Majoritarianism

At present common Kashmiris are suffering at the both hands, Indian forces and militants and everyone is using the situation to malign other party. Though India is a democratic country, however, in case of Kashmir, it does not follow the democratic norms and has confined itself to political oratory. Kashmir is a conflict zone where everybody can't be trialed including militants for killings or kidnapping or for every Pandit claiming of being forced from his home and business. New Delhi has wrongly acknowledged that Peace would be restored only through money politics.

India claims to be a secular state but acts contrary while dealing with minorities. This study examines the implications of social, political, and religious inculcation of constructive identity (Hindutva) in leading towards nationalism and extremism under the right-wing Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Narendra Modi's regime on Muslim minorities. This qualitative study draws on Majoritarianism theory in providing research questions, i.e., preferring the majority over the minorities. It measures the socioeconomic vulnerability of Muslims and India's endangered democracy surrounded by the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) Hindutva ideology. Findings imply that Modi is making roots in the government through authoritarian activities and discrimination against Muslims. Moreover, without legitimising and indoctrinating Hindutva, gaining audience approval on prejudiced acts, such as the Gujrat killing, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), and the National Register of Citizens (NRC), would not have been possible. Hence, RSS Saffronised the media and preached Hindutva ideology to develop public opinion favouring their aggressive acts, indicating that Majoritarianism has trashed minority rights and challenged the basic principles of democracy. Finally, this study presents pragmatic solutions for addressing ethnoreligious harshness without unrealistically hoping for a prompt resolution. India should learn to integrate diversity to avoid further social polarisation and impeding constructive social transformation.

An often-unnoticed fact about democracy worldwide, including India, is that its history as well as its conception continues to be mostly undemocratic. Consequently, its dominant tale is laced with bombastic adjectives rather than with critical reflections. Based on a thick notion and praxis of justice, in this talk I present a decolonizing account of democracy to imagine a polity/polis as a beautiful garden where flowers of all colors are endowed with a capacity to bloom. Taking the case study of India signed by cultural, linguistic, religious diversity, I argue that to decolonize democracy is to radically orient it to a power-sharing model or what is called consociational democracy. To this end, I harness resources from history and sociology of consociational democracies to craft a democratic vision of democracyone that is also truthful to India's precolonial tradition. Without such a vision, there is no escape from contemporary dark, gory consequences of India's ethnic democracy mimicking the Westminster model and relentlessly activating Hindu supremacism.

The low turnout in the parliamentary elections, or to put it more precisely, the low turnout for years, should give the people and the political system pause for thought. Of course, the reasons for the decline in turnout are not only legal but, in our opinion, more political and sociological. However, we are going to talk about the shortcomings of the legislation, especially the preferred electoral system, and take a somewhat positivist approach to solving the aforementioned problem in Azerbaijan.

Review of Mukulika Banerjee's Cultivating Democracy: Politics and Citizenship in Agrarian India by Sushmita Pati…28 Response from Mukulika Banerjee…29 Review of Sushmita Pati's Properties of Rent: Community, Capital and Politics in Globalising Delhi by Mukulika Banerjee…30 Response from Sushmita Pati…30 Joint Commentary from Banerjee and Pati…31 Meet the Authors…31 Editorial Team…33 Section News…35 Democracy and Autocracy VOL.21(2) November 2023 4 inextricably tied to the evolution of political behavior and political economy in both contexts, and, as Banerjee and Pati's joint response indicates, to how urban and rural dynamics shape each other through (but not only through) migrants and their networks.

offer a comprehensive, interdisciplinary exploration of the intricate dynamics shaping urban transformation in Bombay/Mumbai after the 1980s. The book stems from the three main authors' collective reflection with their close academic circle. It aims to highlight numerous issues raised by the trauma of the COVID-19 pandemic-related lockdowns, namely the mismanagement of public health and social infrastructure for citizens and the exodus of migrant laborers from many Indian cities (including Mumbai). This book builds on and further examines many issues discussed in the three influential volumes on Bombay/Mumbai published more than 20 years ago (Patel and Thorner 1995a, Patel and Thorner 1995b, Patel and Masselos 2003), when economic liberalization was formally adopted. As an extension of these works, this book examines the process of urban transformation that occurred in the aftermath of two significant crises: the Hindu-Muslim riots of 1992-1993 and the 2020 COVID-19 lockdown.

What is an architect? Among all the technicians and craftsmen invoked in politics ancient and modern, why is it the figure of the architect that, from the Greeks down to Lenin and Arendt, appears again and again in the long history of constitutionalism? Is it because the architect is a figure of indomitable beginnings upon which constitutions rest? Or is it because the architect is a bearer of a people's ineluctable disappointment, an allegorist of democracy itself? In B. R. Ambedkar, arguably the greatest constitutional moralist of the anticolonial South to be wary of an identity he knew he would be forced to carry, the architect becomes something more: a devastating witness and foreteller of moral and political ruins.

After all, few others have the courage to see that which what the architect must face in advance, even before he draws his first line: the democratic will to ruin, a people pulled into the moral abyss of violence by that line of resentful, seething force along which human compulsions meet the gravity of laws. Can law alone ever hold the line when it meets the full force of a people's tyranny (and their ordinary vices)? The architect, as Judith Shklar might put it, is not simply a draftsman of this line; he is the sovereign witness of its disappearance. From this act of being a witness emerges a very difficult freedom. But it might be, as Ambedkar foretells, the only freedom worthy of our time.

This article examines the Narendra Modi regime in India. Often acerbic political rhetoric is attached to official policies of the regime, creating fear and hopelessness within sections of the population. In this study, five sets of political activities of the government are evaluated. First, cultural authoritarianism became apparent with complicity toward “cow vigilantism,” slapping sedition charges against those showing political dissent, banning the history books of selected progressives, and stereotyping sections of the left and liberals as antinationals. Second, the demonetization policy was implemented without adequately following the economic protocols of the state. Third, the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganization Bill indicates the thwarting of democratic and federalist ideas. Fourth, the Citizenship Amendment Act and the National Register of Citizens exercise in Assam demonstrate the communal-fascist worldview of the regime in profiling population groups. Finally, the sloppy handling of the COVID-19 pandemic and the new Information Technology rules show the government's callous approach toward science and privacy. By analyzing such political activities, the article points out that majoritarian religious nationalism, coupled with authoritarianism, has been the ideological expression of the Modi regime, coexisting with both state surveillance and electoral democracy.

Through this research paper, the authors seek to navigate the burning issue in the Indian state of Manipur that has resulted in seething violence on ethnic grounds between the hill tribes and the Meiteis, further aggravated by the larger communal picture of the nation. The constitutional guarantees and possible solutions have been explored and proposed. The paper discusses the sensitivity of identity in a vulnerable territory.

The essay argues –based on a close study of the past century --for doses of rationality and soul-searching in the ongoing battle for minority rights and dignity. It urges India's Muslim communities to make their own contribution to invest in secularising India, and underlines that minority communalism is no antidote to majoirtarianism.

Pashtuns are said to have fostered the world's biggest ancestral society, and in nearby reasoning, the
ancestral framework even includes all mankind. Pashtun's ideal of fairness depends on the ancestral framework.
The thought is that all Pashtuns are conceived equivalent, and are offspring of one normal predecessor; social
and financial imbalance, which exists, isn't given naturally or at birth but is accomplished separately, and is
compromised and open to change whenever. This study is an endeavor to reflect Pakhtoon culture and
perspective by concentrating on their language Pashto. How their perspectives and, convictions are molded by
their way of life, and how they depict these perspectives using language. The point is to concentrate on the
Pashto public, their precursors, beginning, and different speculations related to it. It likewise means to
concentrate explicitly on the Pakhtoon of Kashmir, its dissemination, way of life, and its etymological profile.

Wave' is a political phenomenon that leads to a major electoral gain or loss for a political party, an expression of pro or anti-incumbency public mood. 'MODI-wave' is an electoral manifestation depicting the hegemonic leadership of Narendra Modi that scripts victories in elections based on political charisma, social legitimacy and cultural nationalism. His critics question the legality of his regime in terms of democratic deficit, incompetent governance and unrepresentative of 'will of the whole people'. However, the saffron party's victories in national elections 2014 and 2019 is a reflection of 'will of the majority' that institutionalized and routinized Modi wave. 'There is No Alternative' to Modi' is deeply entrenched in minds of voters as they rewarded him with successive leadership renewals and re-legitimations. Modi's leadership will once again attempt to obtain validation in national elections 2024, but the absence of a competitive adversary strongly augments his chances of getting yet another political mandate, provided there are no 'election surprises' in store.

The following document presents a comprehensive compilation of international reactions to the issue of human rights violations in Indian occupied Jammu and Kashmir, spanning the period from June 2023 to August 2023. This report aims to provide a consolidated overview of the statements made by prominent personalities and organizations, as well as the extensive coverage provided by leading newspapers and magazines, concerning the grave situation unfolding in Kashmir.

The ecological fragility of Indian Occupied Jammu & Kashmir demands urgent attention to ensure the well-being of both its environment and inhabitants. The impact of this militarization extends beyond ecological concerns. This paper examines the detrimental effects of militarization on the environment and its consequences for both ecosystems and local communities of IoK.

A short demonstration showing how an emergent property can be generated from a methodologically individualist theory. Specifically, using methodologically individualist  Condorcetian probability theory it can be shown that a Majority of voters can (if certain conditions are satisfied) have a probability of being right which is different from that of any individual voter. In other words, a Majority has at least one emergent propety (and that property is a social fact) whic is not possessed by individual voters. See also the essay on Majoritarianism on this site.

India's multinational federation has experienced multiple challenges in the last 25 years, relating to the rise of coalition politics and the process of economic liberalization, both of which have increased the power of some of the states of the federation at the expense of others. The internal borders of India continue to be restructured, with the latest state, Telangana, created in 2014. India is often seen as a successful multinational federation, but it is important to recognize the limitations of this success, as well as the areas where the rise of an aggressive Hindu nationalism poses a powerful threat to India's multinational federal democracy.

How do some states push harder to become more powerful and to have dominant voice in regional and global matters, although it is widely known that there are some unethical sides of those power-seekers. In current times, states like the Russian Federation, have explained their warlike actions (Georgia in 2008, Syria starting from 2012 and Ukraine starting from 2013 that has turned into a full-scale bloody conflict today), with some legal democratic principles based on their 'fair elections' and with the power they derived democratically from their own people. There can be lots of answers to give to the main question on nations' power-seeking historically, politically or sociologically; however, in this article, our exploration will be more on political theory and philosophy which takes the "majoritarian rule" to our center. We seek to answer whether we must fear or not to fear from the powers of the so-called elections-based majorities in some states considering the gaps of democratic theory overall. Our answer will be a bit cautious regarding the future. Thus, after examining the critical views on the defects of the majority-rule that can lead the 'majoritarian tyranny', we will look also to the ideas of the supporters of the majoritarian procedures who are against any limitations including constitutions with the fear of 'minority tyranny'. The central idea throughout all the dilemmas of the article will be in same line with the fact that any excessive situation in a democratic system can lead to problematic consequences, as humanity experience today in several conflicts and in the forced migrations of millions of people from their homelands.

Yesterday the results were announced for five legislative elections held in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Manipur and Goa. Mukulika Banerjee, Surajit Bhalla, Meghnad Desai and Maitreesh Ghatak, who were at LSE for the fourth LSE SU India Forum, gathered to discuss key trends and features emerging from the results.

In recent years, there has been a disturbing intensification of the crackdown on human rights defenders in Indian Occupied Jammu & Kashmir, characterised by repression & intimidation tactics employed by the Indian authorities to silence dissent.

This paper examines the challenges and possibilities of combining archival and ethnographic methods in the field of 'communal' violence studies in India. Drawing insights from debates among historians and anthropologists on the multifarious interactions between archives and ethnography and reflecting on the empirical case of persistent violence between Muslims and Christians in southern India, it argues for a creative synthesis of these two modes of inquiry for an adequate understanding of 'communal' violence and riot inquiry commissions in India. First, the paper critiques how colonial and postcolonial Indian archival reports problematically inscribe violence between any religious communities (such as Muslims and Christians) in the same narrative as the predominant case of Hindu-Muslim conflict. Second, it illuminates how archival ethnography can be an effective way of studying violence between religious communities and thus transcend conventional disciplinary boundaries. Finally, the paper introduces a nuanced approach, called 'ethnography of archiving', to detail the judicial and nonjudicial discourses and bureaucratic manoeuvring involved in the creation of an archival report, thereby unravelling the power relations, mediating processes, manipulations and bureaucratic performances that make commission reports problematic even today.

This chapter argues that the ancient Greeks pursued popular political participation and public mass majority voting for the same reason: the indispensability of the plethos (‘mass’, ‘majority’, ‘multitude’) to collective action. That indispensability made it desirable to verify and ideally to maximize the numbers, enthusiasm, and solidarity of potential co-actors prior to embarking on action, both of which popular participation and public majoritarianism could do. It considers Canevaro’s recent challenge to the significance of majoritarianism within ancient Greek assemblies, then presents a selection of archaic and classical material touching the relationships between collective action, majoritarianism, and homonoia (‘unanimity’, ‘solidarity’). It concludes that Canevaro was right to emphasize the importance of unanimity to ancient Greek politics, but wrong to suppose that valuing unanimity should have made majoritarianism unappealing. To the contrary, it was their commitment to unanimity that made ancient Greeks value majoritarianism.

The history of the Labour left following Aneurin Bevan's anti-unilateralist turn in 1957 and prior to the rise of the Bennites in the 1970s has gone woefully understudied. In that intervening period, new formations and new organisations rose in an effort to carry on the radical politics of Bevanism and to continue the fight against the Labour right on issues like public ownership and unilateralism in a phase termed here as 'neo-Bevanism'. Most studies of Bevanism end decisively in 1957, however, and little has been done to give some cohesion to the myriad factions and initiatives of the Labour left in the late 1950s through to the middle of the 1960s. The premise of this thesis-that Bevanism continued after both Bevan's betrayal in 1957 and Bevan's death in 1960-is evidenced throughout and gives a foundation to the principal arguments of the thesis. These arguments deal firstly with the nature of the Bevanites within the Gaitskell shadow cabinet, making the case for a new timeline of conciliation until 1960 and then hostile detachment-and a return to a more belligerent Bevanite politics-thereafter until 1963. Secondly, it is argued that the rise of Harold Wilson was a resistible phenomenon representing a project of the party centre into which the Labour left was co-opted. Thirdly, it examines the history of the intransigent left in this period in the form of the Victory for Socialism group and argues that it too became coopted into the Wilson project, thus neutering all left opposition to Wilson and allowing him to resolve any and all contradictions of his leadership to the right.

In December 2019, Boris Johnson gained a majority of 80 Tory MPs apparently united behind a strong Brexit strategy, and coming after many liberal ‘remainers’ had been forced out of Conservative ranks. Yet expectations of a re-unified party enjoying electoral dominance have both faded quickly in the COVID-19 crisis, with a Labour fightback coinciding with strongly renewed Tory factionalism. Françoise Boucek cautions that the Conservatives’ internal tensions now pose a similar threat to Johnson as to his predecessors

Since the dispute between Berelson and Kracauer in the early fifties (see Berelson, 1952; Kracauer, 1952), the controversy about quantitative or qualitative content analysis focuses on two aspects: manifest vs. latent content, and representativity vs. exemplarity of the analysed texts. Both schools, quantitative and qualitative social science, seem to agree about the existence of a basic dilemma, according to which: 1. quantitative methods are suitable for the analysis of manifest content only; whereas 2. qualitative methods are time consuming, can rarely be applied to a large number of texts and, therefore, cannot meet the requirements of (statisLicai) representativity. While quantitative analysis tries to escape this dilemma by emphasizing the importance of representativity and disregarding the significance of the latent content, qualitative analysis seeks the opposite way out by fOCUSing on the latent content and disregarding the problem of representativity. None of these approac...

Die neue Regierung in Israel steht politisch so weit rechts wie keine andere vor ihr. Der Erfolg der rechtsradikalen Parteien und ihre Beteiligung an der Regierung sind Ergebnisse einer länger anhaltenden Transformation der politischen Landschaft Israels. Kennzeichnend für diese Entwicklung ist die Genese einer rechten Mehrheit, die mit einer Rechtsverschiebung des Mainstreams und der politischen Legitimierung des radikalsten Segments der israelischen Gesellschaft einhergeht. Der gemeinsame Nenner dieser Regierung ist ein antiliberaler Impetus, der auf eine Neuordnung des Staates hinausläuft. Die Regierung beabsichtigt, demokratische Mechanismen, insbesondere das System von Checks and Balances, den Status des Obersten Gerichtshofs und den der Grundrechte, zu schwächen. Stattdessen sollen majoritäre Prinzipien gestärkt werden, die den Regierungsmehrheiten kaum mehr Schranken auferlegen. Dieser disruptive Ansatz bezieht sich auch auf den Konflikt mit den Palästinensern: Hier wird ein Sieg angestrebt. Die Integration des Westjordanlands in das Rechtsgebiet des Staates Israel soll unumkehrbar gemacht werden.

A series of studies has shown that civil wars are caused not only by factors inside countries, but also by effects operating across state borders. Whereas a first wave of quantitative studies demonstrated that such effects make the “closed-polity” assumption untenable, more recently researchers have identified particular causal mechanisms driving conflict. Despite these recent advances, a central puzzle remains unresolved, namely why ethnic groups that at least in theory could count on support from large transborder ethnic kin (TEK) groups often have remained surprisingly peaceful, such as the stranded Russian populations in the “near abroad.” We propose a theoretical framework that extends the analysis from the primary dyad between the incumbent and the challenger group by adding a secondary dyad that pits the incumbent against the TEK group. We postulate a curvilinear effect of the TEK group's relative size on conflict onset. Using a new data set on transnational ethnic links,...

Three domes were brought down at Ayodhya on 6 December 1992, with a profound impact on the national psyche. The reality since then has been of a slow haemorrhage of basic liberal democratic values. Three decades since the demolition, the fundamentals of governance have to be reimagined. Is the system that independent India adopted one that unduly rewards the politics of exclusion. In a context of stagnant opportunities and conspicuous defaults on the promises of equality, can the system retain its basic values.

In this research paper the level of subjectivity and objectivity adopted by journalists of different newspapers of the two provinces of the Jammu and Kashmir state has been analysed. This research paper emphasized upon the professionalism of the journalists of two provinces while catering to the readers of particular province. In this study it was found that in general reporters of both the provinces of the state are objective in their reporting, but it is also found that in certain cases Kashmir based reporters are subjective in their reporting, for example while covering Kashmir sentiments. They also use hard language against New Delhi, whereas Jammu based reporters are subjective only when it comes to defend Security forces and are also bitterly critical of Pakistan, accusing it as a sponsor of violence in Kashmir (including separatism). This paper found that newspaper of particular province serve to specific readers of their region, i.e. in Hindu majority province of Jammu, newspapers report as per the reading habits of Hindu readers and carries pro-India and anti-freedom reports. While as in Muslim majority province of Kashmir, newspapers carry anti-India and pro-freedom reports. Even senior journalists admitted that newspapers of both the provinces are doing justifiable job by serving what is expected from them.

In the year 1979 during the Janata Party government in Centre the "Mandal Commission" was established. The purpose was to "identify the socially or educationally backward." The Commission got the report about Orissa by Sri Chintamani Panigrahi, the then Governor of Manipur. This Commission proposed to the Central Government for the reservation of 27%of the lower and backward-caste people in Indian societies. In the month of March 1981, in Lok-Sabha, a unanimous decision was made for the reservation. Sri Viswanath Pratap Singh took oath as the Prime-Minister of India on 2 nd December 1989. Sri Biju Pattanaik sworn as the Chief-Minister of Orissa on 5 th March 1990. On the "Nirvan Day" of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, the Prime-Minister declared about the implementation of the Mandal Commission Report. Consequently the agitation started against the reservation issue in the Northern parts of the country. Later, it spreaded toother regions. Being a great leader of t...

DURING the course of my fieldwork in Kashmir in 2009, at some point I found myself in Shopian and Bomai, Sopore, interacting with leaders of localized agitations and families of victims around two isolated events. In Shopian two women who had gone missing the night before were found dead in Rambiar Nalla, with their bodies in a state that lead people to believe that they had been raped and then murdered.1 In Bomai two unarmed young men from the neighbourhood had been killed by soldiers from the Rashtriya Rifles, long encamped in the village, in broad daylight, soon after they had disembarked from a public transport vehicle.2 In both the cases the agitators who had organized themselves into coordination committees sought legal justice from the state. The agitators believed that their struggle would help them politically, regardless of its outcome. If it succeeded, it would help them to establish culpability, get the people involved punished and prevent such occurrences from taking pl...

The misuse of social media platforms to influence public opinion through propaganda campaigns are a cause of rising concern globally. Particularly, countries like India, where politicians communicate with the public through unmediated, curated twitter feeds, have witnessed a significant surge in strategic online manipulation. In this paper, we study propaganda messaging on Indian Twitter during two politically polarizing events. We collect over 80M Hindi and English tweets from over 26k politicians and 6k influencers. Using a mixed-methods approach, we identify major propaganda narratives across all events. We further use a network causal inference based approach to isolate influential actors who play a significant role in propagating the identified narratives. We conclude by discussing how these opinion leaders and their information dissemination, are central to instigating and building propaganda campaigns on Twitter.

This writing, using Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s philosophical concepts of “being a majoritarian” and “becoming a minoritarian” as tools, examines the character of Nora Helmer from Henrik Ibsen’s A Doll’s House (1879) to show the transformation in her approaches as a journey of an individual from “being a majoritarian” to “becoming a minoritarian” to argue that, unlike Torvald Helmer, Nora has realised her doll-like condition, and subsequently begins her endless journey of a revolutionary--a “becoming-minoritarian.”
According to Deleuze and Guattari, the difference between the notions of majoritarianism and minoritarianism is not quantitative rather they are ideological. The concept of majoritarianism represents the system, the standard of a system, and the constantness of a system. On the contrary, the notion of minoritarianism represents all the subsystems that challenge the system, the standard of a system, and the constantness of a system. This critical discourse analysis of Ibsen’s A Doll’s House, with reference to the concepts of “being a majoritarian” and “becoming a minoritarian,” examines the characters of Nora and Torvald to show the contrast between them as individuals where Nora begins the journey as a doll, a majoritarian, and gradually transforms herself to “becoming a minoritarian” but Torvald remains a doll--a majoritarian.

In the year 1979 during the Janata Party government in Centre the "Mandal Commission" was established. The purpose was to "identify the socially or educationally backward." The Commission got the report about Orissa by Sri Chintamani Panigrahi, the then Governor of Manipur. This Commission proposed to the Central Government for the reservation of 27%of the lower and backward-caste people in Indian societies. In the month of March 1981, in Lok-Sabha, a unanimous decision was made for the reservation. Sri Viswanath Pratap Singh took oath as the Prime-Minister of India on 2 nd December 1989. Sri Biju Pattanaik sworn as the Chief-Minister of Orissa on 5 th March 1990. On the "Nirvan Day" of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, the Prime-Minister declared about the implementation of the Mandal Commission Report. Consequently the agitation started against the reservation issue in the Northern parts of the country. Later, it spreaded toother regions. Being a great leader of t...

The purpose of the study is the structure of political parties and comparative analysis of the party system in the Republic of India. The objective of the research is to investigate the functioning of the parties, power structure, dynamics and their role in forming the government at the centre and state levels in the country. In addition, the study analyses the approaches of the parties as an actor to make a coalition government in various provincial governments. The research used comparative method analysis to achieve the purpose of this study and describe the source methods for testing the research objectives. The study finds the comprehensive relevance of parties’ role in the Indian political system. Finally, the result of the article finds as a conclusion that the multi-party system provides multiple opportunities for people to participate in the democratic process in India.

In this article, I use Critical Technocultural Discourse Analysis (CTDA) to examine the productive associations between Twitter as a technological artifact and the quotidian discourse on Hindu nationalism online. The analysis explores the interplay between (1) Twitter as a technical
artifact—examining the interface for its affordances and protocols; (2) Twitter as practice—unpacking the quotidian discourse conventions and strategies used to articulate Hindu nationalism; and (3) Twitter as ideology—examining how Hindutva ideology co-opts the platform’s affordances to promote anti-minority discrimination. My analysis highlights how the online discourse of Hindu nationalism is a constitutive force informing discussions and decisions concerning several vital issues related to governance, policies, citizenship, COVID-19, and other topics. The discourse of Hindu nationalism
online has the potential to percolate into the lived realities of people and has material implications for the workings of the state.

The purpose of the study is the structure of political parties and a comparative analysis of the party system in the Republic of India. The research aims to investigate the parties' functioning, power structure, dynamics and their role in forming the government at the centre and state levels in the country. In addition, the study analyses the parties' approaches as actors to make a coalition government in various provincial governments. The research used a comparative method analysis to achieve the purpose of this study and describe the source methods for testing the research objectives. The study finds the comprehensive relevance of parties’ role in the Indian political system. Finally, the result of the article finds to the conclusion that the multi-party system provides multiple opportunities for people to participate in the democratic process in India.