor Himyarite Judaizing Monotheism all-the-while tensions between Christians and Jews begin to rise. The Martyrdom of Azqir (Conti-Rossini, 1910) records a priest named Azqir being arrested for proselytizing. He was then brought to trial before the Himyarite king (who is not said to be Jewish) and the Jews on his court. The text ends with Azqir's martyrdom, with the narrator noting that thirty eight Christians had received a similar fate during that king's reign. In the sixth century CE, state sponsorship of Judaizing Himyarite Monotheism disappears as the Ethiopian Aksumites gradually gained control of South Arabia and installed a Christian king, Maʿdīkarib Yaʿfur, on the South Arabian throne in 519 CE. Around this time, the Christians began to persecute the Jews. When Maʿdīkarib dies a few years later in 522 CE, a Jewish prince named Yūsuf Asʾar Yathʾar (Arabic Dhū Nuwās) began a series of military campaigns seeking to expel the Aksumites and to burn their churches (Robin, 2012). This culminated in the slaying of the Martyrs of Najrān in 523 CE, wherein the Jewish King Yūsuf gained control of Najrān by artifice and then systematically kills the Christians. This event gave justification for the Aksumite King Kaleb to invade South Arabia, during which he killed Yūsuf and violently seeks vengeance on the Jews. South Arabia thereafter would remain under Christian control until it was eventually acquired by the Sassanians.