History of Canada

The continued preservation of bison is one of Parks Canada’s greatest success stories. Canadian parks have been actively involved in protecting bison for over 100 years. While much has been written about the history of bison and Indigenous peoples, the destruction of the great bison herds in the nineteenth century, and individual conservation herds, there are few works that speak of the history of the Parks Canada bison herds as a whole. Like Distant Thunder combines these disparate threads to form a cohesive narrative of the bison herds managed by Canada.

"Early colonial economies in North America and Australia were commonly based on a combination of the importation of goods and a system of local production which included subsistence agriculture and hunting. Before 1850 the Australian settlements had a very limited and only slowly developing capacity to create or harvest, local supplies of food and alcohol. Furthermore in the nineteenth century the Australian colonies never developed the capacity to produce certain kinds of consumer goods. In the Australian contact the period and degree of "dependency" on external sources of supply varied according to well recognised factors like the growth of population and establishing or importing the means of production to the colony.

This book chapter considers trade between Canada and Australia through an examination of the voyage of the William Salthouse in what was the earliest attempt to establish trade relations between Canada and Australia."

NATIVE MESSENGERS OF GOD IN CANADA?:
A TEST CASE FOR BAHA’I UNIVERSALISM (1996)

*** Christopher Buck, “Native Messengers of God in Canada?: A Test Case for Baha’i Universalism.” Baha’i Studies Review 6 (1996): 97–133.

*** Award for Excellence in Baha’i Studies. Association for Baha’i Studies, 1994.

EPILOGUE

Thereupon Tekanawitaˀ [Deganawida, the Peacemaker] stood up in the center of the gathering place, and then he said, “First I will answer what it means to say, ‘Now it is arriving, the Good Message.’ This indeed, is what it means: When it stops, the slaughter of your own people who live here on earth, then everywhere peace will come about, by day and also by night, and it will come about that as one travels around, everyone will be related. …

Now again, secondly, I say, ‘Now it is arriving, the power,’ and this means that the different nations, all the nations, will become just a single one, and the Great Law will come into being, so that now all will be related to each other, and there will come to be just a single family, and in the future, in days to come, this family will continue on.

Now in turn, the other, my third saying, ‘Now it is arriving, the Peace,’ this means that everyone will become related, men and also women, and also the young people and the children, and when all are relatives, every nation, then there will be peace as they roam about by day and also by night. …

Then there will be truthfulness, and they will uphold hope and charity, so that it is peace that will unite all the people, indeed, it will be as though they have but one mind, and they are a single person with only one body and one head and one life, which means that there will be unity.” …

When they are functioning, the Good Message and also the Power and the Peace, moreover, these will be the principal things everybody will live by; these will be the great values among the people.”

– Chief John Arthur Gibson, Concerning the League: The Iroquois League as Dictated in Onondaga, newly elicited, edited and translated by Hanni Woodbury in Collaboration with Reg Henry and Harry Webster on the Basis of A.A. Goldenweiser’s Manuscript. Memoir 9 (Winnipeg: Algonquian and Iroquoian Linguistics, 1992): 36–41. 

ABSTRACT

Academic and popular interest has lent prestige to native spirituality and has brought it into prominence. The United Nations proclamation of 1993 as the International Year of Indigenous People gave native peoples international recognition. A corresponding interest in native culture has “valorised” (brought respect to) native spirituality.

The National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Canada took a position of advocacy on behalf of First Nations Canadians in its formal submission to the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples in the fall of 1993. The strong native presence in Canadian Bahá’í community life raises the question of the place of native spirituality within a Bahá’í worldview.

Homefront “pioneers” have extended Bahá’í universalism to a recognition of the richness and authenticity of native cultural values. Such recognition has been supported by local Bahá’í policy, as attested in teaching pamphlets addressed to native peoples, in which the concept of First World messengers of God has been validated. Although theoretically acknowledged, explicit recognition of native messengers of God has yet to be formalised in Bahá’í doctrine.

This study discusses the possibilities of incorporating the principle of “Messengers of God to Indigenous Peoples” within formal Bahá’í doctrine, reflecting a development that has already taken place in popular Bahá’í belief in the North American context. A hitherto under-studied Persian text of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá establishes the principle in such a way that its explicit enunciation is now possible.

The problem of historical attestation remains. The prophetic credentials of Iroquois culture hero and statesman Deganawida are critically examined as a test case. The legend of Deganawida has a kernel of historicity overlaid by hagiography, with admitted Christian influence. Nonetheless, if the Bahá’í principle of “Progressive Revelation” can assimilate the Amerindian spiritual legacy as distinct from and developmentally asynchronous with Irano-Semitic and Sino-Indic religious histories, then it might be possible to accord Deganawida a provisional status with Bahá’í prophetology, and still affirm Bahá’u’lláh’s unific role in world history, as oral cultures take their place alongside the more familiar “literate” traditions.

https://www.academia.edu/36294314/_Native_Messengers_of_God_in_Canada_1996_

When Samuel de Champlain founded the colony of Quebec in 1608, he established elaborate gardens where he sowed French seeds he had brought with him and experimented with indigenous plants that he found in nearby fields and forests. Following Champlain's example, fellow colonists nurtured similar gardens through the Saint Lawrence Valley and Great Lakes region. In A Not-So-New World, Christopher Parsons observes how it was that French colonists began to learn about Native environments and claimed a mandate to cultivate vegetation that did not differ all that much from that which they had left behind. As Parsons relates, colonists soon discovered that there were limits to what they could accomplish in their gardens. The strangeness of New France became woefully apparent, for example, when colonists found that they could not make French wine out of American grapes. They attributed the differences they discovered to Native American neglect and believed that the French colonial project would rehabilitate and restore the plant life in the region. However, the more colonists experimented with indigenous species and communicated their findings to the wider French Atlantic world, the more foreign New France appeared to French naturalists and even to the colonists themselves. Parsons demonstrates how the French experience of attempting to improve American environments supported not only the acquisition and incorporation of Native American knowledge but also the development of an emerging botanical science that focused on naming new species. Exploring the moment in which settlers, missionaries, merchants, and administrators believed in their ability to shape the environment to better resemble the country they left behind, A Not-So-New World reveals that French colonial ambitions were fueled by a vision of an ecologically sustainable empire.

1) Why did you choose to come to Canada? Tell about the conditions before coming and what attracted you here.

"Because Canada is an experiment - think about this, English and French couldn’t defeat each other and so made a nation together. Hence the “other” becomes an essential part of who you are. I thought that would be a fertile ground to strike roots - to do here what I was doing back home in Bombay (oops! Mumbai) – architecture, poetry and calligraphy (though I miss the Arabian Sea as I grew up in a house on its coast)."

Read more…
2) How was the move itself?
3) How easy/hard was it for you to get involved in architecture in Canada? What helped you find success?
4) What would you suggest to new immigrants who wish to get into the field

Interviewed by Rotem Yaniv;
Canadian Immigrant (online magazine)
November 2009

Cross Reference. See also:
"Between Two Tongues: Falling at The Speed of Light" in the Articles Section
"Impossible Toronto"  in the Articles Section
"Meditation on Clockfaces" in the Articles Section
"Flying Into Watercity" in the Articles Section
"The Travelling Nonvegetarian" in the Poetry Section

Kanada je zemí, s níž Čechy pojí osudy tisíců emigrantů a jejíž obyvatelé se dodnes hrdě hlásí k ideálu otevřené, multikulturní společnosti.
Tato kniha seznamuje čtenáře s dějinami země, v nichž se promítají problémy soužití několika různých národů – původních obyvatel, francouzských i anglických kolonistů a milionů přistěhovalců z nejrůznějších koutů světa – bojujících často s velmi nehostinnými klimaticými podmínkami. Touha po přežití, jeden z hlavních rysů kanadské identity, motivovala kanadské ideály smíru a kompromisů a pomalu, bez velkých povstání a revolucí, formovala vznik druhého největšího státu světa.

Why is it that Chief Joseph Brant, one of the key indigenous North American leaders, is fondly remembered in Canada, but largely forgotten or dismissed in the United States?  How did his strong Anglican heritage shape his leadership?  How did Brant face betrayal and setback in his life?  What can we learn from his life?  Would Canada still exist without his contribution?

This is the Introduction to R.W. Sandwell, ed., Powering Up Canada: Fuel, Power and  Energy Since 1600 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2016) that provides an overview of the history of energy in Canada. The edited volume includes chapters of various forms of fuel and energy  the powered Canada, including horses and oxen, wood,  wind, non-turbine water power, hydro-electric power, coal, oil, natural and manufactured gas and nuclear power.

Energy and environmental diplomacy factors were a major, though often unrecognized, part of Canada-United States relations prior to the Cold War. Hydroelectricity was the most important of these factors, particularly power exported from the Canadian side of the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence basin. The history of Canada- U.S. hydroelectricity relations, exports, and regulations offered here covers the key steps, institutions, and actors in the evolution of hydroelectricity geopolitics and governance regimes during the first two-thirds of the twentieth century. Most of the earliest large Canadian hydropower projects were built on or planned for border waters, which, after the creation of the 1909 Boundary Waters Treaty, required formal coordination with the United States. Over the following half-century, prospective power projects on border waters continued to dominate the diplomatic dialogue. Federal governments or agencies established broad export restrictions, altering them occasionally, but often subnational governments, special interests, and specific power projects played as large a role in shaping the power trade. The result was a constantly shifting political and regulatory context, albeit one that generally trended toward cooperation and reduced barriers to electricity integration.

In early April 2016, Attawapiskat First Nation declared a state of emergency when 11 young people tried to kill themselves in one day alone. The response from the state was to send in crisis workers. As I write, occupations and protests have erupted across Canada to draw attention not only to youth suicides in First Nations communities, but also to the state’s response to them. As protests continue, the state’s reactions to these situations raise alarming questions about its relationship with Indigenous peoples. On April 10, Justin Trudeau tweeted, “The news from Attawapiskat is heartbreaking. We’ll continue to work to improve living conditions for all Indigenous peoples.” We, the state, will work to improve living conditions for all of you, Indigenous peoples. Taking a page out of an old paternal script, the state sees itself as the champion that can deliver improvement – and, in doing so, it erases its own direct role in inflicting the ravages of structural violence in the long history of this settler state. Against this backdrop, Sherene Razack’s Dying from Improvement is a critical intervention, as it provides an analysis of the banality of settler-state violence framed through narratives of improvement and inquiry….

Roman Shukhevych conducted his first political assassination in 1926 at age 19. In 1934, he was jailed for his role in killing Poland’s Interior Minister. By 1940, he was attending a Nazi military intelligence (Abwehr) academy in German-occupied Poland.

In 2015, the Government of  Canada gave $279,138 to the Ukrainian Youth Unity Complex in Edmonton. Just outside this centre is a large bronze statue to Shukhevych.  It has often been used over the decades as the symbolic backdrop for uniformed Ukrainian ethnonationalist youth and veterans of fascist military formations to pose in reverence to their WWII-era heroes.

Shukhevych was an organizer of Bandera’s faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B). In 1941, he helped create their founding policy. It called for the ethnic cleansing of "non-Ukrainians" and the liquidation of "Polish, Muscovite and Jewish activists" in a future Ukrainian state.1

Shukhevych was the top-ranking Ukrainian in the Nachtigall Battalion (aka the Konovalets’ Legion). Trained, armed, funded and led by the Nazis, and attached to a Germany special-forces regiment, its Ukrainian soldiers wore German uniforms and joined their Operation-Barbarossa invasion of the USSR (June 22, 1941). Eight days later, on his 34th birthday, Shukhevych’s Nachtigall marched into Lviv with the Nazis. The OUN(B) then declared Ukraine a state under President Yaroslav Stetsko, with Shukhevych as Deputy Defense Minister.

Helmcken Falls is a 141 m (463 ft) waterfall on the Murtle River within Wells Gray Provincial Park in British Columbia, Canada. The protection of Helmcken Falls was one of the reasons for the creation of Wells Gray Provincial Park in 1939.

-Gray/Grey- ref.note.

Helmcken Falls is the fourth highest waterfall in Canada, measured by total straight drop without a break. Higher Canadian waterfalls are Hunlen Falls in Tweedsmuir Provincial Park, Takakkaw Falls in Yoho National Park, and Della Falls in Strathcona Provincial Park, all in British Columbia.

There are six other waterfalls on the Murtle River, upstream from Helmcken Falls. The others are The Mushbowl, Dawson Falls, Majerus Falls, Horseshoe Falls, Meadow Falls and McDougall Falls.

The Canadian Pacific Railway surveyors in the 1870s passed to the north and made no mention of seeing the falls. Credit for discovering Helmcken Falls goes to Robert Henry Lee (1859–1935), a land surveyor working for the British Columbia government. In 1911, Lee was awarded a four-year contract to survey lands in the North Thompson and Clearwater Valleys. By 1913, he was working south of the Murtle River laying out lots for homesteaders. On July 24, 1913, he walked west along the Murtle River from his remote camp and reached the top of the waterfall.
He was so impressed that he wrote a letter to Sir Richard McBride, Premier of British Columbia, requesting that the falls be named "McBride Falls".
Three weeks later, Lee received a reply from the Premier stating that the waterfall was instead to be called Helmcken Falls.
This name honoured John Sebastian Helmcken, a physician with the Hudson's Bay Company who arrived in Victoria in 1850. He helped bring British Columbia into Canadian Confederation in 1871.

Dr. Helmcken died in 1920 at the age of 95, but never actually saw the falls himself.

The article presents the Prime Minister Mackenzie King’s personal convictions and philosophy referring to Canadian relations with Britain and with Europe in general. It attempts to explain the reasons of Mackenzie King’s anti-Imperial and anti-European attitude through analysis of the excerpts of his biography, diaries and parliamentary speeches. The article shows the tremendous influence Mackenzie King’s personality and his own beliefs had on Canadian foreign policy, Imperial relations and how his view of Canada’s independent diplomacy shaped a new era of Canadian-European relations and contributed to the recognition of Canada abroad. The article concentrates on the selected political and historical events (the Statute of Westminster of 1931 in particular) that loosened the ties between Canada and Britain. In particular the emphasis is put on these changes in the bilateral Canadian-British relations and these actions and decisions undertaken by Mackenzie King or his administration that changed the Canadian government’s approach to European affairs and reshaped both the perception of Europe in Canada and the perception of Canada in Europe

Cet article s'intéresse aux enfants de Nicolas Lebel, ce pionnier de Nouvelle-France né près de Rouen vers 1633. Le nombre de Québécois actuels qui descendent de ce Normand est estimé à près de deux millions. On découvre toutefois qu'au moins deux des trois fils documentés de Lebel ne le sont pas par la biologie. En outre, certains indices suggèrent que sa seule fille pourrait aussi être née d'autrui. Les données ADN du chromosome Y ne laissent par contre aucun doute quant aux origines distinctes des trois «frères» Lebel qu'expriment leurs filiations masculines. Le cas est à ce point singulier qu'il faut s'interroger sur la possible infertilité du patriarche. Les informations recueillies sur cette famille ouvrent de nouvelles perspectives sur les mœurs de l'intimité aux premiers temps de la Nouvelle-France, alors que les réalités observées peuvent s'expliquer de différentes façons. À l'évidence, jamais ne pourra-t-on trier les scénarios concurrents et situer toute la vérité. Des indices circonstanciels dans les relations entre les familles concernées aident néanmoins à l'interprétation des faits mis au jour.

In Canada, 1967 meant more than than it did elsewhere. Not only was it the summer of love, it was the year a country came to love itself. Celebrating its Centennial, the nation had a new flag, a booming economy, and Montreal hosted an international exposition par excellence.

На ранних этапах колонизации североамериканского континента взаимоотношения европейских переселенцев и коренных жителей Нового света развивались в рамках двух основных моделей. Первая из них может быть условно названа английской, поскольку утвердилась во владениях династии Стюартов. Для колонистов с Британских островов само наличие прежде неизвестных этнических групп на недавно «открытых» территориях оказалось неожиданностью. А начавшаяся с ними борьба за землю и ресурсы заставила переосмыслить принесенное из Старого света понимание «своих» и «чужих». Ведь по мере обострения конфликтов с аборигенами различия между европейцами становились не существенными. Зато отношения с «краснокожими» «индейцами» требовали некой теоретической основы. Для обоснования собственных притязаний на превосходство «белые люди» прибегли к конструированию расового дискурса.
Как способ организации социальных отношений дискурс нуждался в наборе дескрипторов, которые бы позволили четко разделить  «своих» и «чужих», выстроить систему социальной иерархии и обосновать право первых на доминирование в ней. Наиболее яркие и очевидные из них оказались связаны с этничностью.

Through six intensive and semi-structured interviews, this research paper examines the role social support networks may or may not have played in facilitating the resettlement experiences of Chinese-Vietnamese refugees living in Canada after the Vietnam War. It was observed that those who were privately-sponsored emphasized the instrumental role their benefactors played in assisting their successful resettlement, whereas those who were government-sponsored were forced to adopt a more independent mindset of forming their own social support systems. Regardless of sponsorship type, the notion of hard work was a commonality found amongst the participants. They arrived at the receiving country expecting and willing to accept conditions of underemployment and downward mobility. The effects of pre-migration enabling factors such as marital status and educational attainment are also acknowledged. Within a social support framework, theories of social capital and resiliency are used to analyze the lives of the participants after the traumatic experience of forced migration.

Keywords: Chinese-Vietnamese refugees, resettlement, Canada, social support network, resiliency theory

A questão das Primeiras Nações (First Nations) na história canadense constitui um traço de narrativa essencial. Em toda extensão territorial do país há uma profusão complexa e profunda de culturas, línguas e representações do que comumente denominamos indígenas. Termo complexo e facilmente manipulável, a historiografia canadense em geral prefere denominar os 617 povos autóctones de Nações, termo que configura a essas comunidades um estatuto político crescente na vida canadense depois de séculos de assimetria, opressão e das mais diversas tentativas de erradicação. Sejam os Inuits do norte, habitantes do gélido Yukon, ou os Nanooks da costa pacífica, as Primeiras Nações são um legado ancestral indissociável da cultura e história canadenses. No caso do Canadá Atlântico, os Mi'kmaqs foram e ainda são o traço autóctone cultural dominante. A importância histórica dos Mi'kmaqs se justifica pelo fato de terem sido eles os primeiros a estabelecer relações com os imigrantes franceses que chegaram a costa atlântica do país em 1604, fundando a primeira comunidade do que mais tarde chamou-se Acádia. O presente artigo pretende introduzir o leitor a aspectos fundamentais da história e da cultura Mi'kmaq discutindo suas principais representações, questões simbólicas e seu papel histórico na formação do Canadá Atlântico entre os séculos XVII e XVIII.

From the early decades of the 17th century until 1701, the Great Lakes region and its vicinity were riven by wars their peoples largely for control of trade with European powers but also, in the case of the Haudenosaunee (Five Nations Iroquois), for assimilation to rebuild their population.

Throughout the Cold War, Canada’s Department of External Affairs wielded the CBC’s International Service (CBC-IS)1 as a propaganda weapon in what it called "political warfare." The CBC-IS (aka "The Voice of Canada") was, Liberal Foreign Minister Lester Pearson boasted in 1951, "doing valuable work for Canada and playing a useful part in the psychological war against communism." As he explained to the House of Commons, this "psychological war" is "an important part of the total war against communism—the struggle or the battle for men’s minds."

As Canada’s leading Cold Warrior, Pearson was key to orchestrating the psy-war operations of a top-secret interdepartmental group called the "Psychological Warfare Committee."3 Like others dedicated to fighting what he called the "total war against communism," Pearson’s dream was not only to collaborate in the subversion, breakup and eventual destruction of the Soviet Union, he also wanted to rid the entire world (including Canada) of all communists.

Sidebars included with this article
* Pearson College and NATO’s United World Colleges
https://coat.ncf.ca/P4C/70/70_8.htm

* US Big Brother to Canada’s Cold War propagandists: ‘Voice of America’ and the
CIA’s ‘Radio Free Europe’ and ‘Radio Liberation from Bolshevism’ (aka ‘Radio Liberty’)
https://coat.ncf.ca/P4C/70/70_10-11.htm

С момента окончания Семилетней войны Квебек находился в особом положении среди колоний Британской Северной Америки. Поселенцы долины реки св. Лаврентия, ревностно хранившие собственные культурно-исторические традиции, считали себя потомками галльской расы в Новом свете и по праву называли Нижнюю Канаду – область своего компактного проживания – французской Канадой. Общественно-политическая жизнь провинции протекала в окружении инородной англоязычной культуры, что неизменно ассоциировалось у франкоканадцев с положением жителей осаждённой крепости, хотя многие из них и оставались в спокойной уверенности, что сил осаждающих недостаточно для достижения окончательной победы . Однако создание в 1867 г. канадской федерации поставило перед населением Квебека проблему адаптации к новым политическим реалиям, в рамках которых они сказались не одним из двух народов-основателей Канады, а лишь жителями одной из четырёх, а вскоре и пяти, провинций доминиона, что потребовало выработки новых политических подходов, в том числе и в идеологической сфере. В данной статье предпринята попытка изучить основные тенденции развития общественно-политической мысли Квебека в последней трети XIX – начале XX вв. и определить роль концепции канадианизма в развитии франкоканандской национальной идентичности.

This article examines the role of late twentieth-century transnational migrants to Canada in transforming Scarborough into a culinary hub with global and Asian resonances-a place where dense affective, sensory, social, cultural, and economic networks of foodways overlap and combine to create place-specific diasporic sensescapes. The primary research questions are: How does such an Asian culinary hub emerge and function in the transnational and diasporic setting of a contemporary global city and how do citizens' negotiations of its mobile foodways constitute the hub, and act as its archive? To locate answers for these questions, the authors engaged with long-term collaborative research among academics, students, and community stakeholders connected to the Culinaria Research Centre of the University of Toronto.

"ABSTRACT: This paper examines the theoretical and historical principles that shaped the development of Canadian communication studies. The analysis focuses on the University of Toronto as a historical site for the conception and development of seminal ideas regarding technologies of transportation and communication; ideas that have dominated Canadian thought of the twentieth century, and continue to exert an influence today.

KEYWORDS: Communication, Toronto, Havelock, Innis, McLuhan. PALABRAS CLAVE: Comunicación, Toronto, Havelock, Innis, McLuhan."

A new book on the stories of inventiveness and hope as well as of oppression and despair experienced by  hundreds of thousands of Italians emigrated to Toronto.

"After World War II, hundreds of thousands of Italians emigrated to Toronto. This book describes their labour, business, social and cultural history as they settled in their new home. It addresses fundamental issues that impacted both them and the city, including ethnic economic niching, unionization, urban proletarianization and migrants’ entrepreneurship.
In addressing these issues the book focuses on the role played by a specific economic sector in enabling immigrants to find their place in their new host society. More specifically, this study looks at the residential sector of the construction industry that, between the 1950s and the 1970s, represented a typical economic ethnic niche for newly arrived Italians. In fact, tens of thousands of Italian men found work in this sector as labourers, bricklayers, carpenters, plasterers and cement finishers, while hundreds of others became contractors, subcontractors or small employers in the same industry. This book is about these real people. It gives voice to a community formed both by entrepreneurial subcontractors who created companies out of nothing and a large group of exploited workers who fought successfully for their rights. In this book you will find stories of inventiveness and hope as well as of oppression and despair. The purpose is to offer an original approach to issues arising from the economic and social history of twentieth-century mass migrations."

Projet de mémoires graphiques, visant à synthétiser en moins de 300 mots mes projets de recherche financés par le Conseil de recherche en sciences humaines du Canada (maîtrise et doctorat), présenté dans le cadre du concours pancanadien J'ai une histoire à raconter du CRSH . Cette bande dessinée articulée autour des besoins en matière de sécurité culturelle des étudiants autochtones du Canada a été sélectionnée parmi les 25 projets finalistes. Télécharger le pdf pour une meilleure appréciation du document.

Une triangulation réussie sur une matriarche d'Acadie, Marie Christine AUBOIS, a permis l'établissement de sa signature ADNmt. Des tests génétiques ont identifié son haplogroupe A2i (A2-C64T) par séquençage complet des mitochondries, validant ainsi l'attribution documentée de M. C. AUBOIS au groupe amérindien. Cette signature s'ajoute au catalogue des signatures ancestrales que dirige l'auteur au projet "ADN-Héritage français". Grâce aux collaborations suscitées par cette triangulation, certaines lacunes de la documentation traditionnelle ont aussi pu être compensées. Cette identification par ADN de M. C. AUBOIS est exemplaire en ce qu'elle illustre le rôle complémentaire et décisif de la généalogie génétique.

В последней трети XIX в. Канада представляла собой уникальное явление как в британской, так и в общемировой колониальной практике. В 70-е годы XIX в. среди общественно-политических кругов Канады широко распространилось убеждение, что новый статус их страны, её возросший материальный и духовный потенциал, укрепляющееся национальное самосознание самих канадцев требуют отказа от отношений господства-подчинения между метрополией и автономиями и реорганизации империи на принципах взаимовыгодного партнёрства. Данная статья посвящена эволюции взглядов канадской общественности на проблему взаимоотношений с Великобританией.

When  launching  their  careers  in journalism,  both  Michael  Chomiak and Chrystia Freeland faced major conflicts  of  interest.  Although  neither  were  objective  about  Ukrainian  nationalism,  this  did  not  harm  their prospects. In fact, their political biases helped both to become media gatekeepers who served virulently Russophobic, anticommunist power elites.

As a teen, in the late Cold War era of Reagan’s 1980s, Chrystia Freeland began her journalism career with jobs for two far-right Ukrainian-Canadian publications in which her maternal grandfather, Michael Chomiak, had also been deeply involved.  Both used the same Cold War memes about "captive nations" that had been popularized by wartime fascists.  While these were likely the last publications on which Chomiak worked, they were Freeland’s first known jobs. The highly-charged, rightwing milieu of these workplaces must have helped to shape her worldview, and to hone her skills as a propagandist eager to aid the cause of antiSoviet, Ukrainian nationalism.

She was guided along this path not only by her mother’s family, whose patriarch (Chomiak) was the Nazi’s top Ukrainian news propagandist, but by teachers, the Ukrainian Catholic church and such militantly patriotic groups as Plast.

Chomiak had also been steeped in the biased, advocacy journalism of ultrapatriotic Ukrainian culture. Both began their youthful media careers when thrown headlong into extraordinary historical events that riveted ethnonationalist aspirations. Being in the right place at the right time, they both received widespread public acclaim by serving their community’s interests. Their public fame, aided by outside political forces that ruthlessly exploited Ukrainian nationalism, allowed them to become media gatekeepers editing large news enterprises.

In Freeland’s case, in her early 20s, she was simultaneously a student, political activist and journalist in Lviv, and was fully engaged in Ukraine’s final NATO-backed battle to separate from the USSR. Chomiak too had been a student and journalist in Ukraine on the nationalist beat. While studying law at Lviv University (1930-31), Chomiak wrote for Dilo (Deed), the top daily paper in Galicia, southwest Ukraine. Later, he worked on its editorial staff (1934-39).1

Queers living in the urban centre of Toronto have a strong history of resistance and deviant practices that skirt social norms in presenting and disseminating queer knowledge and art. These practices include the self-publication of zines, newspapers, posters, wearables, and art objects made as multiples. These materials, unlike popular mass media, are presented by and for queer audiences allowing for more nuanced, complicated, and affective understandings of the city's queer communities. Using an object-based approach grounded in Sara Ahmed’s Queer Phenomenology, I present queer multiples as guideposts for understanding the inherited queer history of Toronto and its influence upon contemporary artists. For Proud Deviants and Queer Multiples, I curated an exhibit comprised of a multi-generational slate of queer artists, multiples and Toronto’s queer history by showing works from my collection. In tandem with the multiples, I have juxtaposed queer archival materials such as scans of the covers of publications like The Body Politic and gendertrash, as well as the map of the Toronto Purchase. The combination of multiples and archives chart moments of tension and jubilation for queers living within the heteronormative colonial and institutional frameworks of Toronto. By using an artist-curator methodology, this exhibition creates the opportunity to consider the past, present and future of queer art-making in Toronto.

This paper presents a chronological history of the criminal law convictions relating to Canada's Indian residential schools. This paper relies on extensive quotations from the report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission; adjusted by combining information that is across several chapters within the report and presenting that collected information in a chronological fashion, which the report does not do. Further, this paper provides a concise summary of the criminal convictions; provides citations and quotations from the few court decisions that reported these convictions; provides an extensive summary of the criminal case of Bishop Hubert O'Connor, the only IRS criminal court case to go to the Supreme Court of Canada. The O'Connor case is essential for anyone studying how Canada's legal system treats indigenous women. Finally, this paper provides details on the many ways that records were not produced, investigations did not proceed or did not result in charges or proceeded far too late or sentences were far too lenient.

Canada's new Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women will study how the criminal law system, and especially the police, investigated crimes against indigenous women. This paper on the IRS criminal cases argues that there is an extremely long history of the criminal law being used against indigenous people and failing to protect them. That history must serve as a backdrop to the work of the MMIW Inquiry.

REVISED MAY 2023 The Hon. Donald Gunn was born a  Braehour Gunn of Caithness, part of a significant Gunn family. His father William was brother to Donald Gunn the sennachy of Braehour and Brawlbin. Due to various Clan Gunn Chief lines becoming extinct the most senior Braehour Gunn is the traditional Clan Gunn Chief.  Donald Gunn (Manitoba) was a noted early settler and worked for the Hudson's Bay  Company, corresponded with the Smithsonian Institution and was also a politician. This article contains a detailed genealogy of his many descendants.

Dieser Artikel wurde erstmals veröffentlicht in: Neugebauer, Vivien (Hrsg.) (2018): Einwanderungsland Deutschland. Gesetz, Praxis und gesellschaftliches Selbstverständnis, Loccumer Protokoll, Band 73/16, Rehburg-Loccum: Evangelische Akademie Loccum. Bitte zitieren Sie die Originalquelle: http://www.loccum.de/protokoll/inhalt/inh1673.html

Introductory article to a special issue of West Coast Line on Art and Anti-Colonialism; the issue consists mostly of transcripts from events held during the Anti-Colonial Art Contest at Simon Fraser University between November 2004 and February 2005.

Abstract:

The French history of St. Louis begins with P(a)in-Cour(t), a colonial outpost subordinate to Quebec City. The memory of this first name lived on while its rationale became a challenge and left scholars with unconvincing anecdotes. Significant evidence can however be found in eighteenth-century Canada, which provided St. Louis with most of its original settlers. This paper recalls the St. Lawrence Valley's initial influence on the Illinois country and reverses a tradition of toponomical oversight. Classified as Missouri idiosyncrasies, the names P(a)in-Cour(t) and Vide-Poche relate instead with an identical pair uncovered in the ancient parish records of the Kamouraska seigneurie. The relevance of this finding goes both ways, for onomastic studies in Canada were unaware of these names' reality. Further investigation in Canada and France sheds an additional light from a varied dataset and discovers to P(a)in-Cour(t) distinct evolutions that feed into the hypothesis of an ancient lexical confusion.

Résumé:

L'histoire française de Saint-Louis débute sous la dépendance de Québec par l'émergence d'un poste colonial appelé P(a)in-Cour(t). Ce premier nom a vite présenté une énigme historique aux États-Unis et embarrassé les analyses d'explications anecdotiques. Des indices reposaient cependant dans le Canada du XVIIIe siècle, d'où provenaient en majorité les pionniers de Saint-Louis. Traditionnellement négligée, l'influence de la vallée du Saint-Laurent sur celle du Mississippi s'exprime par leur parenté toponymique. Les noms P(a)in-Cour(t) et Vide-Poche, perçus comme des créations propres au Pays des Illinois, renvoient en vérité à de vieux noms de lieux laurentiens. La saillance de cette paire toponymique au Missouri a favorisé leur identification inédite dans les registres paroissiaux de Kamouraska contemporains du peuplement canadien aux Illinois. Le prolongement de cette recherche au Canada et en France apporte des données originales à la compréhension du nom P(a)in-Cour(t) et invite l'hypothèse d'origines multiples susceptibles d'avoir anciennement nourri une confusion lexicale.

A history of deportation in Canada from the early years of Acadian forced relocation to modern-day rendition.

Topics covered include: Acadian forced removal, deportations from War of1812, Nineteenth century extradition to the U.S., morality-based deportation of women and men, deportation of immigrant activists early 20th century, deportation during the Great Depression, Japanese forced removal during WW2, Cold War deportations, refugee deportations, Anti-terrorism rendition programs

Booklet is forthcoming in 2017 and part of the “Immigration and
Ethnicity in Canada /l’immigration et l’ethnicité au Canada” booklet series. Canadian Historical Association (CHA).

National liberation revolution in Canada ought to be viewed as a pinnacle of independence movement in British North America provinces. The article reveals political, economic and social backgrounds of the revolution, points out the distribution of political influence in the country. The author renders the essence of significant documents of the juncture.

The Canadian government persists in funding Ukrainian ethnonationalist groups and their cultural centres.  These centres are the location of ritualistic commemorations, portraits, statues and other symbolic means used to glorify fascist WWII political and military leaders and veterans of Nazi-collaborating military formations.
See for example, a sidebar on the glorification of Roman Shukhevych
https://coat.ncf.ca/P4C/70/70_51.htm

The global cult of Stepan Bandera is represented in Canada by the League of Ukrainian Canadians (LUC). It was formed in 1949 by activists loyal to his faction of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN-B). LUC joined the Ukrainian Canadian Congress (UCC) in 1959 and has dominated its leadership for decades. LUC affiliates include the Ukrainian Youth Association (UYA) and the Society of Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) Veterans. By 1990, LUC had 57 local chapters (with 38 in Ontario), and 15 cultural centres. 1 These centres, often funded by government, besides having great practical value, are also powerful unifying symbols of this community's far-right politics.

Canada's Bandera youth
LUC centres often focus on aiding the Bandera youth movement. Structured along military lines, the UYA scouting movement 2 was begun in the 1920s by fascist Ukrainians fighting an "armed struggle against the forces of Bolshevism." 3 In 2016, a UYA event at Montreal's Ukrainian Youth Centre praised former UCC presidents Paul Grod (2007-18) and Eugene Czolij (1998-2004) as "lifelong members and products of growing up within the ranks of UYA." 4 Both have led the World Ukrainian Congress (WUC), 5 a Toronto-based global network of Banderite front groups. Formerly called the World Congress of Free Ukrainians, it worked closely with the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN). LUC "prides itself on being one of the principle founding members" of WUC and gave it "three consecutive secretaries-general." 6

In 2015, Canada's government gave $70,000 to the Ukrainian Youth Centre in Calgary. Photos of the UYA's national leadership conference there show the centre's portraits of OUN(B) fascist military leaders Stepan Bandera and Yevhen Konovalets. 7 The latter was an OUN leader (1929-38) who commanded its military organization in the 1930s. Having met Hitler in 1933, he pushed for Nazi policies in East Europe. Ukrainian Cultural Centres in Toronto Ukrainian Cultural Centre in downtown Toronto housed offices of the UYA and Homin Ukrainy (Ukrainian Echo), LUC's government-funded paper launched by OUN(B) activists in 1948. 8 From 1960 until its 2015 sale, it hosted many LUC meetings, banquets and artistic events. Neighbouring Etobicoke also boasts a Ukrainian centre. In 2012, it hosted a national UYA event honouring the birth of Yaroslav Stetsko, a leader of the OUN(B), the ABN and the World AntiCommunist League. Uniformed youth marched in formation carrying Stetsko's portrait, Ukrainian flags and the battle flag of Bandera's fascist army. 9 (See p.49.) For the UYA's 65th anniversary in 2013, then-UCC Pres. Paul Grod posed with youth activists from across Canada. (See photo above.) Other photos from this event show that the Etobicoke centre also gives pride of place to portraits of Stetsko and Yevhen Konovalets. 10

It is interesting that the story of how Joseph Smith became a founder of Smith's Cove includes an agreement being made by him with the father of a Patriot soldier,  Joseph Potter, Jr.  When Joseph Smith arrived in the area in 1783 with other Loyalists as refugees from New York after the American Revolution his ship lay in the Annapolis Basin, off of Digby.  His wife and family accompanied him along with a few household items which they had been permitted to bring. They remained on the ship through the winter and in the Spring he walked to Halifax, approximately a distance of 230 kilometers, to receive his land grant.  It is recorded he received 350 acres in Clements.
The land  Joseph Smith received was in present day Upper Clements.  Soon after receiving this grant he made an agreement to exchange it with Joseph Potter, Jr., a pre -- Loyalist settler in Smith's Cove. This land was exchanged for lot 10 of the Hoar Grant, named after Colonel Jonathan Hoar who received large grants of land in the area which included what would become Smith's Cove.  He served in the French and Indian War and was elected the first representative of the County of Annapolis in 1759.

The article uses the diplomatic efforts of John Brant and Robert Kerr to negotiate land claims with the Colonial Office in 1822 on behalf of the Grand River Six Nations, while presenting themselves (however problematically) as Mohawk indigenous modernizers, as a case study in the complicated interaction between colonialism and ideas of 'tradition' and 'modernity' in the early nineteenth century. Six Nations efforts to adapt to the colonial economy were frequently stymied by the colonial state's refusal to accommodate Mohawk demands, and in that sense modernity was a discursive trap for indigenous modernizers, not a real route to change. The failure of the diplomatic visit also illustrates the difficulties of negotiation in a changing colonial context in which indigenous peoples were increasingly seen as wards of the settler state rather than imperial military allies. Nonetheless, Grand River community members consistently tried to use both 'modernist' and 'traditionalist' strategies to defend indigenous sovereignty, whatever their internal disagreements over assimilation policies and economic options.

Głoszenie Ewangelii na rozległych kanadyjskich „Terytoriach Północno-Zachodnich”, wpisało się mocno w historię Zgromadzenia Misjonarzy Oblatów Maryi Niepokalanej. Na początku XIX w. ten ogromny teren był zaludniony jedynie przez nielicznych Indian, Metysów, białych traperów, urzędników z rywalizujących ze sobą handlowych Kompanii Zatoki Hudsońskiej i Kompanii Północno-Zachodniej oraz przez Inuitów (Eskimosów).

Książka podsumowuje i dokumentuje pracę polskich oblatów, osadzając ją w szerokim kontekście misji zgromadzenia wśród kanadyjskich Indian i Inuitów. Do tego celu wykorzystano dane z archiwów zakonnych i kościelnych w Edmontonie, Ottawie, Rzymie i Poznaniu. Odwoływano się także do publikowanych i niepublikowanych listów misjonarzy, osobistej korespondencji autora publikacji z wieloma z nich oraz licznych wywiadów, przeprowadzonych przez autora i innych badaczy. Z rozmysłem wiele miejsca dano obszernym wypowiedziom misjonarzy, które mają wprowadzać w klimat ich pracy, ale także naświetlać suche dane i fakty z ich życia. Dotyczy to zwłaszcza bogatej pracy o. Leona Mokwy.