Indonesian Foreign Policy

The problem of Timor-Leste and eye inflation which is an old problem that might be interesting to discuss in our discussion this time. As a scholar, Habibie is a patriot who is very meritorious. All his efforts deserve a thumbs up. Therefore, in Indonesia the foreign policy in Habibie's towards Timor-Leste will discuss; How Habibie's Strategy handled the East Timor case amid the '98 crisis and Why were the steps taken by Habibie during his reign referred to as 'The Real Democracy'.

Keywords: Habibie, Timor-Timor, Foreign Policy, Indonesia.

AUKUS, the new trilateral security partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States that launched last month, has had a mixed reception. Some regional policymakers publicly and privately welcome a stronger presence, commitment and set of capabilities that could balance China. Others are

Jaman periode pemerintahan Jokowi dipenuhi turbulensi global yang mempengaruhi kondisi ekonomi dan finansial Indonesia, tak terkecuali isu minyak sawit atau CPO yang selain fluktuatif. Indonesia terancam kehilangan aset ekspornya yang dapat mengakibatkan rusaknya stabilitas ekonomi negara dan pengangguran yang massif. Kebijakan Renewable Energy Directive (RED) II Uni Eropa yang diskriminatif, penaikan tariff impor minyak sawit oleh India yang mencapai 44-54%, hingga usaha black campaign yang dijalankan sejumlah LSM terhadap kredibilitas sertifikasi sawit Indonesia adalah sejumlah permasalahan internasional yang muncul. Dalam menganalisis tindakan proaktif yang Indonesia lakukan, penulis menggunakan teori two-level games Robert D.Putnam yang mengkoneksikan antara level institusional domestik dengan tekanan internasional. Penulis mendapatkan hasil analisa bahwa dorongan domestik yakni pemegang kepentingan sawit sangat mempengaruhi jalannya kebijakan Palm Oil Diplomacy Indonesia, sementara masalah dan tekanan internasional yang dihadapi mengakibatkan pemerintah berusaha memaksimalkan kemampuan negosiasi untuk memuaskan tekanan atau intervensi domestik dengan teknik win-set agar hasil dapat diterima oleh stakeholder didalam domestik negara tersebut. Walaupun dapat dinilai berhasil menjaga stabilitas sawit ditengah rundungan berbagai permasalahan, Indonesia masih belum aman dari ambang ancaman pasar sawit sehingga dibutuhkan pemerhatian dan langkah kalkulasi lebih cermat kedepannya.

Indonesia remains one of the few countries in the world where a significant percentage of its population still thinks positively about North Korea despite the burgeoning relationship between Indonesia and South
Korea. This phenomenon can partly be explained by looking at the
formation, strengthening, and the peak of Indonesia-North Korea relations, which took place during Indonesia’s own tumultuous period of the 1960s. In this period, Cold War politics, notably the Sino-Soviet split that led to China’s aggressive policies in East and Southeast Asia, converged with both Indonesia and North Korea’s foreign policy goals, leading to a deepening relationship between these three countries. Conversely, once these three countries—Indonesia, North Korea and China—no longer shared the same foreign policy objectives due to the dynamics of their own domestic politics, the tripartite relationship cooled, and as a result, the relationship between Indonesia and North Korea has been on the doldrums since then.

Indonesia is known as a country whose people massively use social media. It is currently one of the largest internet users in the world, especially social media. President of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, (famously called 'Jokowi') also tries to 'fit in' to the trend of social media across Indonesia. Jokowi has several social media accounts, including Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and YouTube. He even publishes a lot of his works, including his meeting agenda with other states' leaders. Jokowi sometimes uploads some video blogs or 'vlogs' which some of them are collaborations with leaders of powerful countries, such as King Salman Abdul Aziz of Saudi Arabia, Emmanuel Macron of France, and many others. Therefore, the authors consider this as a great opportunity for Indonesia to start digital diplomacy. Through literature study, the authors will provide a broader analysis of prospect and challenge of Indonesia's digital diplomacy. The findings showed that digital diplomacy implemented by Jokowi has a good prospect albeit many challenges. Moreover, it was also discovered that this type of diplomacy could bring some threats to Indonesia.

BUKU ini mengkaji diplomasi maritim yang dilakukan Indonesia dalam
menjaga kedaulatan Indonesia di Kepulauan Natuna pada tahun 2014-
2019. Perbatasan maritim di Kepulauan Natuna ini menjadi rawan
meskipun Indonesia sudah menyatakan wilayah di sekitar zona ekonomi
eksklusif merupakan bagian dari hak kedaulatan Indonesia sesuai dengan Hukum Laut Internasional (United Nations Convention for the Law of the Sea /UNCLOS). Isu hak kedaulatan menjadi perhatian Indonesia karena belakangan ini China semakin kuat mengklaim wilayah tersebut dengan menggunakan doktrin sembilan garis putus-putus (nine-dash-line). Akibatnya, perairan Zona Ekonomi Eksklusif Indonesia yang diakui oleh UNCLOS dianggap sebagai wilayah China di Laut China Selatan. Metode kualitatif digunakan dalam penulisan buku ini untuk menemukan makna dari diplomasi maritim yang dilakukan Indonesia dengan data dari wawancara dan studi pustsaka. Temuan kajian buku ini adalah Indonesia melakukan diplomasi maritim kooperatif dengan melakukan langkahlangkah diplomatis sekaligus mengajak menghormati hak berdaulat Indonesia. Diplomasi maritim persuasif juga dilakukan antara lain mengganti nama kawasan Natuna menjadi Laut Natuna Utara. Sedangkan diplomasi koersif dengan unjuk kekuatan militer dan pembangunan pertahanan di Kepulauan Natuna dalam menjaga kedaulatan dan juga hak berdaulat. China yang nelayannya terlibat dalam pencarian ikan illegal di ZEE Indonesia masih belum menerima sikap Indonesia dengan alasan wilayah itu adalah zona tradisional nelayan China.

She is also the Head of the Centre for Non-Traditional Security (NTS) Studies at the RSIS. Prof. Caballero-Anthony's research interests include regionalism and multilateralism in Asia-Pacific, global governance, human security, and nuclear security.

Globalization bring changes that prompting the government to continue and to shape policy according to the situation and the threats that must be faced in any particular period. Indonesia and the United States (U.S.) are the two countries in the Asia Pacific region with the complexity of differences and have an easy situation changes according to the dynamics of political, social, and economic. In the field of defense, every government formed a defense policy which refers to the development of the strategic environment. Indonesia and the U.S. build their strength based on the dynamics of the Asia-Pacific strategic environment which is closest to the sovereign territory. In the reign of SBY and Barack Obama, Indonesia and the US issued a defense policy to deal with similar problems in the Asia Pacific region. Equation of defense policy the two countries lies in the issues that are considered as a security issue and steps taken to solve them. Meanwhile, differences in Indonesia and US defense policy in the future government of SBY and Obama lies in the use of military force, and the construction and development of weapons.

This paper argues that more domestic and nationalist orientations of Indonesian foreign policy have strongly remarked the Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo's diplomacy in international relations. Presidential change from Susilo Bambang Yudoyono (SBY) to Joko 'Jokowi' Widodo has shifted the way the country practiced its diplomacy towards others. Different from SBY's government, the newly elected president has gradually taken more attention to domestic orientation. While maintaining SBY's achievement on international activism of Indonesian diplomacy, Jokowi's government seeks to find a new space for filling the gap that the previous government seemed to be ignored, that is domestic orientation. President Jokowi has promoted Indonesia as the global maritime axis. In doing so, Indonesia has used its international position for increasing its national economic interests and political sovereignty. By analyzing the importance of nexus between democratic domestic politics and foreign policy, this paper explains two cases on vessel sinks and death penalty. These cases have actually reflected the orientations of Indonesian foreign policy and significantly contributed to the reorientation of Indonesia's foreign policy under the Jokowi government.

Politik Luar Negeri Pemerintahan Joko Widodo ditandai dengan komitmen untuk menghadirkan negara baik di dalam maupun di luar negeri. Dalam konteks itulah kemudian politik luar negeri pada masa pemerintahan Joko Widodo tahun 2014-2019 disebut juga sebagai politik luar negeri kerakyatan. Politik luar negeri pada era ini menempatkan perlindungan WNI di luar negeri menjadi prioritas. Dalam studi kasus perlindungan WNI di Malaysia tampak bagaimana implementasi politik luar negeri pro rakyat ala pemerintahan Jokowi.

Diplomasi adalah seni dan praktek bernegosiasi oleh seseorang (disebut diplomat) yang biasanya mewakili sebuah negara atau organisasi. Kata diplomasi sendiri biasanya langsung terkait dengan diplomasi internasional yang biasanya mengurus berbagai hal seperti budaya, ekonomi, dan perdagangan. Biasanya, orang menganggap diplomasi sebagai cara mendapatkan keuntungan dengan kata-kata yang halus.

Keberhasilan sebuah negara dalam sebuah pemerintahan dilihat dari segi bagaimana pembangunan yang terjadi di negara tersebut. Pembangunan ini tidak luput dari dana yang harus dikeluarkan pemerintah negara tersebut. Jika sering membuat pembangunan-pembangunan di dalam sebuah negara maka akan sangat memerlukan sangat banyak modal. Modal dana ini akan sangat diperlukan bagaimanapun cara untuk mendapatkannya meskipun harus meminjam ke negara lain.
Pembangunan ekonomi suatu negara di satu sisi memerlukan dana yang relatif besar. Sementara di sisi lain, usaha pengerahan dana yang membiayai pembangunan tersebut menghadapi kendala. Pokok persoalannya adalah adanya kesulitan dalam pembentukan modal baik yang bersumber dari pendapatan pemerintah yang berasal dari ekspor barang ke luar negeri maupun dari masyarakat melalui instrumen pajak dan instrumen lembaga-lembaga keuangan.
Tidak dipungkiri meskipun negara memiliki pendapatan sendiri namun negara akan sangat membutuhkan bantuan negara lain. Oleh karena itu dengan adanya bantuan dana atau segi bantuan dari negara lain.

Politik luar negeri yang bersifat bebas aktif menunjukkan bahwa tujuan politik negaranya berfokus pada dua aspek penting, bebas dan aktif. Dalam hal kebebasan berpolitik disini negara bebas melakukan kegiatan politik yang mendukung tujuan negaranya, negara juga menjamin kebebasan berpendapat dan tidak menggantungkan kepentingan politiknya pada suatu kekuatan lain. Aktif menggambarkan peranan suatu negara dalam lingkup internasional, turut berperan aktif dalam rangka mewujudkan kemerdekaan serta menjaga perdamaian seluruh dunia.

Kekuasaan Presiden dan Lembaga Kepresidenan untuk urusan luar negeri secara eksplisit sudah diatur oleh UUD 1945 dan perundangan lainnya. Kekuasaan secara konstitusional ini memberikan mandat dalam mengelola pemerintahan terkait dengan urusan luar negeri. Bahkan dalam beberapa pasal, ada pengaturan pula bagaimana berhubungan dengan negara lain dalam keadaan genting dan dalam keadaan normal.

COVID-19 atau yang biasa disebut dengan virus Corona merupakan virus menular yang menyerang pernafasan dan menjadi pandemi global. Virus ini dilaporkan muncul pertama kali di Republik Rakyat China dan hingga kini virus ini telah menyebar hingga hampir ke seluruh negara di dunia, tak terkecuali Indonesia. Pandemi COVID-19 menjadikan tantangan baru untuk hubungan kerjasama multilateral untuk semua negara, tak terkecuali Indonesia. Pada posisi seperti sekarang ini COVID-19 merupakan musuh bagi seluruh negara di dunia. Hal ini mendorong Indonesia untuk merespon permasalahan global tersebut untuk melakukan berbagai upaya untuk menangani berbagai masalah yang disebabkan oleh penyebaran virus Corona. Seperti perlindungan WNI di luar negeri, pencegahan penyebaran virus masuk ke dalam negeri. Pemberian vaksin untuk masyarakat yang telah terpapar virus, dan masih banyak lagi berbagai masalah yang harus dihadapi. Oleh karena itu Indonesia melakukan berbagai manuver politik luar negeri untuk mencapai berbagai tujuan nasional tersebut.

This article aims to examine Indonesia's foreign policy in the era of the Covid-19 pandemic. Based on the character of Indonesia's foreign policy which places the protection of Indonesian citizens (WNI), there are two foreign policies that stand out. First, Indonesia has prioritized rescuing Indonesian citizens abroad in places affected by the Covid-19 pandemic by means of massive repatriation. Second, still in the character of saving Indonesian citizens, Indonesia has established bilateral cooperation with China and other foreign private parties in the search for a Covid-19 vaccine. This vaccine is expected to be able to save citizens who are both inside and outside of Indonesia by 2021. These are two phenomena that have characterized the implementation of foreign policy under Joko Widodo administration during Covid-19.

Abstraksi Agenda promosi demokrasi dalam kebijakan luar negeri telah menjadi pilihan pengambil kebijakan di Indonesia dalam sepuluh tahun terakhir, dengan berbagai alasan, salah satunya adalah untuk mendukung proses konsolidasi demokrasi domestik. Berdasarkan telaahan pada lima wilayah aktivitas yang terkait dengan agenda pemajuan demokrasi dalam kebijakan luar negeri (termasuk di antaranya Bali Democracy Forum dan Open Government Partnership), tulisan ini mengidentifikasi bahwa masih terdapat kesenjangan antara harapan dan kenyataan mengenai kontribusi agenda pemajuan demokrasi dalam kebijakan luar negeri terhadap proses konsolidasi domestik Indonesia. Tulisan ini mencoba mencari tahu apa yang bisa dilakukan untuk meminimalisasi kesenjangan tersebut, sehingga upaya pemajuan demokrasi dalam kebijakan luar negeri dapat berkontribusi secara optimal terhadap proses konsolidasi demokrasi domestik yang merupakan sasaran pembangunan jangka panjang nasional.

The present article deals with the political debates about secularism, Islam and Pancasila in Indonesian history. It argues that Pancasila—or Pancasila secularism—constitutes, as Abdurrahman Wahid (2001) has rightly put it, a “mild secularism,” in which relative (not absolute) separation between state and religion is maintained, but allows at the same time the former’s moderate administering of some of the latter’s public affairs, on the one hand, and the latter’s moderate values and norms to inspire the former, on the other hand. If secularism contains three basic theses  (Casanova 1994: 3-6), viz., separation of state and religion, privatization of religion and differentiation between religious and non-religious spheres, they are not fully and strongly implemented, because there has always been some degree of religiousness present, and this could not easily be abandoned. As for the official political debates, they were mostly related to the separation thesis, rather than to privatization and differentiation, but there has also been an association of secularism (also in the sense of separation) with nationalist groups and of anti-secularism with Islamic groups. This study contributes to the knowledge of how secularism has been indigenized creatively as part of Indonesian political culture. This study also shows that secularism and Islam could mix in their milder sense in order to endorse a more democratic form of politics for Muslim society.

Research towards regionalism in Southeast Asia and Indonesian role within the regionalism process is concluded in this paper. Regional integration process in Southeast Asia within during the decolonization and ASEAN phases are assessed in this paper and moreover, foreign policies and contribution of Indonesia towards the regional integration process is found important, considering its significant relative power among the other Southeast Asian nations. Research is conducted using the qualitative research method through the assessment of literatures, commentaries from the experts, and the agreements and protocols relevant to the research topics. The research concludes four important results; the dynamics of the regionalism in Southeast Asia, the theoretical construction of Southeast Asian Identity, theoretical assessments of regionalism in Southeast Asia and Indonesian foreign policy towards regionalism in Southeast Asia.

UNIFIL is the recent peacekeeping operations that become one of the main peacekeeping missions conducted by Indonesia. Garuda contingents serving in UNIFIL might be considered as the longest and the largest peacekeeping service that was ever performed by Indonesia military forces. Indonesia Government started to deploy its peacekeeping personnel to UNIFIL in September 2006 under the command of Garuda Contingents XIIA, as a response to UN's request for military personnel and equipment, to help secure the ceasefire and provide humanitarian supplies. Since then, Indonesia keeps improving the consignment of Indonesian peacekeepers in UNIFIL. In 2015, the number of Indonesian contingents in UNIFIL has reached 1,290 troops which are the largest personnel group in Lebanon. Until today, Indonesia contingents have been serving in Lebanon for about 10 years long. Every year, the government always tried to evolve its contribution by adding more personnel and equipments in UNIFIL. And under the recent President of Joko Widodo, Indonesian government has an ambition to improve Indonesia role in maintaining international peace and security through Roadmap Vision of 4,000 Peacekeepers 2015-2019. This Roadmap visions has proved Indonesian vigor commitment to actively participate in world peace mission and as its national interest to reach the top-ten of UN contributors of peacekeeping operations.

Penelitian ini mencoba untuk menggambarkan bagaimana sejarah perjuangan kemerdekaan Indonesia yang disebabkan oleh faktor eksternal atau kondisi sistem internasional yang berlaku sehingga membentuk karakteristik Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia yang Bebas dan Aktif. Secara singkat, tulisan ini memposisikan argumen pada Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia yang memiliki kecenderungan tidak terlalu idealistik dan juga tidak pragmatis melainkan sebuah pendekatan yang realistik dan rasional. Hal ini dikarenakan situasi dan kondisi sistem internasional yang berlaku pada setiap masing-masing dimensi sejarah (periodesasi) yang telah dilalui oleh Indonesia sebagai bagian dari komunitas internasional. Dari pendekatan Balance of Threat, mengarahkan peneliti untuk menggunakan pendekatan rasionalis sebagai instrumen analisis dalam menganalisa sejauhmana, dari masing-masing periodesasi, Indonesia telah merealisasikan politik luar negeri Bebas Aktif-nya yang berdampak pada pencapaian kepentingan nasional Indonesia di masing-masing periodesasi.
Kata Kunci : Indonesia, Politik Luar Negeri, Bebas dan aktif, Dimensi Sejarah, Kepentingan Nasional

While in preivious era Islam was insignificant and played less substantial role in Indonesia‟s foreign policy, this paper seeks to scrutinise why is the moderate Islam openly articulated as part of Indonesia‟s national identity? What are the purposes of the new foreign policy project in regard to the domestic tension at home and in relations with other Islamic countries and the rest of the world?

It is a strange thing to contemplate how the world seems to obsess on everything ‘new’ while supposedly always remaining true to ‘old’ strategies, ideals, and approaches. This is most certainly the case in the world of conflict and cooperation: for every new invention or arrival of a new epoch the 21st century is supposed to bring us, we never seem far removed from thinking that has always gotten us into trouble as a species. This issue of the Greater Caspian Project looks at a broad array of cases that illustrate this phenomenon. We consider innovative ways to look at the aftermath of the JCPOA, at Arctic exploration, and new Russian foreign policy thinking. We dive into larger problems that extend deep into the Middle East and clearly impact the European Union and United States. In each instance we begin with an assumed supposition by the global community that these challenges are somehow new and novel and unique. And in each case our analyses break down how even novelty can still be subsumed by old biases and long-standing prejudices.

This can be very disheartening for an organization like Modern Diplomacy, the parent of the Greater Caspian Project, so interested in seeing new connections and pathways develop for the interests of greater, broader, and deeper peace and understanding. Unfortunately, as this issue will show our readers, old habits die hard: diplomacy is not always for cooperation; exploration is not always for more opportunity for all; engagement is not always altruistic. One thing all of us affiliated with the Project continue to hope for, even if it is a small hope indeed, is that even when things look bleak or our optimism in the human agents conducting global affairs dims considerably, the effort to continue to expose our readers to knowledge, to new perspectives and outlooks, will shine a brighter light and construct newer pathways that seemed impossible before. Otherwise, to analyze the ways of war and peace, of life and death, would be a hopelessly depressing venture. So here is to No. 22 and to all of our readers: shine the light of analysis and knowledge into the darkest and dimmest corners. The world needs it. The world needs you.

Richard Wright's The Color Curtain: A Report on the Bandung Conference has long been a fundamental book in Bandung historiography. As a crucial companion volume to The Color Curtain, Roberts and Foulcher's Indonesian Notebook: A Sourcebook on Richard Wright and The Bandung Conference showcases the previously unknown side of Wright's Bandung narrative, as told from the perspectives of the vibrant group of Indonesian intellectuals and writers who hosted him in Indonesia in 1955. Showcasing Wright’s previously unknown interactions with Indonesian modernists and his previously unknown lecturing activities in Indonesia, this book has major implications for any reading of postcolonial history and culture after the Asian-African Conference of 1955.

Why has Southeast Asia been particularly lukewarm to the idea of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (or Quad)? If Japan, India, Australia, and the United States collectively work under the Quad to confront China, Southeast Asia's biggest and most difficult strategic challenge, should not the region embrace and support the Quad? This article seeks to answer these questions by examining the different Southeast Asian views on the Quad. It further examines whether and how the Quad leaders could gradually develop mechanisms to induce a strategic buy-in from Southeast Asia. I argue in particular that the Quad should not reinvent the wheel in terms of regional architecture building and instead seek to become a "strategic filler" for and a "strategic amplifier" to existing ASEAN-led mechanisms and institutions. Furthermore, as far as Southeast Asians are concerned, the idea of the Quad boosting ASEAN institutions is perhaps more appealing than expanding the Quad into a "Quad Plus" by inviting, for example, South Korea, New Zealand, Brazil, Israel, and Vietnam. The key to a future Quad-ASEAN relationship therefore lies in finding a calibrated partnership based on shared principles and interests as well as practical cooperative engagements. The following sections expand on and elaborate these arguments.

The article discusses maritime security in South China Sea based on security concept by Barry Buzan. According to Buzan, analysis of security is divided into three levels: individual, national and international. In addition security dimension consists of military security, politics, societal, economics and environment. Maritime security can be seen as the combination of preventive and responsive measures to protect the maritime domain against threats and intentional unlawful acts. With this concept, maritime security in South China Sea considers three level analyses and in same time involve multi dimension of security factors. Security in the area should put in correct perspective to get full understand of complexity this matter.