Iron Age Metal Hoards

Abstract

This thesis examines metalwork deposition, distribution and association in the British Early Iron Age (800-600BC) through the medium of the socketed axe. Out of 1412 known Early Iron Age axes, 954 specimens were analysed in detail for this thesis: 680 associated finds and 274 single finds. The methodology was governed by two main objectives: firstly, to propose a reworked and more comprehensive typology of Early Iron Age cast copper-alloy and wrought iron socketed axes in conjunction with their metallurgy, distribution and deposition, and secondly, to discuss their place within Early Iron Age society and what part they may have played in the people’s life, work, trade and exchange, ritual and death. As a result, this thesis introduces, defines and discusses 12 new types of transitional and Early Iron Age socketed axes. While the transitional type can be dated to the Late Bronze Age-Early Iron Age transition (c. 850-750BC), the remaining 11 types can be dated to the fully developed Early Iron Age (800-600BC). The 11 types of bronze Early Iron Age socketed axes display a great variety of decoration, shape, size, weight and colour. While Late Bronze Age axes are plain or simply ribbed, almost all Early Iron Age socketed axes are decorated with ribs-and-pellets, ribs-and-circlets or a more elaborate version thereof. Some axe have a shiny silver surface colour (Portland, Blandford, East Rudham and Hindon types). More than three quarters of Early Iron Age socketed axes were found in association with other metalwork. These hoards can be divided into two main groups: axe hoards and mixed hoards.

The eight geographical regions outlined in this thesis are defined by different contexts, associations and the predominance of different Early Iron Age axe types, and in terms of depositional contexts this research suggests that the depositional contexts of Early Iron Age hoards containing socketed axes was different from the deposition of single finds: while hoards were often found in retrievable places, single finds were not. The survival of a large number of complete and almost undamaged bronze axes suggests that in the British Early Iron Age socketed axes were not just commonplace tools that were in use until they reached the end of their life. The changes in looks and shape, and consequently the adaption of a new and improved typology of socketed axes in the British Early Iron Age were accompanied by a change in conceptualisation and the overall meaning of socketed axes.

Even when used in a different context their basic, very recognisable socketed-axe-shape was always maintained, that is a wedge of different dimensions with a socket and a small side loop for suspension or possible attachment of other items of metalwork. Throughout British prehistory axes were one of the most familiar objects in daily use: as a tool, socketed axes were omnipresent and thus an established part of British Late Bronze Age life – a life that appeared to be foremost practical rather than ritual, with the majority of Late Bronze Age socketed axes showing clear signs of use and resharpening. In the Early Iron Age socketed axes adopted a previously unseen duality in function and meaning (that is materialistic and symbolic). Thus, while Late Bronze Age axe may have been regarded as common woodworking tool, types of Early Iron Age axes were understood as ingots, weapons, or objects needed for certain displays or performances, with their unique ornaments communicating their role in both display and society as well as perhaps their users regional identity and status.

Three silver jewelry hoards dated to the seventh century B.C.E. were found at Tel Miqne-Ekron during the I985, I988, and I992 excavation sea~ons. These hoards are important for three reasons. First, no other local late Iron Age jewelry collection is as securely dated as the Ekron hoards, which make them a basis for evaluating other, less securely dated jewelry finds from the first millennium B. C.E. Second, the contents of the hoards and the context in which they were found can help to define their function. The I985 and I988 hoards are composed primarily of broken or damaged silver jewelry along with cut silver (Hacksilber) pieces, while the I992 cache contains mostly intact jewelry items. A study of the composition and character of these collections suggests that the I985 and I988 hoards were probably currency hoards, while the I992 cache may have been a jeweler's inventory or a private hoard of valuable objects. Finally, such a large and securely dated collection of silver jewelry is of great importance for understanding the late Iron Age jeweler's craft and the cultural influences prevalent at Tel Miqne-Ekron during the seventh century B.C.E. The style of the silverwork shows strong Phoenician influence, while a few pieces also exhibit Neo-Assyrian characteristics.

Th. Le Cozanet, dans sa contribution « Quelle méthode pour étudier les contextes de découverte des dépôts à composante métallique ? » a souligné le manque de prise en compte des contextes de découverte dans l’analyse des dépôts rituels : contextes naturels ou anthropiques, enfouis ou immergés. La mise en place d’une grille d’analyse des contextes intégrant le milieu, la taphonomie et l’environnement archéologique des dépôts lui a permis de définir plusieurs modes de dépôt et d’en révéler les évolutions chronologiques et spatiales.

The paper focuses on the topic of deposition of hoards of iron objects in the middle to late La Tène period in central Europe. It presents a catalog of published localities with the findings of such hoards and then attempts to analyze and find regularities in their manner and place of deposition and composition.

Among all the hoards consisting the ceremonial akinakai the assemblage of items discovered in 1882 near the Vettersfelde village is the most reliable. It contained richly decorated golden objects in conventional geometric and animal style. Judging by the plots presented on the objects in the animal style like a fish-shaped plaque, a clover-shaped phalera and a scabbard of a sword, they make up a solid ensemble, most likely made simultaneously in one workshop. Most scholars have dated the hoard within the framework of the late 6th — early 5th centuries BC, at the same time, among all of the objects of this set of items, the sword occupies the earliest part of the chronological range. The manufacturing of hoard items from Vettersfelde is usually associated with the Milesian colonies of the Pontic region, while for the artist certain bilingualism is documented, allowing him to use both Greek and barbaric expressive means — pairing, symmetry, repetition and antithesis, among them. Most likely, the choice of metaphors for the narrative was not accidental, and, undoubtfully was recognized both by its performer and the recipient, but the metaphor of the lion hunting deer was apparently the main one and therefore is repeated on all objects of the zoomorphic ensemble. If the localization of the hoard production is moved beyond the northern or western coast of the Black Sea, then it can be noted that the Milesian colonies of Eastern Greece can also claim the role of a source of origin for Vettersfelde hoard. In particular, according to many parameters, Cyzicus is suitable.

The subject of this study is a critical monograph of the hoard of gold coins from Gorzów near Cracow which is of essential importance for research on Celtic coinage in Poland. During 120 years since its part was unearthed and published in the 1890s, the hoard has been discussed and analysed many times, but no monograph has been dedicated to it. Preliminary research of archive material and museum collections considerably expanded the source base. A coin unknown in the previous literature was revealed and the origin of other two was put right. Dating of the find, its character and the circumstances of hiding have been revised to put forward the hypothesis about its connection with the great Cimbri migration to the south in the second half of the second century BC.

This paper presents a case of funerary re-utilisation of the Dolmen de Palacio III megalithic monument (Almadén de la Plata, Sevilla) by the Early Iron Age communities of the Sierra Norte de Sevilla region. This case is first discussed as evidence of the strong durability of religious traditions among the local populations as opposed to the dynamics of orientalising influences to which Andalusian indigenous communities are exposed since the IXth century cal BC. Secondly, this case is interpreted from the viewpoint of the powerful permanence through time of megalithic monuments as material expressions of the religious memory

RIASSUNTO -Oggetti di prestigiO da sepOlture prOtOstOriche italiche nella cOlleziOne garOvagliO dei Musei civici di cOMO -Nel contributo sono presentati quattro reperti della collezione Garovaglio, oggi parte delle collezioni civiche di Como. Si tratta di oggetti di prestigio, che pur spesso senza area di provenienza, sono particolarmente significativi per comprendere le modalità di acquisizione dei beni archeologici da parte di privati, appassionati e studiosi, nella seconda metà del XIX secolo, per determinare le aree culturali di maggior interesse collezionistico e la pratica delle vendite sul mercato antiquario.

Hoards of metal objects from the Bronze and Early Iron Ages (over a 1 000 known in Poland) are distinguished as one of the most enigmatic categories of archaeological finds. Systematic investigations conducted on these assemblages in recent decades present a good reference point for broadening the field of their analysis.
This affords the opportunity to apply a new methodology and consequently focus on a broader range of research issues such as the relationship between hoard deposit loci and local settlement networks, invasive and non-invasive investigations in their deposit locus, archaeometallurgical analysis, microscopic analysis of use-wear of goods constituting these assemblages.
Research therefore of this nature can broaden our knowledge on the specificity of hoard deposit loci in the cultural landscape of various regions, microhistory of such finds, specific means of utilising metal objects, their biography, nature of the phenomenon of metal object fragmentation and many other related issues. All of the aforesaid ought to lead to a better understanding of this phenomenon and consequently the culture of communities in prehistory when the deposition of metal objects in the ground and water was commonplace.
The research potential of such a methodology is illustrated by archaeological investigations conducted in recent years, among others, in Kozow/Witaszkowo, Nętno, Gdynia-Karwiny or Rosko as well as projects realised in other parts of Europe. Coming to such an understanding would appear to be very important on account of the dramatic rise in the numbers of finds, which as a rule do not bring a greater range of information than that known from the turn of the 20th century.

Cultural contact, exchange and interaction feature high in the list of challenging topics of current research on European Prehistory. Not far off is the issue of the changing role of monuments in the making and maintaining of key cultural devices such as memory and identity. Addressing both these highly debated issues from a science-based perspective, in this paper we look at an unusual case study set in southern Iberia and illustrate how these archaeological questions can benefit from robust materials science approaches. We present the contextual, morphological and analytical study of an exceptional Early Iron Age hoard composed of a number of different (and mostly exotic) materials such as amber, quartz, silver and ceramic. This hoard, found under the fallen orthostat of a megalithic structure built at least 2000 years earlier, throws new light on long-distance exchange networks and the effect they could have had on the cultural identities and social relations of local Iberian Early Iron Age communities. Moreover, the archaeometric study reveals how diverse and distant the sources of these item are (Northern Europe to Eastern and Western Mediterranean raw materials, as well as local and eastern technologies), therefore raising questions concerning the social mechanisms used to establish change and resistance in contexts of colonial encounter.

This paper considers the deposition of weapons in watery contexts in Britain and Ireland in the late Bronze Age and Iron Age (c. 1200 BC – AD 100), outlines some of the main patterns, present key discoveries, and finally compares and contrasts the different periods.

EXTENDED CALL FOR PAPERS - 19th OF MAY

The University of Bradford is proud to host the 20th Iron Age Student Research Symposium (IARSS). The symposium will be held between the 31st of May and the 2nd of June, with papers, posters and presentations, followed by a guided visit to the Hull Museum on the 3rd of June.
IARSS is a research student focused conference, providing an opportunity for students to share their work, network and collaborate with others. This event is open for contributions from postgraduate research students and new researchers, however, Master students are also welcome to submit and participate in the conference. Although IARSS is promoted as an Iron Age conference, contributions from colleagues studying or working within related periods, such as the Late Bronze Age and Roman Iron Age are also welcome. IARSS has traditionally focused on Iron Age Britain, however we welcome contributions from those colleagues examining the Iron Age elsewhere in the world, including, but not limited to, Ireland, the European continent and the Near East.

For colleagues interested in participating, please submit an abstract between c.250-300 words and 5 keywords related to your research. Presentations should be 15-20 minutes long and in English. Posters may be bilingual but they must be understandable to English speakers and an abstract in English must be provided.

Abstracts should be sent to:
[email protected] until the 19th of May.

Статья представляет собой первичную публикацию клада, обнаруженного у поселка Одоевские горы Спасского района Рязанской области и переданного в 2013 г. в Исторический музей. Клад включает в себя украшения одежды, прежде всего головного убора, и элементы конской упряжи – всего 231 предмет. Аналогии предметам в целом позволяют соотнести их с древностями ананьинской культурно-исторической области и датировать временем не позднее середины VII в. до н.э. Полевыми исследованиями в 2014 году выявить контекст клада не удалось, но определена возможная связь с поселением конца бронзового – начала раннего железного века Тырново 14, которое существовало примерно до VII-VI вв. до н.э. В ходе полевых исследований также выявлен археологический и антропологический материал, который свидетельствует о существовании здесь же могильника X–XI вв. с захоронениями по обряду кремации и, возможно, селища, существовавшего непродолжительное время в поздний период Средневековья.
Ключевые слова: археология, клад, ранний железный век, ананьинская культурно-историческая область, «текстильная» керамика, головной убор, конская упряжь, развитое Средневековье, кремации.

The paper is the initial publication of a hoard found near Odoevskie Gory village in the Spassky District of the Ryazan region and transferred to the State Historical Museum in 2013. The hoard includes adornments for clothing, primarily headdresses, and elements of horse equipment with a total of 231 items. General comparisons with artifacts allow the authors to correlate them with the antiquities of the Ananyino cultural and historical area and date not later than the middle of the 7th century BC. The context of the hoard was not established during the fi eld studies of 2014, but a possible connection with the Tyrnovo 14 settlement of the late Bronze – Early Iron Age was determined, which existed approximately until the 7th-6th centuries BC. In the course of fi eld studies, archaeological and anthropological material has also been identified, which indicates the presence of a burial ground of the 10th–11th centuries at the site, which featured cremation burials and, possibly, a
settlement which operated for a short period of time in the late Middle Ages.
Keywords: archaeology, hoard, Early Iron Age, Ananyino cultural and historical area, textile ceramics, headdress, horse equipment, developed Middle Ages, cremation burials.

A hoard consisting of two round  jewels and four coins from the late La Téne Period was found on the Žeravica hill (spot height 527), on the cadastre  of Stupné, district Považská Bystrica before 2009. The find extends the number  of archeological sites of the Púchov Culture, rises considerably the number of sites with coins from the La Téne Period in Slovakia and last but not least the small number sacrificial offerings consisting both of coins and round adornments made of precious metals that had been found in Europe on territories inhabited by Celtic tribes. The assemblage was most  probably ritually deposited approximately in the second or third quarter  of the 1st century  BC on a hill that had been used  for cultic  purposes since the 5th century BC. This is documented  with further finds unearthed on other locations of the site, e.g. an iron cultic axe (fig. 11), a fragment of a torque wih a depiction of human face (fig. 9), a boat-shaped  fibula (fig. 12) or two silver coins (fig. 13 and 14).

The custom of metal objects depositing in the form of hoards is characteristic of the Bronze Age. Along with its end it disappears, amongst others, in the zone associated with the Hallstatt circle. However, in some regions of Europe, hoards were still deposited in the ground and water. An example would be Pomerania and Greater Poland, where hoards of metal objects were deposited until the end of the Hallstatt D period. The disappearance of this custom had no connection with rapid changes in other spheres of culture. The processes taking place during this period were rather evolutionary in nature, despite the fact that this turning point is very clear.
Hoards are interpreted in many ways. The disappearance of custom of their deposition as well. To date in archaeology attention was paid to the dissemination of new, commonly occurring raw material, which was iron. It was also emphasized changes in the social sphere related to manifesting position by rich grave gods. Recent research on the relationship between the hoards deposition places and local settlement networks and cultural landscape, allowed to propose an entirely new manner of interpreting the practice of metal objects deposition  in the ground or water. Thus, it was possible to propose a new model of the process of this custom’s disappearance. It is based on transformations taking place in the ways of use of inhabited areas and the relationship between the communities living in this zone in the early Iron Age.

The archaeological context of the Epureni-hoard is uncertain, the proposed dating and the ethnic-cultural attribution are controversial, and the very integrity of the discovery has been challenged. The analysis of the morphology, weight, and chemical of jewelry and coins are coming to the support the following conclusions: (1) the jewelry set is the result of a single command and (2) represents a functional unit; (3) the ornaments are unitary from a stylistic point of view and technology; (4) the metering of the raw material (silver) means the use of a ponderal system based on the main weight of the Huşi-Vovrieşti coins. This conclusion implies the recognition of the synchronism of currencies and ornaments and their dating in the 3rd century B.C. By its location, by the morphology of the inventory and by the metrological relationship between jewelry and coins, the Epureni hoard integrates in a coherent manner in the peripheral acculturation area of barbaric groups to Hellenism. Non-receptive to the Macedonian pomp, the commanditaire and the creators of this hoard have amplified, in an original way, the sumptuous nature of traditional forms of ornaments.

Michael Nick Themenschwerpunkte: Siedlungswesen Der lat. Begriff torques oder torquis,griech.στρεπτός, ist in den ant. Schriftqu. mehrfach belegt (Liste: 1, 311 ff.) als Bezeichnung für einen ,barbarischenH alsring aus Metall. Sowohl torques als auch στρεπτός bedeuten im engeren Sinne ,gedreht`. Die arch. Forsch. verwendet den Terminus T. in der Regel für einen kelt. Halsring (Halsschmuck; Ring und Ringschmuck) der LTZ, insbesondere aus Gold. Der typische T., wie wir ihn von ant. Bildqu. und arch. Funden kennen, besitzt einen offenen Ringkörper mit oder ohne Torsion, welcher verschließbar sein kann. Die beiden aufeinandertreffenden Enden sind mit Verzierungselementen ausgestattet. Bes. häufig sind Puffer-oder Stempelenden. Mehr noch als durch die Typol. ist der T. aber durch seine Funktion charakterisiert. Aus den Qu. treten bes. die Bereiche ,Standes-und Würdezeichen` (Herrschaftszeichen; 24, 79 ff.), ,diplomatisches Geschenk( Geschenke; 8, 140 ff.; 24, 90) und göttliches Attribut (Keltische Religion; 24, 82 ff.) hervor, wie sie sich auch im arch. Befund z. T. widerspiegeln. Die Rede ist hier in der Regel von T. aus Edelmetall. Die Griechen lernten den goldenen T. bei den Persern kennen, wo er von hochgestellten Persönlichkeiten, etwa dem Großkg., getragen wurde und als diplomatisches Geschenk zur Anwendung kam. Sie verwendeten ihn selbst aber nicht. Die Römer kamen durch die Kelten in Kontakt mit dem goldenen T. (1, 30 f.; 24, 77 ff.; 43, 1802 ff.). Wenn etwa Claudian die Personifikation der Gallia durch einen T. charakterisiert, wird deutlich, daß dieser Halsring in den Augen eines Römers als typisch kelt. galt (Claud. Laud. Stilich. II, 240). Die griech. und röm. Bildqu. vermitteln einen Eindruck davon, wie sich Römer und Griechen den kelt.T. vorstellten. Plastiken wie der ,Sterbende Gallier` aus Pergamon (nach 228 v. Chr.) (34) oder der ,Krieger von Telamon` (3. Jh. v. Chr.) (24, 80 f. Abb. 66) stellen nackte kelt. Krieger dar, die lediglich mit einem Halsring bekleidet sind. Der Ringkörper ist jeweils tordiert und endet in Puffern, die im Ring entweder eine Lücke lassen oder miteinander verbunden sind. Diese Darst. nehmen direkten Bezug auf die Schriftqu., die den T. mit kelt. Kriegern in Verbindung bringen (z. B. Polyb. 2,29,7-9). Auch von republikanischen Münzen kennen wir Darst. kelt. T. Livius berichtet, daß der Römer Titus Manlius 361 v. Chr. nach gewonnenem Zweikampf einem kelt. Krieger den goldenen T. abnahm und sich seither mit dem Ehrennamen ,Torquatus` schmückte (Liv. 7,10,11-14). Auch seine Nachfahren führten diesen Beinamen und ließen 113/112 und 65 v. Chr. Denare mit dem Bildnis eines T. prägen (4, Nr. 2506-Seite: 67 2507 und 3390-3393). Die ält. Münzen zeigen einen geschlossenen am Ringkörper verzierten T. mit Pufferenden, die jüng. einen offenen. Eine Torsion ist nicht erkennbar. Diese typische Form mit Pufferenden begegnet uns ebenfalls sehr häufig auf den latènezeitlichen Bildwerken, bes. als göttliches Attribut (Entremont mit Taf. 22; Gundestrup; Mšecké Žehrovice mit Taf. 11; Yverdon; 1, 73 ff.; 17, 28 ff.). Auch die kelt. Münzen des 2. und 1. Jh.s v. Chr. zeigen zumeist einen offenen T. mit Pufferenden (Münzwesen, keltisches § 3; 1, 110 ff.; 17, 28 f.; 32, 394 ff.). HaZ. Bereits für die ausgehende BZ sind tordierte (Irland, Frankreich) sowie schwere massive Halsringe mit glattem Ringkörper aus Gold nachgewiesen (Portugal, Frankreich), zumeist als Deponierung (Depotfund) einzelner oder mehrerer Ex. (2; 11, 72 ff.; 19, 170 f. 270 ff.). In dem bekannten Goldfund der jüng.BZ von Eberswalde befanden sich ebenfalls tordierte Ringe (30, 95 Abb. 90). Dem Bestatteten des Prunkgrabes der ausgehenden UZ von Saint-Romain-de-Jalionas, Dép. Isère, wurde ein tordierter, offener Halsring aus Gold mitgegeben (1, 166 f.; 13, 349 f.). Das Grab stellt dadurch den Auftakt für eine Reihe ganz ähnlich ausgestatteter Prunkgräber der späten HaZ dar (Fürstengräber § 3), wie sie aus Baden-Württ. (Hochdorf; Bad Cannstatt; Ihringen u. a.), im Saarland (Wallerfangen), in O-Frankreich (Apremont, Ensisheim u. a.), im schweiz. Mittelland (Allenlüften, Kant. Bern, u. a.) sowie in Oberösterr. (Uttendorf) nachgewiesen sind (1, 166 ff. 400 f.; 11, 107 ff.). Sie enthalten neben dem goldenen Halsring oftmals einen Armreif aus Gold. Mit der steinernen www.degruyter.com nutzt Cookies , Tags und Webs ite Tracking um Informationen zu s peichern, die Ihnen ein verbes s ertes Brows en ermöglichen. Um mehr über Cookies , Tags und Webs ite Tracking auf De Gruyter Online zu erfahren, les en Sie bitte uns ere Datens chutzerklärung. Ich akzeptiere alle Cookies für die De Gruyter Online Webs ite. Stele von Hirschlanden liegt auch eine anthropomorphe Großplastik (Keltische Großplastik Taf. 22) der späten HaZ vor, welche einen solchen Bestatteten mit einem breiten Halsreif wiedergibt. Die Ausstattung mit einem goldenen Hals ring ist weitgehend auf Männer beschränkt, die bisher einzige sichere Ausnahme liegt mit dem Frauengrab von Vix vor. Im Unterschied zu den übrigen Prunkgräbern des w. Hallstattkreises, welche aus dünnem Goldblech getriebene und punzverzierte Halsreifen aufweisen (Fürstengräber Abb. 23), ist jener von Vix rundstabig und besitzt einen omegaförmigen Bügel, der in jeweils einer Kugel endet. Diese neue Form begegnet uns wieder bei den erwähnten bildlichen Darst. des T. in der LTZ. Einflüsse auf die Formgebung könnten von den bronzenen T. des Picenums ausgegangen sein (20, 116 ff.). LTZ. Die Beigabe goldener Halsringe setzt sich in der frühen LTZ in geringerem Ausmaß fort. N. der Alpen sind T. nur aus fünf Gräbern bekannt (1, 171 ff.; 11, 148 ff.; Liste: 10, 293 ff.). Zwei davon sind mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit Bestattungen von Frauen (Reinheim mit Taf. 5; Waldalgesheim), ein Grab ist einem Mann zuzuweisen (Glauberg, Abb. in Keltische Großplastik Taf. 20), die beiden anderen (Bad Dürkheim, Besseringen Taf. 26) können nicht sicher zugeordnet werden. Die Gräber von Reinheim und Waldalgesheim weisen offene T. auf, der eine ist tordiert, der andere besitzt Pufferenden. Auch aus Italien kennen wir für die Stufe LT B aus den Gräberfeldern von Filottrano und Montefortino drei Bestattungen mit Goldhalsringen, welche durchweg Frauen zuzuweisen sind (1, 172 f.; 10, 323 f.; 11, 149). Der T. von Filottrano entspricht sehr gut demjenigen von Waldalgesheim. Bes. aus der Champagne kennen wir daneben Gräber der frühen LTZ, welche zwar ebenfalls reiche Beigaben enthielten, die darin Bestatteten trugen jedoch lediglich einen T. aus Bronze um den Hals. Es handelt sich dabei zumeist um weibliche Personen (10, 220. 307 ff.). Bereits in der frühen LTZ setzt mit dem Schatzfund von Erstfeld (Erstfeld Taf. Seite: 68 25a), der vier reichverzierte Hals-und drei Armringe enthielt, die Deponierung goldener T. ein. Etwas später (LT B) datieren die Einzelfunde goldener T. aus Maschlalm (Österr.), Oploty (Tschechische Republik) und Gorni Cibar (Bulgarien), die vermutlich ebenfalls bewußt singulär niedergelegt wurden (20, 236 ff.). In der mittleren und späten LTZ nimmt die Deponierung goldener, seltener silberner T. einen enormen Aufschwung, während in den Gräbern keine T. aus Edelmetall mehr beigegeben werden. Eine Ausnahme bildet der silberne Halsring aus dem Waffengrab von Reisenberg (Österr.), welches an den Übergang LT B2/C1 datiert (1, 194 Abb. 48). Die T. wurden häufig zusammen mit Goldmünzen und anderen Schmuckgegenständen sowie Barren aus Gold niedergelegt. Zahlreiche Deponierungen, etwa jene von Fenouillet, Montgobert, Saint Louis, Tayac (Frankreich), Broighter (Irland), Ipswich, Snettisham (Snettisham mit Abb. 56), Beringen, Frasnes-lez-Buissenal (Belgien), Niederzier, Trichtingen, La Tène, Formigliana Vercellese, Siena (Italien), Podmokly, Gajic (ehem. Jugoslawien) -um nur eine Auswahl zu nennen -zeigen, daß es sich hierbei um ein über weite Teile W-, Mittel-und O-Europas verbreitetes Phänomen handelt (11, 169 ff.; 20, 236 ff.; Listen: 1, 369 ff.; 15; 29, 248 f.; 36, 165 ff.; 37). Auch außerhalb des eigtl. Gebietes der Latènekultur kennen wir Deponierungen von T. bzw. tordierten Halsringen aus Gold oder Silber, etwa aus Portugal, Spanien, Rumänien, Skand. (Havor; Vittene) oder sogar aus der Ukraine (1, 369 ff.; 3; 28, 213 ff.; 31, 162 ff. 173 f.; 40; 41). Die Diskussion um die Deutung der Depots als sakrale oder profane Niederlegungen wird von mehreren Argumenten bestimmt (Opfer und Opferfunde; 14; 15; 17; 18, 94 ff.; 20, 236 ff.; 32, 366 ff.; 45; 47, 137 ff.). Den Rahmen hierfür liefert die bei den Depots häufig festgestellte ähnliche Zusammensetzung sowie das gleichartige Deponierungsverhalten über weite Teile Europas. Weiterhin wird das durch die Schriftqu. überlieferte Verhalten der Kelten, große Mengen an Edelmetall an hl. Plätzen und Gewässern (Flußfunde) niederzulegen, in Beziehung zu den jeweiligen FO (Heiligtum, Gewässer, Siedlung usw.) gesetzt. Da ihre Bedeutung sowohl relig. als auch soziale Aspekte umfaßt, werden auch die T. selbst zur Argumentation herangezogen. Nicht unbedeutend ist daneben die Tatsache, daß die T. zum Teil Graffiti (9) aufweisen. Oftmals wird zw. Thesaurierung und Deponierung nicht unterschieden, was für eine Interpretation aber nicht unerheblich ist, da es sich um zwei verschiedene Vorgänge handelt, die aus unterschiedlichen Motiven erfolgt sein können (37, 141 ff.; 38, 146 ff.). Über die genannten Bedeutungen des T. hinaus wird auch eine Funktion als Barren erwogen (20, 268; 28, 215 ff.; 32). Anhaltspunkte hierfür sind allein schon durch die Thesaurierung der goldenen T. gegeben, die daneben regelmäßig auch Münzen und Barren aus Gold umfaßt. Andererseits stehen einer Interpretation der T. pauschal als Wertträger nicht selten nachgewiesene Eisenkerne innerhalb des goldenen Ringkörpers entgegen (12). Halsringe aus Bronze und Eisen. Von der späten HaZ bis in die ausgehende LTZ sind aus W-und Mitteleuropa lediglich 35 Männergräber mit Waffen bekannt, deren Ausstattung Halsringe aus Bronze oder Eisen umfaßt...

The late Latène hoard from Bucharest-Herăstrău (first half of the 1 st century B.C.) comprises imported pieces from the Hellenistic-Roman centres (surely the tetradrachmas from Thasos, probably the mastos silver-cup and hypothetically the lost bronze situla) together with silver pieces, which, at least under the manufacturing aspect, seem to be local products of artisans from Barbaricum. The question that is raised rises is whether the metallographic analyses might pay clues for determining the origin of the different pieces from the hoard. The hypothesis according to which the raw material that represented the basis for the metalwork pieces would have been procured by recycling several coins similar to those discovered in the same hoard, could not be entirely confirmed, but at the same time the analyses did not categorically infirm it. This initial alloy seems to be similar with the one in the coins. The X-Ray test could not certify, but could not invalidate either if the jewelry and cup's silver-based alloy was obtained by recycling the coins.

L'âge du Fer dans l'arc jurassien et ses marges. Dépôts, lieux sacrés et territorialité à l'âge du Fer. Actes du xxix e colloque international de l'AFEAF ; Bienne, 5-8 mai 2005, volume 2. Barral Ph., Daubigney A., Dunning C., Kaenel G., Roulière-Lambert M.-J. (éds.), Besançon : Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2007, 699-708 (Annales Littéraires ; Série « Environnement, sociétés et archéologie ») Dépôts De sanctuaires et Dépôts particuliers : comparaisons Des assemblages De mobiliers métalliques gérarD Bataille* Résumé Cet article est une application du protocole de dénombrement du mobilier métallique en nombre minimum d'individus (NMi) que nous avons élaboré lors de notre doctorat et que nous avions présenté lors du colloque AFEAF de 2004. Pour ce travail, nous nous sommes astreints à comparer point par point les ensembles de mobiliers métalliques provenant de deux sanctuaires -La Villeneuve-au-Châtelot (Aube, France) et de Mirebeau-sur-Bèze (Côte d'Or, France) -avec ceux de deux « dépôts » -de Berne-Tiefenau (Berne, Suisse) et de Larina (isère, France). Le principal objectif de cette étude étant de vérifier si les ensembles de dépôts, si souvent considérés comme des vestiges d

In the midst of Godelier, Facebook and bloody forays. Several comments on metal and its availability in the Bronze and Early Iron Ages. This paper consists of several impressions on the subject of the availability of metal among communities of the Bronze and Early Iron Ages. The discussion therefore leads the reader on a journey between Oceania, the British Isles, the Bóbr River basin, Pomerania, northern Wielkopolska and the Apennine Peninsula – with the hope that the arguments advanced shall constitute an impetus towards considerations on the availability of metal in the Bronze and Early Iron Ages, as well as being a voice in the general research discussion focused around this very issue. A number of questions can therefore be posed, such as: Who had the right to possess metal tools? Were differences in the frequency of metal objects, especially those out of copper and its alloys in various regions of the continent, a testimony to a community’s access to a network of exchange? Or were perhaps the intensive contacts initiated because of the desire and possibility to make use of metal? Was bronze in fact so rare that some communities did not have the means to acquire it, or were lower amounts in this context associated with cultural norms, or in fact ones that limited its exploitation?

The article presents a new iron artifact hoard, discovered in the „Kozince“
forest track at the Břestek cadastral area (Uherské Hradiště district). The main objective is the evaluation of new hoard in chronologically and typological terms and put into the context of the La Tène period settlement structure in the area of Chřiby and their foothills. Hoard Břestek I contained four iron artifacts, including a group of woodworking tools, agricultural tools, and household equipment. Among the artifacts was determined an iron axe with an unsealed socket of rounded rectangular cross-section and a fan-shaped blade (Fig. 4:1), a smaller axe with oval to almost round cross-section (Fig. 4:2), a long iron ploughshare with unsealed oval socket (Fig. 4:3) and a knife with a slightly arched handle ending with a thorn shaped into a circle (Fig. 4:4). The hoard was stored in a relatively small and shallow pit with a diameter of 35 cm and a maximum depth of 30 cm (Fig. 2:A). All tools show working signs, indicating that they were commonly used. Therefore, artifacts have not been produced solely for the purpose of thesaurations. From a chronological point of view, the hoard is dated to the Late La Tène Period (LT C2 - LT d). due to the location of the find without evidence of stable settlements, in addition to the communication and the river strand link, it is possible to interpret the hoard as a votive deposit interpreted (cf. KURZ 1995; VENCLOVÁ et al., 2008, 93-94). The newly discovered hoard could be probably related to the La Tène settlement on the nearby „Modla“ hillfort near Buchlovice, from which the same dated three iron hoards comes from (ČÍŽMÁŘ 2014).