False Flag Operations

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

International Relations (IR) scholars uncritically accept the official narrative regarding the events of 9/11 and refuse to examine the massive body of evidence generated by the 9/11 truth movement. Nevertheless, as calls for a new inquiry into the events of 9/11 continue to mount, with theInternational 9/11 Consensus Panel and World Trade Centre Building 7 Evaluation inquiries havingrecently published their findings, and with a U.S. Federal Grand Jury on 9/11 having been announced,now would be an opportune moment for IR scholars to start taking the claims of 9/11 truth seri-ously. A survey of the 9/11 truth literature reveals that the official 9/11 narrative cannot be sup-ported at multiple levels. Two planes did not bring down three towers in New York. There is nohard evidence that Muslims were responsible for 9/11 other than in a patsy capacity. Various U.S.government agencies appear to have had foreknowledge of the events and to have covered upevidence. Important questions regarding the hijacked planes need answering, as do questions aboutthe complicity of the mainstream media in 9/11. IR scholars avoid looking at evidence regarding theevents of 9/11 for several reasons. They may be taken in by the weaponized term, “conspiracytheory.” A taboo on questioning the ruling structures of society means that individuals do not wishto fall outside the spectrum of acceptable opinion. Entertaining the possibility that 9/11 was a falseflag requires Westerners to reject fundamental assumptions that they have been socialized to acceptsince birth. The “War on Terror” has created a neo-McCarthyite environment in which freedom tospeak out has been stifled. Yet, if IR scholars are serious about truth, the first place they need to startis 9/11 truth.

This 3 minute-long online video appendix shows shooting from directions of Maidan-controlled buildings and areas in directions of Maidan protesters during the Maidan massacre in Kyiv in Ukraine on February 20, 2014 and a massacre of Maidan protesters in Khmelnytskyi on February 19, 2014. The bullet trajectories are made clearly apparent by means of the latent content analysis of well-known videos of these massacres. The latent content analysis of the videos with help of slow motion and zooming along with photos of these bullet holes visually shows trajectories of bullets from Maidan-controlled buildings and areas located on the side and in the back of the protesters, while the police was on the ground level in front of them. The latent content analysis reveals the bullet impact points, their sequence, and vertical and horizontal directions. It visually shows for the first time flying bullets, debris, and bullet casings in the videos at the same time when these videos filmed killing and wounding of many Maidan protesters in the same spots.
              This video appendix is created from brief segments of videos and from photos for research purposes to illustrate findings of the academic studies of the Maidan massacre (Katchanovski, 2015, 2017/2018). Various segments of these videos were shown to estimated several hundred million people by major television networks in at least several dozen countries, including Ukraine, the US, the Canada, Germany, France, Poland, Italy, Russia, and Japan, and on various websites and social media sites. These videos were presented by the Ukrainian and Western media and the official investigation in Ukraine as evidence that the protesters were massacred by the Berkut police.
            The content analysis findings are consistent with results of forensic medical examinations, which were made public during the Maidan massacre trial and which revealed that the absolute majority of killed and wounded protesters were shot from top and side or back directions. They are also consistent with videos of “snipers” and spotters in these buildings, and with military prosecutor office investigation finding that a 71-old female protester was killed and a number of other protesters in Khmelnytskyi were wounded from the Security Service of Ukraine headquarters veranda, when it was occupied by Maidan protesters (Video appendix A). Similarly, more than 200 witnesses, primarily Maidan protesters, testified publicly in the Maidan massacre trial, mass media, and social media about “snipers” in these Maidan-controlled buildings and areas. In particular, 40 wounded protesters testified publicly about being shot from these locations and about “snipers” there (Video appendix B). The official investigation denies that there were any “snipers” in these buildings.

This isn’t for everyone, but should be read by all. If you have loved ones, it is not worth the risk to brush this off as mere conspiracy. If you’re an intelligent person, you will read to the end and consider the information provided before making judgements.

Le partenariat transatlantique de commerce et d'investissement (« Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership ») mériterait plus d’attention qu’on ne lui accorde, et pour cause. D’abord, les négociations entre l'Union européenne et les États-Unis ne sont ni plus ni moins que secrètes et ce qui en filtre demande un travail de traduction qui n’est pas à la portée du non spécialiste. Lorsque les médias à l’ordre interrompent brièvement leur silence à son propos, ils se font un devoir de reprendre le mantra néolibéral. Aucun dissensus n’est admis, ce qui n’est pas bon signe non plus. Ensuite, ses profondes racines ne sont plus connues. Enfin, il faut savoir que cet accord en cours de négociation n’est pas simplement « commercial » et qu’il n’est d’ailleurs pas vraiment un accord au sens où il instaurerait un « partenariat ». On se dirige toutes voiles dehors vers la servitude volontaire.

This book, written in remarkably short order between March and October 2020, offers a highly sophisticated theorisation of the central problem of our time: intelligence crime. This is transnational crime committed by shadowy actors in the highest echelons of power who know how to manipulate national security apparatuses to advance agendas that benefit themselves while inflicting near unimaginable harm on others. Committed on a scale almost defying comprehension, yet somehow remaining 'invisible', unpunished and under-analysed, intelligence crime and the means of its concealment have attracted far too little scholarly attention. In Blurring Intelligence Crime, Willem de Lint makes a vital contribution to remedying that problem.

Уважаеми труженици на Правото и защитници на Справедливостта, salvete! Обръщам се към вас като последна инстанция, която би могла с реакцията си да спомогне поне мъничко за измъкването на катастрофиралата българска каруца от блатото, в което е попаднала. Има няколко казуса, които ще ви представя поединично, по които на България е нужна спешно вашата помощ.

As a historian of psychology, a Quaker, and a returned Peace Corps volunteer, I tremble at the possibility of evil in my government and its major military-industrial lobbies. The major media have cooperated by keeping the carnage of our two recent wars of aggression off the television and the front page. Naturally, they have also squelched 9/11 truth, though it continually bubbles to the surface through Internet and movies.

This analysis does not represent neither Western, nor Ukrainian or Russian official views concerning the Kerch Straight incident, its legal background, or future conflict scenarios. It is an expert analysis that concentrates on realities. It is not the aim of the analysis to come up with “politically correct” views.

В коллективной монографии проанализированы ключевые проблемы развития европейской интеграции, внешняя и внутренняя политика ряда государств-членов ЕС, а также двусторонние отношения Российской Федерации с европейскими странами на современном этапе.
Издание предназначено для широкого круга специалистов в области международных отношений, преподавателей, аспирантов, студентов профильных вузов, а также для всех интересующихся данной тематикой.

A complete depoliticisation of the Skripal case might not be possible at all in a serious analysis. Policy issues must be taken into consideration and the boundaries between policy and political issues are not easy to see. However, an attempt to depoliticise the Skripal case might be helpful when:
(a) We intend to complete an analysis independent to the maximum extent possible.
(b) An emphasis is put on the analysis of the events, rather than high level interpretations.

This essay examines the traumas inflicted by acts of false-flag state terrorism on 11 September 2001, and their concealment by exploitation of mythicist falsifications that are endemic to our culture – while also paying particular attention to parallels between the staging of explosive demolitions for the WTC Towers and gutting of the Reichstag by Nazi incendiaries in 1933. The study culminates in a depiction – based on heuristic distinctions between natural, gnomic, alethic and personal wills – of how we become vulnerable to mythicist falsifications, and how truth-telling facilitates recovery of our moral integrity after the twin traumas of betrayal by acts of state terror, and complicity with that betrayal, have deeply compromised it.