Development Induced Displacement

Displacements often cause umpteen hardships to the victims of the lower strata of the society, who find limited access to the resources, offered to them by the facilitating agencies. While voluntary displacements are amiable in nature, involuntary displacements are the real causes of serious concern. Often people loose their rights in the entire process due to their ignorance. This ignorance costs them much in long run. Again the dubious intentions of other stake holders sometimes play role against these people interest. The case study on industrial displacements undertaken in this book is from state of Odisha, India which exposed to various procedural functions and its side effects on people. Hope the results will benefit the researchers and policy makers in future for similar kind of initiatives.This book is a part of the doctoral research work of first author, under the supervision and guidance of other two authors.

Research studies on climate migrants from coastal areas has been extensive , yet the connections between vulnerability and forced displacement are not well covered. This study is aimed first to assess the linkages between people’s livelihood vulnerability and their intention for outmigration from the coast; second, to identify the vulnerability reduction measures, implementation of various means and methods which may reduce the trend of forced migration. Empirical part of this study was conducted in coastal villages of Alleppey District, Kerala.
A total of 100 respondents were randomly interviewed using a semi structured questionnaire. Due to the rise in sea level, respondents were asked about the rising sea level conditions and their measures undertaken by them when the sea level increases enormously. They were asked to identify the nature of livelihood vulnerability which forces them to leave their native areas and they were also asked to identify various vulnerability reduction measures, which can be adopted so as to reduce forced migration. Findings of the study clearly suggest that due to the sea level rise, most of the coastal people are forced to migrate, which has created natural factors induced displacement. This resulted in a clear linkage between mass displacement and sources of livelihood vulnerability. Through the study various vulnerability reduction measures were identified which will reduce forced migration and enhance adaptive capacity. The policy implication is to avoid the occurrence of large scale forced migration from coastal areas and thereby ensuring sustainability.

The large scale development projects like dams have been justified for a greater economic benefit of the nation. However, the development projects have become synonymous with land acquisition leading to dispossession and forced migration of a large number of people and their involuntary resettlement. Unfortunately, too much focus on the economic benefits of such large scale projects has omitted many relevant tangible and intangible socio-cultural aspects and ignored the impacts of development policies that shape forced migrations. The present paper asserts to move beyond the 'limited' economic analysis of large projects and includes the critical social and cultural implications of forced migration and displacement. The paper presents views of respondents displaced from the states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra and were resettled in Gujarat. Perhaps, it is the most unique aspect of this paper to understand the socio-cultural adjustment in context of the spatial origin. The resettlement caused by the Sardar Sarovar Project has led to a change in dress patterns and marriage customs, loss of tribal folk art, destroyed the existing social networks and hindered access to new ones. Increased violence against women, problem of drunkenness and bootlegging at the resettlement sites are also highlighted. The insights in the work are based upon the fieldwork in select resettlement sites in Gujarat. The author adopted participant observation, focus group discussions and key informant interviews as a means for data collection and better comprehension of the study area.

This Committee is of the firm view that allowing mining in the proposed mining lease area by depriving two Primitive Tribal Groups of their rights over the proposed mining site in order to benefit a private company would shake the faith of tribal people in the laws of the land which may have serious consequences for the security and well being of the entire country.

This paper focuses on the politico Historical context of Mapithel dam. The study tries to understand the phenomenon looking at the multiple concepts emerging out from the people's perspectives. Large dams are considered as development ventures in our country India, known for producing hydroelectricity for power, controlling flood, generate water for the irrigation system and navigation purpose. It is observed that Policymakers, development planners, and practitioner frequently overestimate the advantages and think little of the expense and its consequences. The construction of the large dam has caused in many cases extensive loss to the culture, identity, land, forest, river and human life. Introduction: The Post-colonial period in India has marked the coming of neo-liberalism, modernization and globalization. Free markets are created and the flow of global capital is seen everywhere. There is a flow of cheap labour, global capital which has shape the concept of neo-liberalism and modernisation. Industrialization has led to the formation of Capitalist class which has influenced the policy makers and planners of every nation and states. This neo-liberalism and modernization concept has exploited the traditional way of sustainability use of natural resources. The land, river, and forest have become a commodity and profit earning for the elite classes. The exploitation of natural resources not only led to displacement of people but also harm the living species and environment of the region where dam is constructed. The Northeast region of India which was once known as a ‗frontier' with thick forest and stiff mountains have become a gateway to South East Asia countries in this contemporary world. It can be argued that neoliberalism, and globalisation has influence development projects such as construction of industries, dams, coal mining, oil extraction projects in the Northeast region. The implementation of Look east policy in the region will drastically change the region for better or worse. This development projects in the region has led to the displacement, loss of lives, land, river and forest in the region.

The challenges associated with determining fair compensation for expropriated land have been extensively discussed and debated among scholars, practitioners, policymakers, and the public. However, to date, a comprehensive study of national-level compensation procedures established by law considering whether such procedures meet internationally recognized standards on compensation valuation has not been conducted. This article aims to bridge this gap by serving as a reference point and informing " fair compensation " debates among scholars, practitioners, and policymakers. This article examines national-level legal provisions on compensation in 50 countries/regions across Asia, Africa, and Latin America against a set of legal indicators that are based on international standards on the valuation of compensation. The legal indicators focus on the substantive and procedural requirements pertaining to the calculation of compensation. The indicators ask whether laws require asse...

In the final section of the paper, we have made an attempt to analyze the trajectory of the civil society movements in West Bengal which has recently gained momentum in the state centering on land acquisition and SEZ related political violence during and after the Singur and Nandigram episodes. Our analysis show that the civil society movement in West Bengal too is engrossed in either short-term or wider theoretical issues and    lacks    programmes in raising public opinion on the reforms and changes to be made in the existing colonial land acquisition law and its contradictions with land reforms in West Bengal.(362 words) 

Under the circumstances, we would here present two cases of land acquisition for private industries in the wake of liberalization in the West Medinipur district of West Bengal which reveals the changes in the policy of the government which still champions the causes of the small farmers and sharecroppers who formed the vote bank of the left political parties. The case studies also demonstrate the administrative constraints of land acquisition and compensation in general since these are not isolated cases.

The Government of West Bengal has passed a bill on Special Economic Zone in its State Assembly to form SEZs although there was no concrete move on the part of the government to create such zones until 2006. In 2006 a huge area in Nandigram in East Medinipur district was earmarked for a chemical industry and massive peoples’ resistance took place and the government announced that there will be no SEZ in Nandigram. Acquisition of agricultural land for large and medium industries however continues in West Bengal with the colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894. The GoWB for the time being, it seems may not proceed with the creation of SEZ to attract foreign and domestic capital investment but it is not making any move to enact any resettlement and rehabilitation law in its State Assembly in which the ruling Left Front Government is enjoying thrashing majority for the last 30 years. The SEZ Act of the GoWB does not contain any provision for rehabilitation which means that land for SEZ in the State would be acquired by the colonial law.

This paper is a part of the State of Black Baltimore 2015 book published by the Greater Baltimore Urban League.  It examines the impact of racial segregation, disinvestment, development, and serial forced displacement on Black Baltimore neighborhoods.  Organizing and policy solutions are offered to help address the damage caused by racist policies.

You can buy the entire book at this link: http://www.eventbrite.com/e/state-of-black-baltimore-book-tickets-205415403

Learning objectives 1. To understand development ethics as an essential dimension of international development studies, for explanatory work and self-awareness as well as for evaluation and policy design. 2. To recognize issues for values-sensitive thinking about development: in conceptualizing costs and benefits, considering who bears them, and asking which types of change process are legitimate. 3. To become alert to which issues, identities and interests get considered and which get downgraded or ignored. 4. To identify relevant tools in development ethics for description, analysis/evaluation, and action.

Available Online August 2014 Development-induced displacement (DID) affects millions of people per year, a human toll that is often considered the 'price of development' to be 'addressed' through Cernea's Risk Mitigation Model. The model, by its very name, seeks to mitigate the extent of DID and the negative effects thereof. However, this paper will demonstrate that the model is doomed to be inadequate in adequately restoring the livelihoods of displacees, as it leaves unquestioned the structural power imbalances that underpin the selection of development sites and the proposed displacees, who are themselves often already vulnerable and marginalised. Similarly the model imagines tokenistic participation as the only constructive engagement available to displacees, rather than involving the proposed displacees in the process of determining the shape and nature of 'development' in their area.

During the last two decades, Cambridge has experienced a surge of economic growth due to it being recognized as a world-class center for research and technology.  This has resulted in huge job growth and in-migration.  It has also been a town that has restrained housing development in order to maintain its attractive environment and quality of life.  The consequence of this combination of restricted development and economic expansion has been a rise in house prices and displacement of workers from the city into the surrounding areas. 

The aim of this thesis is to use gentrification theory as a framework to analyse these changes and to assess the impact of them on local residents.  The objectives of this are to establish which areas in Cambridge are experiencing socio-economic change regarding inflows and outflows of residents, what are the motivations of those wishing to live in the central city and what are the attitudes and perceptions of those residents who live in the areas experiencing such change.  On the basis of this the research will assess who loses from gentrification and what the policy implications of this are.

Forced displacement and resettlement is a pervasive challenge being contemplated across the social sciences. Scholarly literature, however, often fails to engage complexities of power in understanding socio-environmental interactions in resettlement processes. Addressing Zimbabwe’s Tokwe-Mukosi flood disaster resettlement, we explore hegemonic uses of state power during the pre- and post-flood induced resettlement processes. We examine how state power exercised through local government, financial, and security institutions impacts community vulnerabilities during forced resettlement processes, while furthering capitalist agendas, drawing insights from analysing narratives between 2010 and 2021. Concerns abound that multiple ministries, the police, and the army undermined displaced people’s resilience, including through inadequate compensation, with state institutions neglecting displaced communities during encampment by inadequately meeting physical security, health, educational, an...

This editorial introduction discusses the ways contemporary art has dealt with cultural and physical displacement, spiritual homelessness, migrant and divided identity, issues of indigeneity and cognitive colonization. It focuses on the complexity of the artist's engagement in a world which has not only brought people together across many divides, but has also, in the process, alienated them from each other and from their environment.

How does urban dialogue takes place in a neoliberal metropolis where the preeminent stakeholders have removed the conflict for the sake urban productivity? Exploring New York City’s ongoing rezoning participation processes as an example of a conflict removal process, this research analyzes from a dialectical perspective the roles of the city planning agency, nonprofit technical intermediaries, community-based organizations, and civic movements that work within the urban context, to evaluate their capacity to represent the voice of the inhabitants within these current predatory urban transformations.
The city is also a political construction but, in the present Post-Ideological Urban Planning context, the technocrats have substituted ideologies for methodologies with the excuse of an urgent need for housing supply to apparently alleviate the displacement pressures over the vulnerable ones. The de Blasio’s Neighborhood Plans, or traditionally referred as rezonings, are responding to the intense real estate powers of the globalized financial markets. Therefore, the Department of City Planing has created PLACES, a tool to promote community participation that controls the opposition against these voracious urban transformations and supposedly collects the insight from the same neighbors that will soon be displaced. In addition, local elected officials have created the Mandatory Inclusionary Housing text amendment and the affordable housing program to expedite the launching of these rezonings processes exclusively targeting the underserved areas of the city. Urban transformations do not only deal with academic and professional planning topics; they englobe wide political ideologies that are at the root of these urban propositions.   
Using the term empowerment, these closed participatory framework PLACES aims to attract neighbors in order to legitimize the professionally pre-designed transformations of the built environment. Participation is structured through workshops conceptualized as marketing campaigns that aim to pay lip service to the already exhausted concept of the Right to the City. By dint of the ideology removal, the neighbors’ engagement practices are transformed into simplistic exercises to exclusively “educate” communities in the field of zoning through technocratic lenses. Even though, zoning is not the only available tool for individuals and collectives to oppose the threats against their human rights that neoliberal urbanization is compromising. 
Consequently, with the specific goal of bringing neighbors to the participatory table while also controlling their actions and the outcomes of the process, a philanthrocapitalist complex of foundations, financial institutions, and intermediaries has been recently configurated. Through the establishment of a goal-oriented collaborative fund labeled as Neighborhoods First Fund and its partnership with diverse nonprofit organizations experts in the field of community development designated as Technical Assistants, this philanthropic and technocratic initiative attracts community-based organizations and neighborhood coalitions in need of funding and support. Nevertheless, the financial resources provided also come with the baggage of an apparently unbiased technical assistance, which defines the tools and goals of communities to face the threats of rezoning through the participatory process.
As a result, the economic support provided makes community-based organization dependent and submissive to the imposed guidelines of the partial techno-philanthrocapitalist collaborative throughout the whole rezoning development. At the same time, the other community-based organizations that do not want to be part of these coalitions, are considered “the difficult folks” to diminish their capacities to represent the community and effectively oppose the rezoning. This mechanism avoids the urban “Antagonism”, or dialogue between opposites, through commercial and social taming methods while reducing the emergence of the traditional confrontational urban milieu (Mouffe). The community-based organizations are subordinated to the funders that, through the yearly renewal application for resources, control the behavior of community-based organizations. The neoliberal agenda disguises real estate’s individually designed futures as community shaped compositions and extracts tangible and intangible common assets for their own profit while co-opting public institutions and civil social organizations.
The mission of this research is to discern between independent community action and this techno-philanthrocapitalist complex to interpret from which spaces can emerge the imminent future rebel New York that will protect its citizens from the menaces of the neoliberal voracious urbanization. This research believes that in New York there are “abundant signs” of free social movements materializing across the oppressed areas and an increasing “critical mass” aware of these threats that there is an enormous “political energy available to do it.” (Harvey) Consequently, through the investigation of independent community stakeholders working honestly to represent their communities, this study aims to differentiate between the co-opted associative milieu and the substantial future of urban democracy.

Development-Induced displacement have become a common phenomenon in developing countries where in order to facilitate any infrastructure project, Dam project or any Transportation project, there is a huge displacement that takes place. With the people who struggles through such displacements suffers a wrath of disturbance that can be seen on the social fabric of their society and economic status of their families. Sabarmati Riverfront had accounted a displacement of 11000 such families from the year 2006 to 2010. The displaced families were relocated to 6 different BSUP sites out of which Vatwa accounted to largest number of relocation. With the R&R policy that talked about a healthy compensation to these urban poor, they suffered from a socioeconomic crisis. Formations of places like Hindustan and Paki-stan were also observed in places like Vatwa to places where the majority of people living were Hindus and Muslims. A Municipal politics was also observed during such displacements who insensitively forced involuntary resettlements. It becomes very important for us to understand the socioeconomic impact of Sabarmati River-front on the life of such displaced communities. We did a SocioEconomic survey where we also observed the behavioural changes that came into people when they talked about displacements, government, AMC and people they are surrounded with. We also did interviews with different experts from the field of urban planning, journalism, and legal institutions to get a different view of people regarding such displacements. After doing our survey and interviews , the team across some very astounding findings which is mentioned in our research.

Dams are claimed as symbols of development for their multipurpose utility and contribution to the welfare of mankind. But compulsory displacement caused by dams has raised major issues of social justice and equity. Contextualising the Rawls' general conception of justice and examining the case of the Hirakud dam, this study illustrates how the oustees not only lost their income and wealth but also social goods (liberty, opportunity and the very basis of their self-respect) raising the question of equality and justice. Initiatives to rehabilitate them by the Indian state of Odisha proved to be a total failure because of poor planning and a callous attitude. Better consultations and negotiations with the oustees could have mitigated the risk of their impoverishment; it can be argued that relocation would not have been involuntary. But the government did not consult those whose vital interests were at stake. They could have been resettled and rehabilitated in the irrigated area of the Hirakud dam and would not have lost their only source of income and their self-worth would have received a boost.

Involuntary displacements are more common than ever, and the reasons vary from natural disasters, wars and conflicts to environmental degradation and development-induced displacement. Typically, the victims of these phenomena inhabit the Global South, and are further impoverished due to the lack of having a say where and how to live. The lack of social justice and recognition of social development is typical in large-scale involuntary displacements, and also affects to the abilities of people to reconstruct and recover after resettlement. The linkage between forced migration and risk to impoverishment has been widely acknowledged especially in cases that lack participatory measures and proper compensation for the victims. When the impacts are recognized, it is understood that forced resettlement has effects in the economic, social, and physical spheres of life, and can be a major burden for the urban poor. However, involuntary displacement also disrupts the attachments and constructions of sense of place, which have further impacts on social cohesion. The question of community reorganization is crucial in the context where resettlement is simultaneous and combines various heterogeneous groups.

The aim of this research is to examine the extent and quality of rehabilitation after involuntary displacement in an urban environment in Sri Lanka. The focus in this research is given to women, as gender is a significant factor in resettlement outcomes, yet it is often ignored in planning and implementation. Gender roles and norms in Sri Lanka are still fixed and conventional, making it an interesting approach to study resettlement and rehabilitation and the daily interactions and perceptions on them. A case study for this research took place in four resettlement sites in the outskirts of Colombo Metro Region, Sri Lanka, which is in the midst of significant urban development plans that aim to relocate tens of thousands of slum dwellers in the need to release prime lands for investments, simultaneously beautifying the city and fighting frequent flooding.

The methodological approach applied in this study addresses feminist geography while it looks at rehabilitation measures in the everyday life point of view. It utilized semi-structured interviews of resettled women as a key research method. The case study took place in upgraded underserved settlements that inhabit tsunami-displaced people and development-induced displaced people. Also local experts were interviewed in order to gain a broader understanding of the dynamics and urban policies in the Colombo Metro Region. The case evidences that rehabilitation is a slow process of adaptation, and that physical assets alone cannot improve the livelihoods of slum dwellers. More emphasis should be put into the social relations and community dynamics if participatory measures and development-from-within are to fully deliver. Also full tenure is needed in order to the people to adapt to the mainstream society. For women the question of belonging and reconstructing the sense of place is essential as they spend a lot of their time at home and the immediate environment, and are traditionally in charge of homemaking. Therefore the sense of place and community are essential in the creation of social cohesion and management of the new neighborhood, and along with gender sensitive approaches should not be overlooked if sustainable resettlement is to be pursued as a consequence of ever more crowded cities of the South.

While struggles over land dispossession have recently proliferated across the developing world and become particularly significant in India, this paper argues that existing theories of political agency do not capture the specificity of the politics of dispossession. Based on two years of ethnographic research on anti-dispossession movements across rural India, the paper argues that the dispossession of land creates a specific kind of politics, distinct not just from labor politics, but also from various other forms of peasant politics that have been theorized in the social sciences. It illustrates how the process of land dispossession itself shapes the targets, strategy and tactics, organization, social composition, goals, and ideologies of anti-dispossession struggles. It concludes with reflections on why land conflicts are less easily institutionalized than labor conflicts and may therefore constitute a significantly disruptive force in the emerging centers of global capitalism for the foreseeable future.

The rational politics is essential part of human life to achieve desired goals for the betterment of the society. There is famous saying regarding politics “if politics decides your future then decide what should your politics”. It is clear that political activism decides our fortune in the society to struggle for our due entitlements. Politics is also helpful in making the laws in favour of those who engaged themselves in politics. So, politics become an inseparable part of any community to sustain the life of dignity and higher order. Students are also the part of that larger community who engaged themselves in activities pertaining to the inclusive nature of education system in any county. The campus politics in India has gone through different phases viz. pre independence, post independence, emergency period to Mandal agitations. The write up includes some of the major facets of student’s politics in India. The first section of write up broadly discuss the history of student politics in India and it includes the student movements of pre-independence, post-independence and emergency period to Mandal agitations and students politics of 21st Century. The next part elaborates the intricacies of student politics with inclusive nature higher education and the rights of marginalized by taking insights from students movements of JNU and DU. Further, the write up enshrines the ideologies of some major student unions like AISF, AISA, ABVP and SFI. The last section envisages some of the J.M. Lyngdoh Committee’s Recommendations regarding student union elections in Indian universities which can curtail the student politics and can led to depoliticisation of India universities.

This is a remarkably unique paper of Amitabha Basu written at the fag end of his life. Amitabha Basu was one of the rare breed of Physical/Biological Anthropologists in India with a profound knowledge of Social-Cultural Anthropology and he was utterly conscious about the social responsibility of the anthropologists. This book chapter is a proof of Professor Basu's courage. Being a biological anthropologist he could write so boldly on the hypocrisy of the dominant left politics in Bengal as well as on the bankruptcy of the so called anthropologists in India who remained silent and conscious of building their own career.I feel privileged to see that my student Dr.Arup Majumder and I were the second highest quoted authors in this brilliant article of Amitabha Basu. How many of the google scholar & impact factor happy anthropologists will read this paper?

This article analyses the changing trends of globalization and modernity that transform the social and individual
perceptions. In postcolonial era, globalization proves to be an impetus that precipitates the tension between tradition and modernity. This article studies the competing forces of tradition and modernity as dramatized in Kamila Shamsie’s Salt and Saffron (2000). The novel is a playful account of past memories revisited and preserved by family lore. It is also an appropriation of those traditional views in the modern scene by the members of new generation. Therefore, the novel becomes a microcosm of traditional versus modern values conceived by the family members of Dard-e-dil family. The novel is an effective display of past Muslim cultural and political glory yet it revisits the current issues of identity,
displacement and immigration. The article situates the story of Dard-e-dils within the theoretical context of globalization
and postcolonialism, and reads the flux and change that the Pakistani fiction reflects as it enters a new realm of changed
national, social and individual perception in the post–partition and postcolonial era.

El capítulo justifica el uso de la Historia Oral como forma de investigación para identificar algunos impactos socioambentales que sufren los desplazados y/o los reasentados involuntariamente por proyectos de desarrollo. Se usa el caso del P.H. Zimapán como ejemplo.

THIS paper seeks to understand the dynamics of exclusion and conflict among India’s Ādivāsīs or Scheduled Tribes (STs). At 8.4% of the population, STs are India’s most marginalised socio-economic group (Das 2011; Rath 2006). As double-digit economic growth sweeps India, Ādivāsīs have been largely left behind. Compounding socio-economic marginalisation, STs confront displacement and the undermining of distinctive cultures, identities and ancient livelihood patterns.

As 160 of India’s 604 districts fall prey to a vi
cious conflict, this paper argues that it is not just deprivation or displacement precipitating violence. Recourse to violence is instead prompted by both privation and the manner in which it is perpetuated: through the denial of citizen voice. To make this case, three hypotheses will be tested:

1. Development and rehabilitation policies fail because they do not respond to the felt-needs of tribal communities.
2. These shortcomings reflect the absence of tribal voices in the policy process.
3. Processes of primitive accumulation additionally involve the wilful denial of rights, emasculating tribals both economically and politically.

It is thus posited, a fortiori, that the armed campaign is a tragic response to a more insidious form of violence: a political-economic system in which the costs of rapid industrialisation are borne by marginal groups, who are in turn denied the benefits of this ‘development’ and the means to counter these privations through non-violent forms of resistance.
 

This article will discuss the vulnerabilities of migrants and the specific
challenges they are confronted with. It also presents the opportunities that urban migration brings about and some of the inspiring solutions that are being tested on the ground, including those through migrant participation in planning and management of informal settlements

Development of tribal is very complicated issue for the government as it need full attention from place to place and state to state. However, the problem is that, the government only see the development of tribal issue is only affected due to poverty and most of the programmes and policies implemented either to remove poverty or for the economic development. But the complex is that, there are other factors are also, in which tribal seeking government help to protect and preserve their ethnic identity, language, culture, norms and practices or belief etc. Only economic development would be utterly inadequate as they are face several problem to protect their identity from external influences (dikus and government). Since Independence, development of tribal people has always been an major concern in India. For this, the Indian Government has taken up many challenging tasks by implementing related programmes, policies and provisions from the Constitution. These initiatives have been carried out with an aim to start working from the ground level so as to provide equality and social justice to the underprivileged or scheduled tribe people. The most important rationale and object of such initiatives are to ameliorate their socio-economic conditions. That said, even after 70 year of India’s independence, the conditions of the tribal groups, in most cases, have not seen visible improvements and still constitute a weaker section of the Indian society. This could be seen from ecological, economy and educational angles. It is very unfortunate that the adopted policies, programmes and plans have not seeped deep into these underprivileged sections of the society as they are often squandered by the top echelons of the concerned authorities. For instance, in every five year plan, government of India has made so many policies and programmes to eliminate poverty, illiteracy, equality, employment, prostitution,
trafficking, child labour, bonded labour, untouchability, violence in domestic help, naxalism, land acquisition etc., but all these have remained as mere words on paper without any substantial outcome. With these aspects in mind, I would to analyze all the major policies, programme and constitutional provisions which have been implemented from time to time for the upkeep of the tribal people in India. Furthermore, in this paper, I would like to highlight and discuss the reasons behind the failure of the aforementioned programmes, policies and strategies. As a result of the improper implementation of the mentioned policies, schemes and programmes, the tribal citizens of India have been practically deprived of many civic facilities and are isolated from the modern and civilized way of living since so many decades.
Keywords- Inequalities, Tribal Rights, India, Displacement, health, Illiteracy, Land Alienation

The contributions of the anthropologists towards nation building in the early years after independence of India is still an unexplored research agenda in the social sciences in general and anthropology and sociology in particular. Under this background, an exploration is made in this study to search the contributions of anthropologists towards nation building and it revealed that there were at least five pioneering researches which dealt with the three major challenges confronted by the planners in newly independent India, and the challenges before the nation were famine, resettlement of refugees and industrialisation and big dam building. Apart from methodology, all the five studies have immense contemporary policy relevance.

B.K. Roy Burman (1922-2012) studied Anthropology at the University of Calcutta and like Surajit Sinha he was also trained by T.C.Das Later he was advisor to many governmental committees for the welfare of the scheduled tribes in India.
In 1960 B.K.Roy Burman as Assistant Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India got interested in undertaking an anthropological study on the problems of the tribal and other populations who were displaced by the establishment of the huge public sector steel factory at Rourkela in Orissa. On his suggestion the study of the ‘Social Processes in the Industrialization of Rourkela’ was taken up as a project for being investigated by the Census Organization. The study was carried out by a team under the leadership of Roy Burman and the results were published by him under the Monograph Series of the Census of India, 1961. It is not only the first social impact assessment research on industrialisation in India but one of the pioneering studies on development caused displacement and resettlement at the global level.

The present research study investigates the impact of land acquisition for development on the lives and livelihoods of displaced households from three major development project
sites in Kerala, a state in South India. The projects sites include
Kannur International Airport Ltd (KIAL) at Kannur, Techno City atTrivandrum and International Container Transshipment Terminal (ICTT) at Ernakulam in Kerala1. A total of 227 households were selected randomly from the 555
displaced households of these sites for detailed enquiry using
a validated structured questionnaire. Information on their
loss of physical assets, social assets, livelihood, and food
security were collected to compare their quality of life before
and after displacement. A Quality of Life Index (QLI) of these
households was then constructed using nine parameters: access to land, ownership of residence, quality of housing,
food security, health of family members, employment status,
access
to
basic
infrastructure,
nature
of
community
life
and
extent
of
social
inclusion.
The
major
findings
reveal
that
their
QLI
changed
significantly.
The
statistical
analysis
using
T-­‐test
showed
that
in
each
project
site
it
got
reduced
significantly
(p-­‐value<0.01).
Their
overall
living
conditions
also
showed
that
the
displaced
from
KIAL
had
higher
QLI
compared
to
those
from
ICTT
and
Techno
City.
This
resulting
observation
can
partly
be
explained
due
to
factors
such
as
good
governance
and
unique
community
approaches
of
the
acquisition
agencies.
In
conclusion
we
observed
that
if
the
free
market
mechanism
in
its
urge
to
climb
new
heights
unsettles
the
development
needs
of
the
poor,
the
state
must
definitely
frame
laws
to
prevent
that
and
ensure
adequate
and
timely
resettlement
of
the
victims
of
development.

Development induced displacement or the forced migration in the name of development is affecting more and more people as countries move from developing to developed nations. The people that face such migration are often helpless, suppressed by the power and laws of nations.
The lack of rehabilitation policies for migrants’ means that they are often compensated only monetarily without proper mechanisms for addressing their grievances or political support to improve their livelihoods. It is the main duty of government and donor organization to ensure the applications of actual, sustainable and proper rehabilitation policies for migrants’.
At least fifteen million people each year are forced to leave their homes following big development projects likes dams, irrigation projects, highways, urbanization, mining, conservation of nature, etc. So it can be considered as a great problem because it has long term result. In this term paper we will try to explain the fact of development induced displacement and the ethics of international financial institutions.
Displaced people often internalize a sense of helplessness and powerlessness because of their encounter with the powerful external world, although there are also several examples of active resistance movements against development induced displacement.
International Financial Institutions and government programs should target their efforts when intervening to assist victims of forced economic displacement, to ensure their work does not run counter to processes aimed at addressing the fundamental roots of the conflict.

The first striking thing one observes in this field is the virtual absence of any empirical and theoretical work on development induced displacement in West Bengal. This of course does not mean that displacement and rehabilitation are non-existent in West Bengal 1 , which in the pre-Independence period, was the leading state in terms of industrialisation, and where, after Independence, large industries and thermal power plants have been built up displacing many families (including tribals) from their agricultural land and homes. West Bengal has also experienced large-scale mining on the western part of the state bordering Jharkhand. In an article published in 1989, Walter Fernandes and his co-workers, quoting from Government

Corporate

social

responsibility

implies a proactive role by the political parties, civil society organisations and academic institutionstowards reforming the legal and administrative procedures of land acquisition in a democratic country. Under this framework, we would describe the case of land acquisition in the state of West Bengal in anethnographic manner by using a number of data sources ranging  from the field to archives. The case study presented in this article followed an extended case approach in which is attempted a rounded description of the process of acquiring land and its legal and administrative shortcomings. The study reveals the hurdles in the wayof corporate social responsibility.

In course of my research on the acquisition of agricultural land for private industries, I came across a variety of public opinion which justified acquisitions. None of the supporters of land acquisition was ready to face the question of food security at the household level, let alone the role of local self-governments, which was endangered by the takeover of fertile land for industries by the government.

For decades land, forests, water and other natural resources are not free from public debates and academic discourses due to several reasons. In India this debate has taken different forms in different places based on the specific character of the locality. There has been, particularly in the neo-liberalisation era, a noticeable shift both in the tenor and the content of the debate. While looking at the history of Adivasi land alienation, there has been several interconnections between the multiple characteristics of post independent neo-capitalistic economics and the pre-independent colonial imperialism – both only aimed at taking away the land from the community with the consolidation of power centres or 'eminent domain,' at the cost of the community itself. This ethnographic paper gradually discusses the sociology of land debate from pre-colonial period to present. It builds the argument that why land reforms failed in India at large and specifically in the context of Adivasi land rights. To understand the issue of Adivasi land alienation, the case of Mainpat hills in Surguja district of Chhattisgarh is taken to study in detail, where Vedanta Resources Plc is currently engaged in mining bauxite at the cost of the communities. In this paper, I discuss how the State initiated public hearing is applied as a strategic tool to construct 'consent' by flouting laws and dismissing people's dissent. The last two sections of the paper capture the larger impact of land acquisition, land alienation and the socio-ethnic polity of Adivasi depeasantisation. In these Adivasi hotbeds, people have lost their faith in State and it's democratic systems, due to excessive focus on alien patterns of development. Here land alienation and depeasantisation are interconnected aspects which in itself is a gross violation of human rights of Adivasi people not only in Mainpat but at large across the length and breadth of the state. It has changed the socio-cultural, economic and political dynamics of the community itself.

It is widely agreed that much of Asia’s rise over the past two decades has been built around the regions increasing connectivity. Far less attention has been given, however, to the implications of new mobility flows on the millions of people throughout Asia who remain, for the most part, bound to place. With a focus on Laos, a land-locked and ‘least developed’ country that has until recently remained largely isolated from transnational flows, this paper considers how growing regional connectivity’s are reconfiguring, and in some cases destroying, local communities. In examining this problem two key issues are addressed. First is the concern that Laos is becoming a ‘corridor country’ or a space of ‘non-places’ to be passed through, but not to dwell. Second is the widespread displacement and resettlement of local communities that is occurring in the country’s urban nodes as a result of processes of ‘development’ and modernization. As infrastructure upgrades continue to bring new forms of transnational exchange into Laos, people’s homes are being destroyed and local communities are being broken apart by resettlement programs that show little consideration to the social and cultural relationships, the sense of belonging, or the affinity to particular landscapes that make up a sense of ‘home’. Place is being reconfigured by space, the fixed is becoming increasingly fluid, and those not able to move along regional networks are finding themselves increasingly marginalized in order to make way for connectivity. In the wake of these transformations it is important to consider if there is a place for being ‘at home’ in a space of flows, networks and nodes and who is it that such landscapes of connectivity benefit and disadvantage.