Mines

Business organizations corporate houses have understood and have walked up to the need for being committed towards Corporate Social Responsibility. But still majority have just been taking up some form of charitable activities for its stakeholders. Nurturing a strong corporate customs which emphasizes Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) values and competencies is required to achieve the synergistic welfare. The employees of an organization occupy a central place in developing such a culture which underlines CSR values and proficiencies. The review is hence fore, an attempt to explore the engagement of human resource management professionals in proposition Corporate Social Responsibility. Human Resource Management to take a most important role in encouraging CSR activities at all levels. The combined impact of CSR and human resource activities, which reinforce desirable behaviour, can make a major contribution in creating long term success in organizations.

L'exploitation de la mine de Vallauria dans les Alpes Maritimes (texte en italien).
The exploitation of Vallauria mine in the Maritime Alps (italian text).

La miniera di Vallauria, situata nel territorio comunale di Tenda nelle Alpi Marittime francesi, è localizzata nella fascia di contatto tra lo zoccolo cristallino dell’Argentera-Mercantour e le peliti scistose di età permiana o le anatessiti precambriane.
La mineralizzazione si dispone in filoni lenticolari di due diverse tipologie: uno composto da galena argentifera estratta già dall’età del bronzo; l’altro da blenda ricca di composti zinciferi, sfruttato tra il 1892 e il 1930.
Il testo ripercorre la storia dei lavori eseguiti dalle origini fino alla chiusura della miniera, riportando dati riguardanti l'attività estrattiva e l'impatto occupazionale, con alcune planimetrie d'epoca.

Le contentieux extractif est en premier lieu un contentieux entre les parties aux contrats extractifs. Les litiges naissent alors entre des sociétés extractives transnationales et les Etats hôtes ou les sociétés nationales gestionnaires des droits miniers dans le cadre de contrats internationaux d'investissements. Ce contentieux est à titre principal un contentieux transnational d'investissement relevant de l'arbitrage dit d'investissement, même si l'arbitrage commercial international, voire une juridiction étatique ou internationale peuvent aussi connaitre ce litige. SAS au capital de 305 562 euros, RCS Paris B 313 975 237, No de TVA intracommunautaire FR 45 313 975 237 Service Client : Tél +33 (0)1 49 53 30 56, Fax +33 (0)1 49 53 29 02 Courriel: [email protected] Site web : store.iccwbo.org Prix H.T. Promotion H.T.

Las mujeres saharauis constituyen un caso singular en los países norafricanos. Este artículo pretende reflejar el papel actual de las mujeres saharauis en la sociedad, tanto dentro del país como de una forma más extensa. Paralelamente, se analizan los motivos que han llevado a las saharauis a obtener este poder, cómo ha sido la evolución del Sáhara para conseguir ser una sociedad matriarcal.

Sand is used for filling mine voids in India. Due to high demand of sand for construction and infrastructure grown there will be a shortfall of sand in coming decade and fly ash can be one of the alternatives. Thermal power plant produces ash in large quantity and disposal of the same is a tedious job. Fly ash can be used as a viable option to use a filling material. In turn it will solve the problem of the disposal of ash economically and save sand and dewatering.

Cette recherche exhaustive a permis dans un premier temps de se rendre compte de l’importante quantité de vestiges témoignant de l’exploitation minière dans le secteur considéré. Les recherches réalisées à partir des sources écrites, ouvrages publiés et archives manuscrites, permettent de resituer les mines dans leur contexte historique, mais également de mieux cerner l’historique de l’exploitation minière en Lyonnais et Beaujolais entre la fin du Moyen Age et le XXème siècle. Cette histoire a laissé de nombreux témoins, des vestiges autant souterrains que de surfaces. 
Entre le bas Moyen Âge et l’ère industrielle, les mines du Lyonnais et du Beaujolais ont attiré des entrepreneurs originaires du Lyonnais, mais également des investisseurs et ingénieurs extrarégionaux ou même étrangers. Dès la fin du XIVème siècle et jusqu’au XVIème siècle, les mines sont mains mises de quelques familles bourgeoises de Lyon et au 15ème siècle, l’exploitation de l’argent est ainsi monopolisée par des exploitants lyonnais qui s’associent avec Jacques Cœur. Au XVIIIème siècle, des individus ayant une renommée dans le monde des affaires ou  dans l’exploitation des mines et la métallurgie, ont su s’imposer pour l’exploitation du cuivre. Malgré les troubles révolutionnaires, leurs descendants ont poursuivi leur œuvre jusqu’au milieu du XIXème siècle. Certains ont profité de la réputation de leurs familles, acquise sur l’exploitation des mines et la métallurgie, pour devenir des ingénieurs des mines et métallurgistes de renommée nationale, voire internationale. 
À la période postrévolutionnaire, l’activité minière est plutôt marquée par des initiatives locales puis, dès le milieu du XIXème siècle, des compagnies d’envergure régionale et nationale s’imposent dans l’exploitation des importants gisements de pyrite, de plomb ou de fluorine de la région.

Cette thèse d’histoire, soutenue par Pierre-Christian Guiollard le 11 décembre 2009, fut réalisée sous la direction conjointe des professeurs Pierre Fluck et Nicolas Stoskopf à l’Université de Haute-Alsace. L’auteur se propose d’analyser et d’interpréter les facteurs et les événements qui contribuèrent à l’émergence, à la prospérité et au déclin des mines d’antimoine et de tungstène françaises au cours des XIXe et XXe siècles, ceci afin de démontrer que cette branche de l’activité minière occupa, au delà des apparences, une place belle et bien entière dans l’industrie minière française.

Questo saggio indaga il difficile processo di stabilimento di un moderno settore minerario nella Sardegna d’età sabauda, leggendolo alla luce dei valori civili e delle suggestioni culturali che condizionarono le élite dirigenti che governarono l’isola tra XVIII e XIX secolo.

In una lettera redatta da Cassiodoro probabilmente nel 527 il re Atalarico ordinava al comes patrimonii Bergantino di finanziare una ricerca di vene aurifere nella proprietà regale detta Massa Rusticiana nei Bruzzi. Nel testo Cassiodoro esalta l’attività dei minatori, come mai prima nella letteratura greca e latina. Questa prospettiva è sintomatica dell’evoluzione del concetto di ‘lavoro’ nell’ultima società romana, e si può interpretare alla luce della congiuntura storica dei secoli V e VI, che  pose l’economia italica di fronte alla contrazione dei rifornimenti di metalli e soprattutto dell’oro (lo segnalano alcune lettere di Cassiodoro, in part. Var. III, 25-26; IV, 18; 34). È difficile dire se per l’Italia, povera di miniere, sia intervenuto un cambiamento nelle condizioni produttive e nell’organizzazione del lavoro estrattivo verso la fine dell’età imperiale romana e in età ostrogota. Il confronto con la testimonianza principale sull’attività estrattiva nel tardo impero romano, tra IV e V secolo, costituita dal titolo De metallis et metallariis del Codice Teodosiano (X, 19), suggerisce che le esigenze dei compilatori di una regolamentazione del prelievo fiscale di minerali e di metalli ancora a livello ecumenico (estesa alle due partes) mirino a circoscrivere l’iniziativa dei tecnici minerari e delle imprese, in un universo estrattivo che si vorrebbe strettamente controllato dall’autorità imperiale entro perimetri amministrativi ancora ampi. Quasi cento anni dopo la compilazione di Teodosio II, Cassiodoro interpreta la volontà dei sovrani ostrogoti all’interno dell’orizzonte recessivo dell’ultima diocesi Italiciana nella direzione di una valorizzazione e di una nuova sensibilità verso conoscenze tecniche e artigianali, a lungo svalutate, diventate allora imprescindibili per la sopravvivenza di un universo economico e culturale, quello dell’ultima Italia romana, ridimensionato da centro di una florida economia-mondo mediterranea a fragile periferia, per certi versi “autarchica”, esposta alla concorrenza dei vicini regni romano-barbarici.

There are five parts in this booklet on non-conventional environmental science:
[a] A prologue written by Bandyopadhyay on the issues of image processing and remote sensing techniques by means of which the wealth of the earth is ruthlessly extracted by hedge account holders by using satellites and surveillance helicopters with rudders that emit gamma-rays, infra red etc. According to Bandyopadhyay that type of planetary–corpo[rate]real politics led to anthropogenic climate change. He also cited Lila Majumdar’s prediction from a science fiction [1983] according which, the ice were not only melting but the axis of the earth was also displaced due to violent anthropogenic intervention into the corpoREAL of the earth. Surprisingly enough, that prediction in the eighties of the last century was subscribed by the Geo-Physical Society’s Report [2008].
[b] Bandyopadhyay then wrote a lengthy report on the basalt [a ‘minor’ mineral as per legal term] quarries of Birbhum, West Bengal, India, where a kowm [Bandyopadhyay was reluctant to use the term ‘tribe’ for a group of homo sapiens] is exploited illegally with slim wage and had become null workers—with or/and without existential status. This report, written in a feminist narrative style through the voice of a victim of West Bengal academiocracy, was published in 2008 [“pathure jiboner kOtha”.Sen, Ashok ed. Baromas. XXX. (pp.145-51)] and in this re-presentation the whole scoop was extended with many theoretical tools, viz. the question of ownership [svatva, cf. abstract IDs: 2054667 and 2032594] of land, anti-green architectural imperialism etc. He also cited new Minor Mineral Acts to show the lacuna of administration, who, surprisingly enough, [voluntarily?] did not even know it. Environmental laws are also violated and the administration was a merely a puppet.
[c] Bandyopadhyay again repeatedly visited the geo-political areas of Birbhum, Bankura, Medinipur, Purulia and Bardhaman, West Bengal, India in 2010 and the report was published in a newspaper [2010. “pathore pathore nace agun”. Dances of Fire at Basalt Quarries. Post- Editorial column. Chattopadhyay, Suman ed. Ekdin. 17/09/10 (pg.4)] and here re-presented by deploying theoretical tools.
The situation was worst at that time. The kowms were revolting against disembodied owners [a specter-like entity. Though they were not owners, they were enjoying the ‘tribal’ land that could not be ‘owned’ by the so-called non-tribal people. Cf. abstract Id: 2028606] in guise by means of huge money-sign] of the quarries. These disembodied owners also took revenge with armed goons. So-called Maoists were also reigning with arms and ammunition. Bandyopadhyay observed [1] the ‘Maoist’ terrorism was a construct of state-corporate-sponsored political parties-industrialist/hedge account holders collusion and the Maoists had nothing to do with the Maoism as an ideology per se [2] and thus it is a simulated war for the strategic evacuation of the land so that the collusion could establish ownership of the wealth underneath; [3] despite the fact of simulation [a la Baudrillard] or irreal, ‘real’ was the DEATH/TERMINATION/ANNIHILATION of many homo sapiens as well as flora and fauna of the ‘natural’ geography of the above mentioned four districts; [4] the Malthusian mindset of the collusion was also discussed; [5] State controlled [legal] terrorism was reflected in the mirror of state-sponsored/-branded terrorism through mutual resemblance [anyonyopratibimba] or reverse mimicry[cf.abstract ID 2016682].
[d] This self-funded qualitative survey with little bit of statistics, when was executed in the fields and with the help of Google Earth, Bandyopadhyay and Chakrabarti [at that time he was at the Boston University] were engaged in a lengthy dialogue, an ‘other’ session—they were rendezvousing through phones and E-mails. Both of them related this micro-incidence with the lager question of environmental disaster. Bandyopadhyay initially posed three problematic questions: [1] What was going on? [2] What was the matter? [3] What was to be done? Chakrabarti, after criticizing the organized institutionalized funded scientific enterprises born out of enlightenment-project, answered that [1] was the result of capitalocentric economy; [2] was the consequences of post-Manhattan project so-called ‘objective’ scientific enterprise; [3] would be solved by real politic of eco-ethos. Chakrabarti discussed the feminist positional subjectivity and Jaina anekantavada [theory of many probable perspectives] . Bandyopadhyay showed the instances of internal sabotages within the scientific enterprise that negated the hegemonization of single science by introducing the concept of “sciences” in plural number. He also questioned the nature-culture binary following Derrida.
[e] After finishing the three-years’ conversation, both of them proposed [1] economics of austerity; [2] real politic of eco-ethos; [3]Anekantavadin eco-ethos and of course [4] extinction of surplus labor extraction . The joint statement was written by Chakrabarti with few verbal input from Bandyopadhyay. Thus the booklet had become an instance of a performance of non-conventional environmental science.
It must be mentioned that the cover of this Bangla booklet was de-sign-ed by Debraj Goswami, who reinterpreted the sculpture, “Santhal Family” by the famous sculptor Ramkinkar Baij by inserting a bulldogger within it. In this way, the critique of ‘development’ was re-re-presented and had become part of the text. The photo of surveillance helicopter [Barughutu, Bankura], the secret moment of primitive accumulation, was captured by Akhar Bandyopadhyay and edited by Biswajit Biswas.

Number of Pages in PDF File: 26

Keywords: planetary–corpo[rate]real politics, null workers,disembodied owners, kowm, svatva, anti-green architectural imperialism, hedge account holders, mutual resemblance [anyonyopratibimba] or reverse mimicry,real politic of eco-ethos, positional subjectivity, Jaina anekantavada, “sciences”

Cuitlahuac was an ancient señorío located in the southern part of Mexico City that today is known as Tláhuac. Because of its location on an island in the middle of Lake Chalco, it was barely able to survive in the Colonial period, when the land from which it previously only received tribute acquired commercial value. It was then that a series of legal disputes began between the cabecera and its subject towns on the bank of the lake, at the feet of the Santa Catarina Mountains, over the control of lands and tezontle quarries. The map of 1656 was made in this context, on the occasion of one of the many vistas de ojosthat were made in the area.

Cuitlahuac era un antiguo señorío al sur de la ciudad de México que hoy se conoce con el nombre de Tláhuac. Por su ubicación en un islote en medio del lago de Chalco, apenas pudo sobrevivir en la Colonia, cuando la tierra de la que antes recibía tributo adquirió un valor comercial. Fue entonces cuando la cabecera y sus pueblos sujetos (los cuales se hallaban en tierra firme, a los pies de la Sierra de Santa Catarina) iniciaron una serie de litigios por el control de algunas tierras, así como por las canteras de tezontle. El mapa de 1656 se elaboró en ese contexto, con motivo de una de las muchas vistas de ojos que se hicieron en la zona.

Longtemps, l’imagerie populaire ou plus érudite a véhiculé l’idée d’un Briançonnais reculé, enclavé voire retardé, peu enclin à accepter la modernité, encore arc-bouté sur ses fondements agricoles. Une approche critique ne peut se satisfaire de cette vision partielle, partiale et donc fausse. Le Briançonnais, pays de montagnes, forme un véritable système, complexe mais construit, qui, certes, en privilégiant les hommes et leur terroir,  ne peut être  réduit à ses seules activités agricoles. Frontière du royaume de France, Briançon a très tôt embrassé la vocation militaire, ajoutant ainsi à la difficulté de comprendre plus finement ce monde  montagnard.
La montagne est l’élément incontournable dans la compréhension de ce système. Elle implique un climat rigoureux, réduit l’étendue des parcelles de terres arables, modifie fortement les paysages par ses calamités naturelles (avalanches, crues torrentielles,…). C’est aussi un espace vécu par l’homme comme une contrainte, une limite au développement de ses activités. Elle empêche ou restreint les déplacements, ou, par son caractère de frontière, est les champs privilégiés des campagnes de guerre et leur lot de désolations. Néanmoins, c’est bien sa pauvreté qui demeure sa caractéristique essentielle. Difficile à cultiver, peu productif, sujet à une très forte pression foncière, ce terroir nourrit peu et mal une population nombreuse. Ses richesses, difficiles à extraire ou à mettre en valeur, nécessitent des efforts importants. Dès le Moyen Age, la population n’a ainsi eu d’autres choix que d’émigrer –temporairement ou définitivement- ou de trouver des revenus complémentaires à ceux de l’activité agricole. Face aux contraintes liées à la montagne, cette lutte a très tôt rythmé la vie quotidienne en Briançonnais. S’offre ainsi, à l’intérieur de ce cadre, une multitude de solutions pour dépasser ces contraintes, tout autant climatiques que physiques, créant ainsi un territoire et des pratiques territoriales originales. Le Briançonnais, espace centré sur Briançon depuis le moyen-âge, est véritablement un espace cohérent, construit, modélisé et vécu comme tel par ses habitants qui le pratiquent au quotidien. Certains ont même poussé le raisonnement jusqu'à la création d’une identité briançonnaise qui aurait traversée les siècles, l’inscription géographique de ce territoire enserré dans de hautes montagnes facilitant cette analyse.
L’utilisation du charbon de terre, dès la fin du XVII°siècle, s’intègre pleinement dans ces pratiques humaines et territoriales. Répondant à plusieurs besoins impérieux, ce charbon ne saurait être la matière première de la première industrialisation mais bien la réponse à certaines problématiques locales. En effet, la rigueur du climat impose aux habitants de se chauffer sur une longue période de l’année, chauffage réalisé pendant longtemps au bois. Après le traité d’Utrecht, Briançon devient une position à protéger sur la nouvelle frontière. Il faut donc l’entourée de défenses et de fortifications. Le besoin de bois de charpente et de combustible pour cuire la chaux utilisée pour la construction des bâtiments augmente donc de manière importante, et ce, dès le début du XVIII°siècle en raison de l’état avancé de dévastation des forêts.
La perspective historique d’un temps long s’impose ainsi à la compréhension  de l’activité et de l’exploitation minière, achevée définitivement à la fin des années 1980, et s’étale ainsi de près de trois siècles. Envisagée sur une longue période, l’analyse de l’exploitation minière permet d’aboutir à une compréhension plus complète d’un phénomène durable et complexe. Qui plus est, cette perspective suscite des questions d’ordre économique, historique ou sociologique, plus générales étendues à l’ensemble du bassin briançonnais ainsi que ses différentes implications à d’autres secteurs de l’économie. Si l’ambition apparaît grandes, seules quelques pistes et hypothèses seront envisagées, tout en gardant cette perspective tout au long de l’étude.
Néanmoins, ce parti pris d’une analyse sur une  longue durée peut s’équilibrer par la faible étendue géographique de cette étude. D’emblée, embrasser l’ensemble du bassin minier paraît impossible tant les sources sont abondantes. Le choix s’est ainsi vite porté sur Villard-Saint-Pancrace, village composé de plusieurs hameaux sur la rive gauche de la Durance, à quelques encablures de Briançon, sur une des zones cultivables les plus riches de la région. Si son histoire minière semble avoir été une des plus longues de tout le bassin briançonnais, elle a aussi connu la plupart des types d’exploitation connu sur le bassin : du simple grattage de surface à l’exploitation par puits et chevalements – la seule de tout le Briançonnais – de l’exploitation paysanne la plus évoluée et productive aux tentatives de mise en valeur industrielle. Toutes ces pratiques ont modelé un village et ses habitants, ont ajouté  une identité minière à ce village profondément agricole, à la culture paysanne très marquée dont il faudra préciser les éléments constitutifs et les limites. Immédiatement surgit la question de la représentativité d’un tel exemple. L’écueil principal serait  évidemment d’éviter de systématiser et généraliser ces pratiques à l’échelle du bassin. Mais ce travail serait inutile s’il n’était possible d’éclairer ou plus simplement d’émettre quelques hypothèses, à l’aune du village de Villard-Saint-Pancrace, sur d’autres sites briançonnais : Mônétier-les-Bains ou Saint-Martin-de-Queyrières ont connu, eux aussi une longue histoire minière ; Puy-Saint-Pierre a été l’objet d’une industrialisation poussée sur le site de Combarine ; mais Villard-Saint-Pancrace, sans connaître toutes les situations précitées, les a parfois effleurées, initiées ou imitées. Autre élément important voire décisif, ce village est le seul, ou du moins le fait avec plus d’ampleur que les autres, à faire revivre son passé minier, et ce, depuis une dizaine d’années.

From the first ore mines in 5400 BC until the 12th century AD, the mining people believed that metals flourished in the Earth's matrix from which they were extracted and therefore they worshipped Gaia / Ga meter > Demeter. At the same time they celebrated their patron god Dionysus who saved them from accidents in the mine galleries. Twice a year with mimetic dances, with shouts and invocations they thanked him as Savior. These events were transformed by the 6th century BC into theatrical "dramatic" performances in Athens, as I demonstrate.

The story of the first Catholic Church buili in 1872 in Pella, South Africa is remarkable and inspirational. Pella, a desolate oasis was turned into a spiritual spring that bears testimony of the faithful few who dared to quench the thirst of others. It is a journey into a rich historical testament of the struggle of Christian Khoikhoi seeking refuge from persecution in Warmbad, Namibia.

Today, the great mining towns across the Northern Cape are populated with unemployment and poverty. Generations of families who slaved in the mines were only able to hand down poverty that is evident on the faces of people who now walk the streets in Pella, Springbok, Aggeneys, Port Nolloth, Alexander Bay and other towns. Perhaps the Church can inject a moral conscience and provide spiritual guidance to the government to uplift the poor and stop the conglomerates and tycoons from pillaging of what is left of the country’s resources

RESUMEN: Según la Arqueología, la población levantada en el cerro de San Antonio-Los Palacios, después llamada Italica, mantuvo un carácter plenamente autóctono hasta los años finales del siglo II a.C. El establecimiento en este lugar de inmigrantes venidos desde Italia por aquel tiempo se documenta en la tipología de determinadas edificaciones ajenas a las formas locales y en la aparición y expansión del sistema de villa. Los datos permiten proponer que el enriquecimiento de las familias de la élite de Italica se debió probablemente a la producción y venta de aceite, a la elaboración y exportación de vino y, sobre todo, a la explotación de las minas de hierro del territorio de Munigua, quizá el negocio más floreciente para la élite de Italica  Por el contrario, los datos no permiten afirmar que participara en la explotación de las canteras de Almadén de la Plata.

ABSTRACT: According to Archaeology, the town put up on San Antonio-Los Palacios Hill, later named Italica, had a completely autochthonous nature until the late second century B.C. The settlement of Italian immigrants in this place at that time is proved by the typology of certain buildings alien to the local forms and by the start and spread of villa system. Data allow proposing that the families of the local elite of Italica got rich probably from the production and sale of olive oil, the elaboration and export of wine and the exploitation of iron mines located in Munigua’s territory. This last one was probably the most thriving business to the local elite of Italica. On the contrary, no data allow asserting that this took part in the exploitation of the quarries of Almadén de la Plata.

The following paper aims at highlighting how race and law influenced
activities between Europeans and Africans in Northern
Rhodesia. Race and Law were crucial determinants in how activities
functioned in social relations, economic activities, trade unions and
political party activities, and in the education sector. It advances
that the British South African Company (BSAC) and later the colonial
administration used the two aspects to the advantage of the
European settlers which was at the expense of the livelihoods of
the inhabitants, the Africans. It goes in details by showing what
laws were enacted to advance European activities, and how race
was instrumental in maintaining European control of Africans in
Northern Rhodesia. This paper touches on activities that took
place between 1890 to 1960.

En France, dans les massifs montagneux, d’anciennes mines d’or en roche à ciel ouvert sont parfois visibles dans le paysage. Ces aurières consistent en fosses à profil en U/V et bordées de déblais miniers sur leurs bords supérieurs. Ces vestiges miniers anciens, bien étudiés et fouillés pour partie en Limousin sont datés de l’âge du Bronze à la fin du second âge du Fer. Ces données constituent le référentiel archéologique le plus complet du corpus sur la question. La découverte d’aurières, au sud-ouest du Cantal (district de Prunet), par des prospecteurs-géologues du BRGM, est venue alimenter ces recherches. Dans ce département, des premières prospections archéologiques furent menées en 2000 mais sans poursuite des investigations. Depuis 2016, l’étude archéologique minière de ces chantiers est reprise.  Réalisée à partir d’archives du BRGM et de missions de terrain, les données ont été mises à jour et fortement complétées. Un premier inventaire avec état des lieux pour ce district minier inédit a été réalisé. Désormais, des fouilles archéologiques sont nécessaires pour identifier la chronologie de ces sites.

Heavy metals are defined as metallic elements that have a relatively high density compared to water . With the assumption that heaviness and toxicity are inter-related, heavy metals also include metalloids, such as arsenic, that are able to induce toxicity at low level of exposure . In recent years, there has been an increasing ecological and global public health concern associated with environmental contamination by these metals. Also, human exposure has risen dramatically as a result of an exponential increase of their use in several industrial, agricultural, domestic and technological applications . Reported sources of heavy metals in the environment include geogenic, industrial, agricultural, pharmaceutical, domestic effluents, and atmospheric sources . Environmental pollution is very prominent in point source areas such as mining, foundries and smelters, and other metal-based industrial operations .

Une étude sur la production de l'argent au XVIe siècle, des mines au techniques, en Europe et dans les Amériques, complétée par la découverte de l'inflation dans ce siècle pour partie due à l'argent du Nouveau Monde, et par un panorama de l'utilisation de l'argent et de sa production, de l'antiquité au monde contemporain.

Pakistan Armys 1 Corps-Failure most miserable-Atlas of Changez Force Battle and Shakargarh Bulge Battles-1971

The first memory of Changez Force that comes to my mind is the triple minefield laid by my fathers battalion. In October 1971my father was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant colonel and assigned the command of 6 Engineer Battalion then stationed in East Pakistan. He was then serving as General Staff Officer Grade Two (Operations) in 16 Division in East Pakistan. 6 Engineer Battalion was shifted to West Pakistan and immediately deployed in Shakargarh Bulge where it laid the triple layer strategic minefield in November 1971 with a loss of one soldier killed. Pakistani military history as always remained a promiscuous collection of lies and half-truths . We were fed with half-truths and doctored distortions and it took me some 33 years to learn the truth about the subject of this book. General Gul Hassan who knew the maximum being a direct participant and functioning at the key appointment of chief of general staff wrote an extremely readable book which simply camouflages all the key facts of 1971 war ! This had two reasons , first that Gul Hassan was not a war experienced soldier having served as aide de camp in second world war and in staff positions in all Indo Pak wars . The second and the more important reason was that Gul Hassan was partly responsible for Pakistan's strategic and operational failures of 1971 war. Thus in his wonderful book fed us on half-truths if not outright Iies ! He thus stated “In the ensuing twelve days, they not only failed to capture Shakargarh but advanced a mere six miles, during which they were opposed by our covering troops-rather a disappointing show by three divisions against one (Page 335 ,Memoirs of Lt gen gul Hassan khans,Oxford University Press,1993) Now this is one part of the story ! The real part what Pakistan missed and what was not achieved despite being possible is simply hidden under a carpet woven with skills of a witty and jovial , most active soldier from Pabbi ! ! Gul goes on to grade main architect of Pakistan Armys failure in West Pakistan very highly ! Thus he states;--- “All credit is due to Lieutenant general Irshaad for the conduct of the battle” (Refers-Page-336) Memoirs of Lt gen Gul Hassan Major general Abdulla Saeed, 6 FF , who was my fathers general officer commanding at Quetta in 1975-77 in the 33 Division in his private conversations with my father gave an altogether different picture. He described headquarters 1Corps near Gujranwala as a classic citadel of indecision , procrastination and vacillation. Another participant or observer involved later in Attock conspiracy of 1973 described 1 Corps withdrawals and abandoning of Pakistani territory in Shakargarh bulge as one of the most demoralizing factors of 1971 war. The classic revelations were however made by Major general N.U.K Babar when I interviewed him in March 2001.

Not long after the Roman conquest the mineral deposits of the Sierra de Cartagena began to be worked intensively. It is possible that there had been mining in this area since the Chalcolithic. Silver and lead were obtainedirom the silver-bearing galena, and sometimes copper was also mined. The ancient workings mined both from stratiform deposits and seams. A number of classical authors such as Strabo refer to the mines of Cartago Nova in some detail. The greatest concentration of workings is found in the central sector of the Sierra: there are abundant remains of galleries, shafts, surface workings and tasks related with metallurgy
Mining was particularly intensive in the 1st century B.C. and the 1st century A.D., although some mines were still active in the 2nd century B.C. and production continued in many of them during the whole of the Roman empire. In the Republican period the mines were publicly owned and were exploited by publicani or small companies, as evidenced by stamped ingots. In some cases they bear Italic names, sometimes those of freedmen. Some of these names are subsequently found in inscriptions in Carthago Nova, when it became a colony. As mining increased, the number of towns associated with the mines and metallurgy increased. However, recent archaeological research shows that agriculture, stock raising and fishing were also important from very early times. Between the mid 19th century and the 1960s and '70s, industrial mines were operated in the Sierra de Cartagena and profoundly altered its appearance. They revealed the remains of Roman mining, enabling them to be documented.

En Nouvelle-Calédonie, le savoir des aborigènes était traditionnellement ancré dans un
jugement substantif de l'environnement naturel. Dans ce cas-ci, nous employons le terme substantif en faisant référence au concept substantif ou valeur de rationalité de Weber,
caractérisé par une conviction de la valeur intrinsèque d'un objet ou d'une action. Lorsque
la France annexa la Nouvelle-Calédonie, elle imposa un système de relations capitalistes
de production avec un colonialisme basé sur l'immigration, l'exploitation des ressources
minières et les fermes d’élevage. Cette façon d'opérer est responsable de l’introduction
d'une rationalité instrumentale ou formelle caractérisée par un raisonnement conscient
qu'une action ou un objet est un moyen de parvenir à ses fins. L’environnement naturel se
transforme alors en un moyen et un instrument permettant de poursuivre consciemment
des projets pour les profits qu’anticipaient les colonisateurs. En même temps, la majorité
des Kanaks continuerent d’apprécier la valeur intrinsèque de la nature puisqu'ils ont été
exclus du secteur capitaliste de l’économie de la Nouvelle-Calédonie en vivant à
l’intérieur de réserves aborigènes et en continuant leurs activités de subsistance. Quoi
qu'il en soit, depuis les vingt dernières années, on observe l’émergence d'une élite kanake
qui adopte une valeur de la nature comme moyen de parvenir à leur but - obtenir leur
indépendance de la France. L’utilisation rationnelle de l'environnement est maintenant
perçue comme une façon de concrétiser un objectif spécifique; l’appropriation de titres de
propriété des mines de nickel pour obtenir l’indépendance économique. Tout en
entretenant les tensions entre les concepts de rationalisme formel et substantif de Weber,
cet écrit retrace l’émergence de la pensée rationnelle et formelle à propos de
l’environnement chez les dirigeants kanaks prônant l’indépendance.

In New Caledonia, indigenous knowledge was traditionally anchored in a substantive
appreciation of the natural environment. Substantive, in this case, refers to the Weberian
concept of substantive or value rationality characterized by a belief in the intrinsic value of
an object or action. When New Caledonia was annexed by France, the imposition of
capitalist relations of production through settler colonialism, mineral exploitation and
ranching introduced instrumental or formal rationality characterized by conscious
reasoning that an action or object is a means to a particular ends. The natural environment
became a means and an instrument to carry out conscious projects for the anticipated
benefit of the colonizers. At the same time, the majority of the Kanaks continued to
appreciate the intrinsic value of nature because they were excluded from the capitalist
sector of the New Caledonian economy, living in native reserves and continuing in
subsistence activities which made light use of the environment. However, within the past
twenty years an emerging Kanak elite has adopted a value of nature as a means to achieve
a particular end - independence from France. Rational use of the environment is now
perceived as a way to achieve a specific goal, for example, owning nickel mines to
achieve economic independence. Maintaining the tension between Weberian concepts of
substantive and formal rationalism, this paper traces the emergence of rationalist thought
about the environment among Kanak independence leaders.

Nueva Caledonia el saber indígena estaba tradicionalmente basada en una apreciación
substantiva del ambiente natural. Substantivo, en esta caso, se refiere al concepto
Weberiano de substantivo o valor racional caracterizado por una creencia en el valor
intrínseco de un objecto u acción. Cuando Nueva Caledonia fué anexada a Francia, la
imposión de relaciones capitalistas de producción a través del colonialism pacificador, la
explotación mineral y la ganadería introdujeron la racionalidad instrumental o formal
caracterizada por el raciocinio consciente de que una acción o un objecto es un medio para
llegar a fines particulares. El ambiente natural se convirtió en el medio e instrumento para
llevar a cabo proyectos conscientes para el beneficio anticipado de los colonizadores. Al
mismo tiempo, y al ser excluidos del sector capitalista de la economía de Nueva
Caledonia, la mayoría de los Kanks continuaron apreciando el valor intrínseco de la
naturaleza. Así continuaron viviendo en las reservas nativas y continuaron sus actividades
de subsistencia las cuales hacían menor uso del medio ambiente. Sin embargo, en los
últimos veinte años surge una élite Kanke que ha adoptado un valor de la naturaliza como
forma para obtener un fin particular--independizarse de Francia. El uso racional del medio
ambiente es ahora percibido como una forma para obtener el objecto específico, por
ejemplo, ser propiertario de minas de niquel para así poder lograr una independencia
económica. Manteniendo la tensión entre conceptos Weberianos de racionalismo
substantivo y formal, este artículo rastrea el surgimiento del pesnsamiento racionalista en
relación al medio ambiente dentro de los líderes independentistas de Kanak.