Judas Iscariot

The first of three volumes  that focus on perseverance and apostasy, salvation and judgement,  and community identity . The first volume  covers the  Gospels, Acts, and Johannine letters. The first volume also covers the meaning of apostasy..

While the sacrifice of the man who bears Jesus in the Gospel of Judas is evidently what sets off the salvific dissolution of the archontic world, its way is prepared by the “stars that bring everything into completion.” These later, according to Jesus revelation to Judas, include leaders and representatives of different classes of sinners who collectively claim to be “like the angels.” This article inquires whether and how the concept of “redemption through sin”, as first detailed by Gerschom Scholem, is operative in this gospel. Understanding this gospel’s counternarrative of salvation will, in turn, also allow us to evaluate Irenaeus of Lyon’s claim that the adherers of this gospel believed, like the Carpocratians, that sinning will bring about salvation. Irenaeus’s claim may have been a thorough, if enlightening, misunderstanding of the way this concept functions in this gospel’s soteriological scheme, which nevertheless may have been Pauline in its origins.

Despite this renewed attention, scholars have avoided situating their analyses of this pericope within the major debates about Papias' work. The question of whether Papias employed the methods of Greek rhetoric sits as the most relevant issue for this discussion. Though many scholars champion rhetorical readings of Papias, detractors contend that they overstate his ostensibly technical vocabulary (e.g., τάξις, συντάσσω, χρεία, διάλεκτος, ἑρμηνευτής in Frag. 2). They generally construe these as Papias' colloquial or historical characterizations of Gospel narratives. Whether and how Papias testifies to source-critical concerns for Synoptic studies—such as the Sayings Gospel Q, a proto-Matthew, and the oral transmission of Jesus' life—depends on their interpretation. Opposition primarily disputes the meaning of individual words in the context Papias provides them, so that his rhetorical forms and flourishes remain relatively unscathed from criticism. Papias' death of Judas has never figured into this discussion, but it nonetheless points in favor of a rhetorical backdrop.

Análisis de textos bíblicos canónicos y extracanónicos. RESUMEN Este artículo propone un recorrido analítico literario sobre la figura de Judas Iscariote. Para ello se rastrearán sus huellas en una serie de escritos del Nuevo Testamento: Los cuatro Evangelios y Hechos de los Apóstoles; y de la literatura cristiana posterior: escritos extracanónicos (apócrifos). Se prestará especial atención al Evangelio de Judas, cuyo descubrimiento revolucionó nuestro conocimiento sobre la comprensión que los gnósticos tenían de nuestro personaje: cómo puede reconciliarse la imagen del Judas traidor con la visión de un Judas mártir que obedece un mandato divino. ABSTRACT This paper proposes an analytical course on the literary figure of Judas Iscariot. For this we will trace its footprints in a series of New Testament writings: the four Gospels and Acts of the Apostles; and the later Christian literature: extracanonical writings (Apocrypha). We will have special attention to the Gospel of Judas, whose discovery has revolutionized our knowledge of the Gnostics comprehension of our character: how to reconcile the image of the Judas traitor with the vision of a martyr Judas who obeys a divine mandate.

A copy of my latest Sermon, from my first church service conducted in the new Fale Iupeli of the CCCS in Samoa.  May God be praised for His continuing love and faith in my life and ministry.  May He bless His Word as it continues to be preached in this capacity.  All Glory, Honour and Power be His, now and forever more...Amen.

In this article review of the most common gestures of Judas Iscariot in “The Last Supper” icons іn Ukrainian art is
presented. The period 15th—18th centuries is considered. The main author’s conclusions are as follows. The gesture in the
iconography of Judas Iscariot promotes expression of the main content and substance the idea of the composition. Some of
the Judas’ gestures based on the narratives of Scripture, other gestures have symbolic value and are not described in the
Gospels. Quite common gestures of Judas in the iconography of "the Last Supper" are pointing gestures. A common symbol
that often accompanies the image of Judas in the iconography of the "Last Supper" is a knife – as a symbol of Judas betrayal
of Jesus. Gestures of Judas also closely related to his main attribute – pouch of coins. It can be attached to a Judas belt, or
Judas holds a pouch in his hand.

У статті досліджуються особливості іконографічного відтворення Юди Іскаріота в українському малярстві XV–XVIII ст. на прикладі композиції «Поцілунок Юди» зі страсного сюжетного циклу. Особлива увага приділяється ґенезі та розвитку сюжету «Поцілунок Юди», окреслюються основні віхи його становлення у контексті візантійського та західноєвропейського мистецтва. Окрема увага зосереджена на українських пам’ятках періоду XV–XVIII ст. Аналізуються особливості композиційної побудови сюжету, простежуються характерні
особливості оригінального образу Юди в українському монументальному та станковому мистецтві. Робиться акцент на важливому значенні символіки кольору в трактуванні образу Юди Іскаріота, а саме в трактуванні його одягу та зовнішності — рудий колір волосся. Зазначається оригінальна особливість трактування Юди в народному українському малярстві: лаконічність і спрощення композиції, обмеженість кольорової палітри. Окремо розглядається ряд пам’яток станкового малярства XVII ст., написаних на полотні.

The innermost meaning of Bulgakov's novel is the domination of the Moon in the system of the Universe and its power over the destinies of people. // Сокровенный смысл романа Булгакова — господство Луны в системе Мироздания и власть ее над судьбами людей.

The discovery and publication of the Gospel of Judas created a sensation in scholarly and popular settings alike. Much of the interest in the new publication grows out of the interpretation that was advanced, in which Judas Iscariot is understood as a hero, more or less, the greatest of the disciples, to whom Jesus entrusted his most important teaching. Ongoing critical study of the Coptic text, however, has raised troubling questions about this interpretation and on what basis it rests. The recent recovery of more fragments of the text also undermines the widely reported interpretation. The present study reviews several recent publications that suggest a very different interpretation.

Despite the cautiousness of the earliest gospel writer, there still stands Jesus´ note referring to Judas during the Last Supper, „It would have been better for that one not to have been born.” (Mk 14,21) A different stand is held by other gospel writers. According to them it is Judas and the Jews who are responsible for Jesus´ death. Thus the gospels are slowly becoming the root of later anti-semitism. The importance of the vicarious sacrifice of Jesus is pushed aside in the letters of apostle Paul. This trend is confirmed also by the Apostolic fathers. In the apostolic church the benefit of Christ for man is not fully appreciated. Ignatius understands the fulfillment of Jesus´ call in the imitation of his death (IgnEf 10,3; 21,1-2). Judas is to a certain degree rehabilitated in the apocryphal literature, since here Jesus´ death is perceived in a different light. The open question remains whether we encounter here a transformation
of the original tradition or a totally different tradition. Yet, what is certain is that in the early church there existed various schools of thought that were guided by their own theological insights. Theologians rooted in Reformation teaching sola gratia warn against being too critical towards Judas. The grace of God is not limited and therefore man has no right to judge concerning the salvation of others. The verdict belongs solely to Christ. The evil of Judas remains, yet the mercy of God is valid nevertheless. Moreover, Judas´ guilt can be perceived as collective guilt. The Reformation teaching of sola gratia applies to us all, it applies also to Judas, since Christ died for all.

Here are some traditional/Catholic/Orthodox teachings for Wednesday of Holy Week, a.k.a. Holy Wednesday, Spy Wednesday, Good Wednesday, or Holy and Great Wednesday.

This is a day of remembrance of the betrayal by Judas, seen by followers of the canonical gospels as a clandestine spy among the disciples.

This obviously takes on very different connotations and meanings for certain sects of the Gnostic Christian traditions. (See The Gospel of Judas).

In the Byzantine Rite, the theme of Holy and Great Wednesday is the commemoration of the sinful woman who anointed Jesus before his crucifixion and burial. The service of the Sacrament of Holy Unction (Anointing of the Sick) is therefore a major celebration today in many Christian traditions. The Holy Oil (Chrism) is blessed by the Holy Spirit and is used for anointing the faithful for the healing of infirmities of the soul and body. In the Greek Orthodox Church, all members of the church receive Holy Unction on Holy Wednesday evening.

Scopo della presente ricerca è dimostrare in che modo il mito greco di Edipo sia suscettibile di essere studiato alla luce del folklore, ovvero in base a quali elementi si possa parlare di un "folk-tale" di Edipo e come uno studio comparato dell'antica leggenda tebana e delle sue supposte varianti folkloriche medievali e moderne, possa fornire chiavi di lettura utili alla comprensione dello stesso mito antico.
In un primo momento si è studiata l'evoluzione del mito di Edipo dalla tradizione letteraria pre-tragica (cap. I) alla tragedia ateniese del V sec. a.C., in special modo sofoclea (cap. II), per poi andare ad analizzare i possibili rapporti tra Edipo e il folklore, proponendosi di dimostrare se sia possibile individuare un "folk-tale" di Edipo da accostare e comparare a un ingente corpus di materiale folklorico medievale e moderno, comprendente fiabe e leggende d'area cristiana, che pare replicare struttura e temi del mito antico preso in esame (cap. III).

Summary:  Matthew and Luke provide us with quite different accounts of Judas’s death.  Despite what’s often claimed, these accounts aren’t irreconcilable;  rather, each author chooses to record a different aspect of Judas’s death, and does so for his own particular purposes.  Matthew wants us to see Judas as an Absalom—a man who ends up hung as a result of his own selfish ambition—, while Luke wants us to see Judas as an Ahab—a man whose ill-gotten ends up soiled by his blood—, and each author’s portrayal of Judas has important Christological implications.

Keywords:  Judas, Field of Blood, hung, historical, Matthew, Acts, contradiction.  Date:  Mar. 2021.

El término predestinación refiere específicamente a la actividad cognitiva de Dios respecto a las acciones humanas libres, puede decirse que refiere a la actividad volitiva del Creador.  Cualquier decisión divina relacionada con la naturaleza o la realidad creada debe considerarse dentro de la predestinación. En este artículo trataremos las dos posturas principales que han disputado la verdad acerca de dicho concepto. Este tema sigue siendo objeto de debate entre los eruditos, debido a que las ideas de Calvino y Arminio en particular formularon conceptos contrapuestos que son base de algunas corrientes teológicas contemporáneas.

The representation of Judas gives, along ages, a good understanding of the mind of Christianism wrote KIERKEGAARD. Through the religious and political study of 121 films released from 1897 to 2020 the apostle is portrayed as an arch-villain but also as a tragic hero, a victim, even sanctified. We analyze each film respect for the Scriptures and qualify its message either ecumenic or anti-Semitic.
Christophe STENER Scholar and Professor at the Catholic University of the West (France) is an expert in religious and political exegesis of art history.

The fulfillment of “the Scriptures” in John 17:12 has long been a bone of contention among commentators on the Fourth Gospel. The majority of authors have argued that ἡ γραφή unmistakably refers to a passage in the Hebrew Bible. Wendy Sproston (North) and Francis Moloney, however, picking up on an earlier observation by Edwin Freed, suggest Jesus’ own words as a more appropriate referent of ἡ γραφή in this verse. The issue of the correct scriptural referent is intrinsically connected with the question of the thematic referent within the verse in question. As it turns out, the fulfillment of the scripture can refer to either the tragic fate of Judas or the preserving of Jesus’ other disciples. The article surveys recent scholarship on these issues in order to identify the most convincing solutions.

У монографії розглядаються особливості іконографії Юди Іскаріота в українському мистецтві XV—XVIII ст. та символіка його образу. В дослідженні зібрано та проаналізовано збережені пам’ятки образотворчого мистецтва з музейних та приватних збірок, з іконостасів та розписів храмів на теренах України та Польщі. Обґрунтовуються риси оригінального образу Юди в українському мистецтві, які проявляються в характері зображення його зовнішності, міміки, жестів, кольорового трактування.

According to the Gospel of Matthew, after learning that Jesus was to be crucified, Judas Iscariot was overcome with remorse and attempted to return to the chief priests the thirty pieces of silver that had been paid to him for the betrayal, then he committed suicide by hanging himself. The Book of Acts states instead that Judas used the money to buy a field and «falling headlong he burst open in the middle, and all his bowels gushed out». Was the peculiar representation of Judas in Hell painted by Giotto in the Scrovegni Chapel in Padua just an attempt to solve the discrepancy between the two different accounts of the disciple's death?

ENGLISH ABSTRACT
In this article, we examine the iconographical and textual evidence of Judas's damnation. Are his byzantine and post-byzantine representations in Hell corresponding to the canonical or extra-canonical sources and if so, in which degree? Firstly we consider the dominant iconographic theme of Judas on the Devil's lap and secondly we focus on the images deviating from the conventional type and indicating in a more or less evident way either the punishment imposed to the traitor, or the exact reason for his damnation. Lastly, we examine two remarkable post-byzantine representations of Judas' Suicide that through their atypical iconography add a further dimension to his fate in the afterlife.
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RÉSUMÉ FRANÇAIS
Dans cet article nous examinons le témoignage iconographique et textuel de la damnation de Judas. Ses représentations byzantines et post-byzantines en enfer correspondent-elles aux sources canoniques ou extra-canoniques et si oui, à quel point ? En premier, nous abordons le thème iconographique dominant de Judas dans le giron du Diable, et deuxièmement, nous distinguons les images qui dévient du type traditionnel pour indiquer de manière plus ou moins évidente soit le châtiment infligé au traître, soit la raison exacte de sa damnation. Pour finir, nous examinons deux représentations remarquables du Suicide qui de par leur atypie iconographique ajoutent une dimension supplémentaire au sort de Judas dans l'au-delà.
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RESUMEN ESPAÑOL
En este artículo examinamos la evidencia iconográfica y textual de la condena de Judas. ¿Se corresponden sus representaciones bizantinas y post-bizantinas en el infierno a las fuentes canónicas o extra-canónicas y, si es así, hasta qué punto? En primer lugar abordamos el tema iconográfico dominante de Judas en el regazo del diablo; en segundo lugar, distinguimos las imágenes que se desvían del tipo tradicional para indicar de manera más o menos evidente ya sea el castigo infligido al traidor o la razón exacta de su condenación. Finalmente, examinamos dos representaciones notables del suicidio de Judas que por su rareza iconográfica añaden una dimensión suplementaria a la suerte de Judas en el más allá.

The monograph "The Death of Judas in the Bible and the Christian Tradition" (published in the scientific  series  "The Library ‘the Word of the Cross’"; Verbinum, 2012) is devoted to the Biblical account of the Judas’ death. It analyzes the process of developing of the image of the traitor in Greek and Latin Christian cultural environment. Its innovation due to the fact that it interprets not only the canonical, but also the apocryphal and the folk story, and references it to the relation between the eastern and western Christian tradition. As the theological study, it combines  philological  and  cultural  approach  to  the  subject,  becoming  an  interdisciplinary work. Based on the results of both the world biblical studies, and patrology and ethnology, it fills a gap in Polish scientific literature, as well as opens up new research perspectives on the relationship  between  the  Catholic  and  Orthodox  cultural  heritage,  which  contributes  to  the enrichment of intercultural and interfaith dialogue.

CHAPTERS' ABSTRACTS
1) From the ritual uses of coins to their creation as relics. The book and particularly this chapter  involves thoughts on the life of coins as objects, and on the very nature of money and its origin: economic historians may be interested in seeing how the price of blood became materialized as relics in medieval and modern Europe. Coins as relics are one aspect of the ritual and devotional use of coins. Both archaeological and written evidence forms the basis for the discussion; from funerary contexts to foundations of buildings, offerings to altars, saints, shrines and sacred springs. The narrative focuses on the actors who at different times and places made use of the coins providing them of a biography expanding from the usual monetary one into one more connected to relation with the supernatural. The ongoing scholarly debate on this topic is rich and lively at present, and a full account of recent “Christian materiality” research is provided.

2) The coins of St Helena: objects of devotion before the invention of the Thirty Pieces of Silver. The recent understanding of the role of the ‘coins of St Helena’ has been crucial to detect the extent of devotional uses of coins in medieval Europe. A coin of St Helena was described by pilgrims among the relics in Rhodes in the late fourteenth century, before being replaced by one specimen of the Thirty Pieces of Silver. They were usually Byzantine coins misread by devotional intentions. Their popularity in the late middle ages and later is proved by a papal bull of 1587 which transformed into relics with indulgence the 125 Byzantine gold coins of a hoard found in excavations in Rome, Lateran, some of which are still kept in churches in Milan, Florence, Arezzo and Bologna, and more are recorded in Italy and elsewhere.

3) Judas, the Priests and the Thirty Pieces of Silver. Who was Judas? How did he transform himself from one of the closest disciple of Christ to his traitor? This chapter deals with the interpretations of Judas across time. It underlines the crucial shift of the Christian view of Jews: at first ‘just’ infidels, becoming at the time of the Crusades Christ’s killers. Judas figure became then more and more negative  and a medieval legend portrayed him in ever grotesque ways. His connections and perceptions of money and wealth are considered from the Gospels to the writings of medieval Church Fathers. Was he really so greedy? We can observe that, quite unusually for a money minded person, he did not negotiate the price of Christ with the priest. He asked them what they were prepared to offer; they said thirty pieces of silver; he just accepted. He can thus be defined a most inept merchant, ad he is made say that by himself with the words in some version of the medieval legend of his life and afterlife.

4) The legend of the Thirty Pieces of Silver: from hagiographic tale to coin  relics. The medieval legend of the Thirty Pieces had these coins first struck by Abraham’s father and then used in most Biblical transactions, including the gifts of the three wise men (the Magi). Mary lost them and the coins ended up in the treasure of the Temple of Jerusalem, to be given to Judas. When Judas returned them to the priests, the coins had become “price of blood” and could not be put back in the treasury. Instead, the priests used them to buy the potter’s field (Matthew 27, 7: “And they took counsel, and bought with them the potter's field, to bury strangers in”). In the 1480s the Dominican friar Felix Fabri, in his Evagatorium in Terram Sanctam (‘diary of his journey to the Holy Land’) reported the legend and considered that once in the potter’s hands the coins were dispersed in the world (et hoc pacto dispersi sunt ab invicem per mundum). The fatal sum of money which had been indivisible and compact until the completion of its destiny, finally became divisible and fragmented into thirty individual coins. In this way the status of the coins related to the Thirty Pieces of silver changed and they were transformed into relics of the Passion in medieval and modern Europe.

5) The Thirty Pieces of Silver depicted as instruments of the Passion. This chapter contains an extensive analysis of how the Thirty Pieces of Silver were  depicted in art in the fifteenth and sixteenth  centuries, with some later appearence. They are seen as part of the instruments of the Passions (with the cross, the nails, the column of the flagellation, etc.)  in the setting of images of Christ as Man of Sorrows and of the Mass of St Gregory (here the living figure of Christ appears on the altar where Pope Gregory the Great celebrates mass). Both types of images were usually of indulgential nature, so that contemplating each step of the Passion would help the devout to relive it and do penance. The coins are illustrated in various ways: in Italy the are often seen as a transaction taking place (a hans passing the coins into another hand); the sum can also be figured as a bag: north of the Alps the entire sum is represented with the thirty coins all described so that the devout would count them all, reflecting on the perfidy of greed and of Judas. This sort of inventory has never before been attempted.

6) The Thirty Pieces of Silver as relics. This chapter reveals the appearance of the documented specimens, still existing or at least described. The first one was ‘created’ as relic in c.1300: a Syracusan silver decadrachm framed in gold with the inscription ‘since it is the price of blood’ (QVIA PRECIVM SANGVINIS EST). It surfaced in the market in the nineteenth century and is now in the Hunt Museum, Limerick. The most frequent type of relic of the Thirty Pieces is of the ancient mint of Rhodes (c. fourth to second centuries BC). The specimen in the island of Rhodes is recorded since 1395 and was seen by many pilgrims who described it in detail from 1413 to the late fifteenth century: the Knights used their coin relic by distributing wax casts to the devout during the liturgy of Good Friday. The also permitted visitors to take their own casts of the relic which then used to make silver reproductions produced by goldsmiths once returned home from the pilgrimage. Similar Rhodian specimens in Rome, Oviedo, Paris and Malta were made the object of Antiquarian studies since the sixteenth century, with discussion of their authenticity. The specimens appear in different sources spread from Valencia, Spain, to Uppsala, Sweden, and Russia, in number of over  50 coins. The most impressive one is kept in a reliquary in Nin, Croatia, documented in 1412. This book will open the path to the discovery of more specimens, either as existing relics in altars and shrines in churches, or listed in inventories of lost relics.

7) The Thirty Pieces of Silver as Jewish shekels. In the sixteenth century Antiquarian and Biblical studies provided a better understanding of Hebrew and ancient Jewish coins. Scholars started to rejects the assumption that ancient silver coins of Rhodes could have been paid as the ‘price of blood’ and suggested that Jewish shekel must have been used instead. This line of thought was developed in Germany and Eastern Europe, brought forward by the Reformation and often coincides with the  intensification of anti-Judaic attitudes. The fist representation of  the Thirty Pieces of shekel type appears on a painting at the Uffizi Gallery, Florence, once attributed to  Lucas van Leyden: it can be dated to c. 1520s and instead of authetic jewish shekel it reproduces a alse type bearing a cencer instead of a cup or omer,

8) Through the eyes of the Antiquarian and those of the Devout. Identification and debate since the sixteenth century. This chapter explores how debates on the Thirty Pieces developed, investigating whether that sum  was large or small, whether the coins had to be Judean, Roman or Rhodian coins. Debate involves particularly the value of the potter’s field, therefore questioning whether that field was large and worthy, or small and inexpensive. Catholic scholars are seen protecting the authenticity of their coin relics, where Protestant scholars were depriving those coins of any value.  The subject is followed all the way to the beginning of the new millennium, when the specimen in the Basilica of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme, Rome, until recently still preserved, was declared ‘dismissed and discarded’ by official Church authorities.

9) Conclusion: ancient and modern legends, coin relics and the nature of money. The chapter brings together the theories and interpretations put forward by classicists, medieval art historians or historians of medieval economic thought. The main conclusion is the importance of money, and how the ‘price of blood’ became materialized in medieval and modern Europe not just in single coin relics, but  in a monumental relic in Rome. It is the very stone where the Thirty Pieces of Silver were counted to Judas, and this stone stands on four columns which equal the measure of the body of Christ, with a height of 178 cm. Measure of the prize of Christ accepted by Judas, and physical measure of Christ himself.

APPENDIX 1 LISTS ALL SPECIMENS DOCUMENTED SO FAR
APPENDIX 2 BY FRANCESCO D'ANGELO HAS 'Collection of sources on the Thirty Pieces of Silver'

The character of Judas perhaps is the most dynamic one of all the gospels, and undergoes a truly grand transformation.

In the gospel of Mark Judas starts betraying Jesus with a kiss for apparently no reason; Matthew then provides him with a quantifiable financial motive and Judas shows remorse - the utmost form of remorse; in Luke Judas doesn't kiss Jesus yet suddenly is possessed by Satan during his every action, and John explains that Judas being possessed is a result of a direct action of Jesus - and John has Judas betray Jesus without a kiss, without being financially rewarded for it, and also without showing any remorse. If it were up to John, Judas even appears to remain among the 12 afterwards.

That does sound confusing, doesn't it?

The kiss, the morsel, and lifting of heels: underlying the first two appear to be truly grand Judaic events that undoubtedly were known by the majority of Jews.
Was Judas then equally grand? And if the last gospel-writer paints such a benign picture of Judas, why is our image of him so villainous?

Il saggio si propone di analizzare l’ultimo romanzo di Giuseppe Berto, La gloria, attraverso il tema
della colpa e della vergogna. A tal fine, è necessario mettere in correlazione il romanzo con tutti i
testi precedenti, fio ai primissimi racconti, allo scopo di ricostruire lo scacchiere auto-intertestuale
dell’autore. I risultati raggiunti sono una breve ricostruzione della genesi del romanzo e una nuova
consapevolezza di quanto Berto facesse uso di tutti i temi già trattati e della propria autobiografi
nella narrazione del groviglio emozionale che muove la Gloria: una lotta psicologica tra Gesù e
Giuda alternata da momenti di dominio e sottomissione, e da alterne immedesimazioni da parte
dell’autore. Descrizione della vittima e del carnefice per antonomasia, La gloria è, in questo senso,
il vero testamento dello scrittore.

The essay aims to analyse the last novel by Giuseppe Berto, La gloria, through the themes of guilt
and shame. To do so, it is necessary to compare the novel with all the past texts, in order to reconstruct the author’s auto-intertextual web. The results are a brief reconstruction of the genesis
of the novel and a stronger awareness about the usage, by Berto, of the majority of the themes
already written about and of his own biography. All of this moves the narration of La gloria: a
psychological fiht between Jesus and Judas, with moments of dominion and submission of each
other, and alternated identifiations of the author himself. As a description of the quintessential
victim and the perpetrator, La gloria is the real last will of Giuseppe Berto.

Judas Iscariot, a key figure of the Passion of Jesus Christ Without Judas no crucifixion and no resurrection. The gesture of Judas who delivered / or betrayed of Jesus in unexplained. Jerome's Vulgate wrong translation of παραδιδοναι (paradidonai) as treason nurtured 2 millennial long religious anti-Jewish feelings which drove to modern Antisemitism. Marc and Matthew give no clue about Judas character or motivations. Luke and John introduce Satan in the evangelical intrigue. John says greediness was the motive for Judas to sell his master to Sanhedrin; it does not convince any more modern theologians. Why did Jesus Christ let and even ordered Judas to go to the grand priest? Did Judas hanged himself (according Matthew) or was his death accidental bursting his bowels (according Luc in Act of Apostles)? Judas' damnation is not any more certain according Pope Francis. The case of Judas, guilty or not, is a theologian crux. Profane Gospels transpositions invent a family, love affairs with Mary Magdala, zealot feelings, enriching the Judas myth not solving it. Saint or son of Satan? Felon or closest Apostle? 392 religious and profane books from worldwide literature, from XVIII to XXI century, are reviewed. Some are great books; some are poor literature but all demonstrate how much Judas fascinates and is a best-selling subject.

Judas Iscariot est une figure majeure du récit évangélique. Sans Judas pas de mort de Jésus-Christ en Croix et pas de Rédemption. Le geste de Judas, sa livraison de Jésus, sa trahison, traduira à tort Jérôme dans sa Vulgate dans une intention accusatoire qui nourrira deux mille ans d'antijudaïsme chrétien, reste un mystère. Les motivations de l'Iscariot ne sont pas explicitées par Marc et Matthieu. Luc et Jean introduisent Satan dans l'intrigue évangélique. Jean invente l'avarice mais ne convainc pas. Pourquoi Jésus at -il laissé ce disciple agir ? Ne lui at -il même pas enjoint de le faire ? La fin de Judas, suicidé ou mort par accident, ayant survécu, reste incertaine. Les Ecritures autorisent bien des théories. Le cas Judas est une crux theologia. Face à ces apories, la littérature religieuse glose, celle profane invente un passé, une famille, des amours, un caractère au disciple égaré pour instruire son procès, à charge ou à décharge selon les auteurs. Hagiographié, sanctifié ou en Enfer pour l'éternité ? Judas le félon, le traître, le perfide ou Judas l'initié, le disciple le plus proche de Jésus, celui qui l'aimât tant qu'il fut le seul apôtre à assumer la fatale livraison ? Damné ou corédempteur ? L'analyse de 392 ouvrages littéraires montre combien le personnage fascine et reste mystérieux. Le volume 1er de cet ouvrage présente une analyse thématique de la littérature mondiale et une étude de la littérature française, le volume 2nd analyse la littérature non française. Cet ouvrage constitue le Ve tome de l'Iconographie antisémite de la vie de Judas Iscariot, ouvrage qui comporte sept tomes.

Summary. We study several Hispanic, Christian epitaphs, of Byzantine and  Visigothic epoch, with a common denominator: they refer to Judas Iscariota (the Apostle of Jesus), in a typical formula of religious penalty or sorceress against the rapists of graves.
Resumen. Estudiamos varios epitafios hispanos, cristianos, de  época bizantina y visigoda, con un denominador común: hacer referencia a Judas Iscariota en una típica fórmula de condena religiosa o mágica lanzada contra los que violentan los sepulcros.

Leonardo da Vinci's last supper is a breakthrough in Christian art. Leonardo invented a revolutionary composition. Christ is alone while apostles are puzzled by his treason announcment. Judas stares at Him. Copied but never matched, Vinci's fresco is both a highly spiritual piece of art  and a human drama.

In the past decade, following the publication of Codex Tchacos and the Gospel of Judas, biblical and literary scholars have re-evaluated the presentation of Judas's actions and suicide in ancient texts and early literary traditions. Yet there has been no such re-evaluation of visual evidence for the representation of Judas, and specifically the treatment of his voluntary death. Although the iconography of his suicide became the most prominent among the many pejorative images of Judas that were constructed and circulated across the Medieval period, the origins of the iconography remain poorly understood. We know little about when the image was created; and, owing to the nature and prominence of its role in Medieval art and literature, we may assume too much about its original purpose. This paper will explore that purpose by returning to the earliest surviving depictions of the death, and examining the pictorial contexts in which they appear and for which they were developed.

How did Judas Iscariot die?
Judas Iscariot is one of the most famous persons of the New Testament literature, but also a controversial figure in Christian history. Originally one of the twelve Apostles of Jesus Christ, he became very known for the kiss and betrayal of his Master to the Sanhedrin for thirty silver coins. His name is often invoked to accuse someone of betrayal, hypocrisy or affinity for money (argyrophilia). This article aims to understand how did Judas die: by hanging (Matthew 27, 5) or by falling and bursting open (Acts 1, 18); or because of his overweight and obesity (Papias of Hierapolis)? The conclusion is that, historically speaking, we have no certain traces of Judas’ death. Nevertheless the two-three accounts known at the time related to this tragic event are not contradictory, but they are in fact different viewpoints of the same event, following the Midrash as a method of interpreting biblical stories. Each of these descriptions, given by different authors, acts on a goal which is not necessarily the answer to the question regarding Judas’ death, but rather the reality of God’s punishment for those who became selfish and insensitive to the real values of life and to the possibility of an authentic return to God: repentance and confession of sins.

Judas, der Gerechte des Alten Testamentes

Der vorliegende Beitrag widmet sich dem Thema „Der Tod des Judas (Mt 27,3-10) im Licht der alttestamentlichen Gesetzesvorschriften“. Im ersten Teil beleuchtet der Verfasser die Person des Judas und behandelt sodann die Thematik des Verrats im Alten Testament.
Im zweiten Teil wird die Frage der Schuld des Judas und die seiner Verantwortlichkeit gestellt. Dargestellt wird die innere Dramatik des Judas, die in Form eines Gerichtsbildes in Zusammenhang mit der damaligen Ethik gebracht wird. Judas ist zugleich Verbrecher, Opfer, Ankläger, Verteidiger und Richter.
Teil drei ist ein Versuch, den Blick auf Judas in der Perspektive des Matthäus zu werfen (der Evangelist rechtfertigt ihn mit Hilfe kleiner Gedankenmittel). Unter Berufung auf Deuteronomium 19,16-19 und 21,22-23 stellt der Autor den Selbstmord des Judas in den Zusammenhang der Unmöglichkeit der Wiedergutmachung der Schuld. In Übereinstimmung mit dem verpflichtenden Religionsgesetz ist zugleich die Konsequenz das Selbstgericht. In diesem Licht betrachtet erscheint Judas als Gerechter, gemäß dem Alten Testament.

116 ché a causa della defezione di Giuda il numero di dodici è rimasto incompleto; invece la citazione del Sal 109, la Scrittura che deve essere adempiuta, apre all'elezione di Mattia. La complicazione centrale era stata implicitamente anticipata dal fatto che nell'elenco degli apostoli di At 1,13 si possano contare solo undici nomi, mentre in Lc più volte si è fatto riferimento ai «Dodici» (Lc 6,13; 8,1; 9,1.12; 18,31; 22,3.47): è il segnale di un problema, prolessi della complicazione ora esplicitata.

the Gnostic gospel of Judas, featuring some advanced doctrines and a few jokes by Jesus. 

Jesus confronts the rebellion of a number of his apostles.

Here is a confession in Jesus name, that he walked out on everybody like the Buddha and the room of sleeping people, because so many people had turned evil, and because he regarded his soul-spirit to be a great angel, and thus the rebellious people were unworthy of him.