European Counter-Revolution

This article is to analyze the processes of the revolutionary disintegration of the Empires and the emergence of Bolshevism and the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire and Austro-Hungary, as the historical phenomena.
The monarchist counter- revolution in Central and Eastern Europe emerged in Russia, Finland, and Hungary as a response to Bolshevism. The factors of the emergence of the monarchist counter-revolution were the following: the existence of strong monarchist traditions in the societies, the presence of the charismatic political and military leaders with monarchist views, and international military support (intervention) from the neighboring monarchies (the German Empire, the Kingdom of Sweden, the Kingdom of Romania).
The peak of the monarchist counter-revolution in the former Russian Empire took place during the Brest- Litovsk system of international relations, where Germany played the dominant role. Consequently, the defeat of Germany in the First World War automatically led to the collapse of the Brest-Litovsk system and the monarchist counter-revolution in Russia. Although, the monarchist counter-revolution won in Hungary due to the Romanian intervention but the Kingdom of Hungary remained without a king because of the Allies’ pressure. Thus, the monarchist Brest-Litovsk system was replaced by the republican Versailles system (in Eastern European case – Tartu-Riga system).

Contrarrevolución es más que un libro sobre la historia de la primera guerra carlista en Aragón y el norte de Valencia. Propone un modelo de explicación del fenómeno insurreccional carlista, en el contexto de los movimientos contrarrevolucionarios que agitaron Europa después de la Revolución francesa. Se adentra en el contexto económico que rodeó a las tierras con una especialización agrícola basada en el oliva a comienzos del siglo XIX. Ahonda en la insurrección realistas contra el régimen constitucional del Trienio Liberal (1820-1840), que supuso todo un ensayo general de la guerra carlista. Estudia la evolución política y social que propició el estallido de otro conflicto mucho mayor diez años más tarde: la primera guerra carlista.
Desarrolla también el estudio pormenorizado de la primera guerra carlista (1833-1840) en uno de los dos focos principales de la península: el Maestrazgo. Y atiende a las circunstancias que permitieron la consolidación en el poder del principal de sus jefes militares: Ramón Cabrera y Griñó.
La parte final está destinada a profundizar en la naturaleza social del movimiento, perfilando las características de los cuadros dirigentes de la insurrección y estableciendo el perfil social de los componentes que nutrieron las filas del carlismo con las armas en la mano, así como las razones que les llevaron a participar en la guerra y las circunstancias que les rodearon.

STUDI RISORGIMENTALI VITTORIO FROSINI, Breve storia della critica al marxismo in Italia MARIO CONDORELLI, Stato e Chiesa nella rivoluzione siciliana del 1848 ROSARIO ROMEO, Il giudizio storico sul Risorgimento ENzO SCIACCA, Riflessi del Costituzionalismo Europeo in Sicilia RUGGERO MOSCATI, Risorgimento Liberale DENIS MACk SMITh, Da Cavour a Mussolini VITTORIO FROSINI, Il Risorgimento e l'Europa FERNANDO MANzOTTI, Esperienze risorgimentali GAETANO MOSCA, Il tramonto dello stato liberale VITTORIO FROSINI, Intellettuali e politici del Risorgimento NOEL BLAkISTON, Italiani e Inglesi nel Risorgimento VLADIRNIR NEVLER, La Russia e il Risorgimento ALBERTO M. GhISALBERTI, Uomini e cose del Risorgimento e dopo MARIO CONDORELLI, La Cultura Giuridica in Sicilia GIUSEppE ASTUTO, Garibaldi e la rivoluzione del 1860 GIUSEppE ASTUTO, Cavour con la rivoluzione e la diplomazia SEBASTIANO ANGELO GRANATA L'Intendente e la Città Pietro Settimo tra borbonici e liberali ,, 37 CHIARA MARIA PULVIRENTI Il Risorgimento all'Università Professori e studenti tra cattedre e barricate ,, 65 MARIA GRAZIA PANEBIANCO Patrioti in rete nell'area ionico-etnea Dalla rivoluzione verso l'unificazione ,, 89 GIUSEPPE BARONE Borbonici e garibaldini nel 1860 La "battaglia" di Catania nelle carte del generale Clary ,, 135 MARGHERITA BONOMO Donne fuori dall'ombra: la Sicilia del 1860 nel carteggio fra la marchesina di San Giuliano e il principe di Cassaro ,, 159 ALESSIA FACINEROSO LA CITTÀ DEI "VINTI" LE TRAME DELLA COSPIRAZIONE BORBONICA 15 gennaio 1865. Lo scalpitio dei cavalli rompe la quiete della notte di Catania, propagando per le strade della città l'eco di una corsa forsennata, il presagio di una minaccia che incombe. È un corteo animato quello che parte dalla caserma di Polizia, in piazza Stesicorea, per poi dissolversi in mille rivoli diversi, fino a interrompere la marcia dinanzi alle dimore del sospetto.

Mit ungetrübtem Bekennermut posaunt der Klappentext des vorliegenden Buchs seine Parteinahme für die Aufklärung hinaus: „Die Vernunft,“ heißt es hier, „kann nur die Oberhand gewinnen, wenn sie ihre Gegner kennt.“ Wie versprochen macht Karl-Heinz Ott, preisgekrönter Romancier und Essayist aus Württemberg, im so beworbenen Band den Vernunftfeinden die Hölle heiß. Die häppchenweise servierten Kurzkapitel, die Ott dabei liefert, fügen sich jedoch nicht zu der im Untertitel angekündigten „Geschichte des reaktionären Denkens.“

Mythography and history of the unification plebiscites in the Two Sicilies

The paper is a critical investigation of the origins and fortunes (including recent developments) of the discourse of delegitimisation of the unification plebiscites carried out on the 21st and 22nd October 1860 in the Two Sicilies. It pays particular attention to the case study of the mainland provinces of the ex-Bourbon Reign. The intent is to consider these voting practices as an historically unique method of political apprenticeship and mobilisation of the popular classes. The profile of these practices was as much participative and inclusive (including subjects who were normally excluded from the electoral body, such as women and minors) as it was holistic, nondeliberative and marked by a personalisation of politics that was incarnated in monocratic and charismatic figures. An adequate understanding of the southern plebiscite must not ignore, firstly, an analysis that is positioned in the context of the coeval and subsequent analogue experiences in Europe (and more generally the democratised electoral dynamics between the 18th and 19th centuries). Secondly, it must be read from the perspective of the long and articulated process of “electoral civilisation”, that is, the definition of the technology and practices of suffrage intended to preclude political violence, channelling and ordering the otherwise broken exercise of popular sovereignty.

Apesar de existir abundante literatura científica e trabalhos académicos sobre o miguelismo e sobre o reinado de D. Miguel (1828-1834), continua a faltar uma análise detalhada e fundamentada de quem foram os ministros que serviram sob a regência e realeza de facto desse monarca.
Trabalho inédito, lido a 18 de Novembro de 2015 na Faculdade de Letras de Lisboa, no âmbito do Seminário Internacional Culturas y discursos monárquicos en las monarquías ibéricas en el tránsito del Antiguo Régimen al liberalismo, organizado pelo Centro de História da Universidade de Lisboa, Professores Ana Leal de Faria e José Manuel Damião Rodrigues (Lisboa, 17-19 de Novembro de 2015)

En el paisaje sentimental de los zaragozanos, la Virgen del Pilar ocupa un lugar especial. Lejos de la ilusión de inmovilidad que caracteriza los relatos de la tradición, su significado ha cambiado a lo largo del tiempo, adaptándose a las diversas coyunturas históricas. Desde la guerra de la Independencia hasta el franquismo, su imagen ha sido utilizada para legitimar discursos políticos, suscitar emociones, señalar al enemigo, movilizar a la población o construir una visión de la comunidad nacional. Entre los usos de la Virgen del Pilar sobresale el realizado por el nacionalcatolicismo, que se sirvió de esta devoción para apoyar proyectos autoritarios como los de Primo de Rivera o Franco.

Guerre de Vendée et chouanneries sont similaires et différentes. L'habitude est de s'interroger sur leurs natures, alors qu'il convient plutôt de comprendre que ce fut l'intervention de l'Etat qui ne fut pas identique et qu'elle dépendit essentiellement du contexte politique national. Cet article plaide, encore, pour la prise en considération des jeux politiciens dans la création des événements et donc dans la constitution de tournants mémoriels.

No seguimento de capítulos de livros e de papers dedicados aos moderados e ultras na regência e reinado de D. Miguel, proponho agora abordar o posicionamento ideológico de José Agostinho de Macedo e de outros ultra-realistas desse tempo. Esta facção ou partido, conforme designações da época, teve em Macedo e no seu protector Frei Fortunato de São Boaventura dois polemistas de primeira água, no conde de Basto e no marquês de Chaves indefectíveis líderes e em António Ribeiro Saraiva um cripto-diplomata e memorialista de assinalável longevidade

The essay analyses the development of Joseph de Maistre’s ideas on war and peace. Commonly seen as advocating militarism and bloodshed, Maistre’s insights and propositions on the nature of war are in fact highly modern and original. As a witness to the European upheaval of 1792-1815, Maistre emphasizes the indeterminacy and unpredictability of modern war, and its irreducibility to a science or a doctrine. In order to regulate and restrain warfare, Maistre argues, it is necessary to cultivate public opinion, an elusive and difficult process which can only be only sustained by informal cultural institutions. The essay also examines the legacy of Maistre’s ideas on war and peace in political thought.

If the Counter-Revolution could be seen as a phenomenon common in Europe, each country possess its own history. France counter-revolution is specific due to its birth during the French Revolution and its links with the Old Regime inspiring a long disdain in the French historiography. No real place was given to the French “contre-révolutionnaires” and their historians in the building of our nation and in the “lieux de mémoire”, except the Vendée. It is necessary to reintroduce the complexity of Counter-Revolution in the whole French historiography of the revolutionary period to understand why and how counter-revolutionary culture remains and is at the core of the French national history.
Publié dans Musée du Carlisme IV Jornadas de Estudio del Carlismo, Estella, 2001.

La Revolución francesa tuvo un impacto brutal en la conciencia de los coetáneos. Los acontecimientos se sucedían a tal velocidad que generaban una sensación de que el tiempo se aceleraba. Para algunos autores, esto produciría a su vez una nueva manera de entender las relaciones del sujeto histórico con el pasado, el presente y el futuro; un nuevo régimen de historicidad. Sin embargo, a partir de la interpretación contrarrevolucionaria de los tiempos presentes veremos cómo más bien tendríamos que hablar de la coexistencia y adaptación de diversos regímenes de historicidad. Las guerras revolucionarias generaron un clima en el que se cruzaban la esperanza, el miedo y la incertidumbre favoreciendo que los discursos religiosos adquirieran una tonalidad mesiánico-apocalíptica. La necesidad de seguridad y protección reactivó un poderoso imaginario simbólico que permanecía latente dentro de la propia cultura cristiana. En este contexto, los contrarrevolucionarios intentaron comprender los tiempos presentes a través de unos marcos culturales tradicionales, recurriendo a la historia magistra vitae y la interpretación figural como mecanismos explicativos.

La dernière guerre de Vendée est trop souvent réduite à « l'épopée romantique » de la duchesse de Berry. Les insurrections légitimistes, menées par les partisans de Charles X et d'Henri V, entre 1830 et 1840, suscitent un fourmillement qui mobilise l'Ouest et a des répercussions dans toute l'Europe. La mobilisation populaire est ainsi prise en compte et présentée d'une façon inédite. C'est un pan de l'histoire nationale, souvent oubliée, qui est présenté ici.

The publication of Nicola Spedalieri's "De' diritti dell'uomo" ("On the Rights of Man") in 1791 marked a turning point in the relationship between Catholicism and modern political culture. While after the outbreak of the French Revolution many Catholic intellectuals sided with the Counterrevolution and a scattered few others openly embraced the new order, Spedalieri chose a different path. Profoundly convinced of the need to come to terms with the spirit of the century in order to defend Catholicism, in his work Spedalieri selectively appropriated key terms and concepts of Enlightenment and revolutionary culture, such as the social contract and the rights of man, in the attempt of neutralizing their most radical features. Purporting to speak "as a pure philosopher," Spedalieri bet that only by speaking the same language of the enemies of religion he could provide a persuasive demonstration that religion had still a fundamental part to play in the post-revolutionary world, and that society and the state should be re-Christianized. In other words, Spedalieri suggested that Catholic culture should incorporate elements of modernity in order to better fight modernity itself and its most dangerous offshoot, secularization. This paper analyzes the debate sparked by the publication of Spedalieri's work as well as its long-term implications for Catholic intellectuals in the modern era.

liberalism and counter-revolution, Portugal, 19th century
Portugal at war: the miguelist anti-liberal reaction (19th century)
Portugal en la guerra: la reacción antiliberal miguelista del siglo XIX
Le Portugal en guerre: la réaction migueliste anti-libérale du XIXe siècle

... Fernando VII em Espanha (Herrero 388), D. Miguel tornara-se, mais do que o titular do absolutismo politico, o messias, o libertador ... Um desses simbolos ea bandeira.7 Os inimigos da patria sao tambem, "naturalmente", osque mudam esse sim-bolo, como habilmente nao se ...

Théoricien de la Contre-Révolution, Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821) a développé une pensée sur le destin de l’Europe post-révolutionnaire. Comme son contemporain Louis de Bonald, il entrevoit la régénération du continent après le chaos de la Révolution. Le rétablissement d’un équilibre européen va de pair avec la restauration des monarchies, mais il accorde à la religion un rôle majeur : le catholicisme constitue un rempart contre le despotisme et le ciment de la réconciliation des nations ; la papauté, parce qu’elle est aussi une monarchie spirituelle, porteuse d’éternité, transcende l’unité politique et religieuse de l’Europe. Ainsi, le modèle européen de De Maistre est organisé en entier autour de la souveraineté pontificale.
https://ehne.fr/article/epistemologie-du-politique/les-intellectuels-et-leurope/leurope-vue-par-joseph-de-maistre

Parmi les penseurs conservateurs, le théoricien français de la Contre-Révolution Louis de Bonald (1754-1840) a développé une conception originale de l’histoire de l’Europe et de son destin. En effet, la Révolution française constitue pour lui le point de départ d’une régénération nécessaire du continent et d’une reconstruction autour d’un projet commun. En particulier, elle doit, d’une part, conduire à une reconfiguration territoriale des États sur la base des frontières naturelles, et permettre, d’autre part, de retrouver une unité religieuse appuyée sur l’Église de Rome. La France est appelée à devenir une nation-pilote : par la Révolution, elle a jeté l’Europe dans le chaos ; la régénération du pays va lui permettre d’assumer le rôle de guide vertueux.
https://ehne.fr/article/epistemologie-du-politique/les-intellectuels-et-leurope/leurope-vue-par-louis-de-bonald

If the Counter-Revolution could be seen as a phenomenon common in Europe, each country possess its own history. France counter-revolution is specific due to its birth during the French Revolution and its links with the Old Regime inspiring a long disdain in the French historiography. No real place was given to the French " contre-révolutionnaires " and their historians in the building of our nation and in the " lieux de mémoire " , except the Vendée. It is necessary to reintroduce the complexity of Counter-Revolution in the whole French historiography of the revolutionary period to understand why and how counter-revolutionary culture remains and is at the core of the French national history. Dans un colloque consacré à la Contre-Révolution, le risque est d'employer des mots dont les sens sont différents d'un pays à une autre, simplement parce que l'histoire politique n'a rien à voir d'un côté à l'autre des Pyrénées. L'objectif de cette intervention est d'éclairer ce qui semblent être les caractéristiques de la Contre-révolution en France : sa naissance particulière, sa longue histoire, les débats qui lui sont attachés, et les évolutions récentes, en insistant finalement sur sa dimension esthétique qui a contribué à la rendre populaire. 1-La Contre-Révolution marginale et influente La Contre-Révolution occupe, en 2010, une place paradoxale dans les études historiques en France. Peu étudiée, mal définie, il n'existe aucun accord véritable sur sa nature et son rôle dans les deux siècles précédents. Pourtant en acceptant d'emblée le flou attaché au mot, il est difficile de ne pas

Publié en 2011, IV Jornadas de Estudio del Carlismo, Musée du Carlisme, Estella (Espagne).

This paper focuses on the ways Catholic writers conceived the war against revolutionary France as a crusade—a war fought by all the Catholic powers in defense of their religion and formally sanctioned by the pope. The idea of an international mobilization against the French Revolution came to the fore as early as 1791 in the works of counterrevolutionary writers as Edmund Burke and the François Dominique de Montlosier. Catholic writers, too, had already taken issue with the revolutionary principles, but it was only in 1793-94 that the idea of a war of religion against France—meant both to stop the spreading of revolutionary principles throughout Europe and to halt the process of dechristianization promoted by the Jacobins in France—was explicitly formulated and gained currency among Catholic thinkers. In Spain, in particular, priests and bishops openly defined the War of the Pyrenees against France as a religious conflict and exhorted the faithful to take up arms in defense of both their king and their religion. Highly influenced by the works of Spanish counterrevolutionary authors, in 1794 a Catalan former Jesuit, Francisco Gustà, who had taken shelter in the Papal States after the suppression of the Society of Jesus, published in Italian his Critical Essay on the Crusades. In the Essay, after challenging the negative judgement on medieval crusades formulated by enlightened historians during the eighteenth century, Gustà explicitly exhorted Pope Pius VI to launch a modern crusade against revolutionary France. Even though the pope never resolved to recognize the war against France as a religious conflict, Gustà’s ideas met with great success in the Catholic world. Crusade, this paper argues, became one of the catchwords of Catholic counterrevolutionary thought, because it provided the struggle against the Revolution with both a modern means—mass mobilization—and an anti-modern, alternative sociopolitical model—medieval Christianity. In the following years, and in particular after the French invasion of the Italian Peninsula in 1796, Austrian and Neapolitan diplomats repeatedly, though unsuccessfully, urged the pope to launch the crusade. Most importantly, Italian Catholic priests effectively popularized Gustà’s ideas, which provided the ideological foundations for the victorious Italian counterrevolutionary insurrections of 1799. Thus, this paper sheds new light on the circulation of counterrevolutionary ideas across both national borders and social barriers and on the origins of Catholic medievalism—a crucial component of the ideological struggle between the Catholic church and modernity.

press and political life (1820-1834) portugal. Liberalism and counter-revolution

Imprensa e política: alguns dados sobre a imprensa periódica portuguesa durante as lutas liberais (1820-1834) /
Press and politics: the Periodic Portuguese Press during the Liberal Struggles (1820-1834) /
Prensa y política: algunos datos sobre la prensa periódica portuguesa durante las guerras liberales (1820-1834) /
Presse et politique: quelques données sur la presse portugaise périodique pendant les luttes libérales (1820-1834)