Bulgarian archaeology

This is a revised and supplemented edition of a dissertation, defended in 2015 at the Department of Archaeology of the Historical Faculty in Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”.

The two-chambered updraught kiln is the most widespread and identifiable variant among the ceramic firing installations throughout the Mediterranean in Antiquity. Its popularity owes to its fine technical properties, as well as the long-established traditions in the manufacture of clay-made artefacts.
The present dissertation explores the development and distribution of the two-chambered ceramic kilns in the territory of modern Bulgaria during the 1st – 6th century. For that purpose, published and unpublished data for ceramic kilns is studied, from the time of their appearance in Thrace in the course of the Late Iron Age until the end of Late Antiquity. The catalogue comprises detailed information for 289 kilns dated to the Roman and Late Antique periods. The acquired data base provides ground for the identification of the construction techniques and materials used in the erection of these structures, and to distinguish those of the former which appeared in today’s Bulgarian lands after the Roman conquest. The developed typology for the two-chambered kilns under discussion is based on the floor plan of the combustion chamber and the type of support for the perforated floor. The last chapter of the dissertation is dedicated to the archaeologically attested production centres and workshops from the 1st – 6th century and includes an attempt for the clarification of the chronological limits of their operation, together with a proposition for a periodisation scheme of ceramic production in the considered time period.
Between the second half of the 1st and the beginning of the 7th century the two-chambered kilns were the most frequently used ceramic firing structures in today’s Bulgarian territory. The number of studied kilns from this chronological period is significantly larger in comparison to those from the previous and the next one – respectively the Late Iron Age and the Middle Ages. This fact could be explained with the considerable demand for fine and coarse wheel-made pottery during the Roman and the Late Antique periods, together with the large-scale urbanisation and fortification activities carried out in that time, which required a great amount of ceramic building material. The two-chambered updraught kilns were the optimal – and sometimes the only – variant for the firing of both types of goods.
The influences on the development and organisation of ceramic production in the 1st – 6th century owed to the infiltration of new population, the urbanisation projects carried out by central authorities, and, in general, to the incorporation of this craft in the Empire’s economy. Being intrinsic part of it, the manufacture of ceramic goods also experienced the negative effects of the multiple military conflicts in the studied time period, some of which may serve as chronological limits for certain phases of its development.

Multidisciplinary geoarchaeological investigation of the ancient Greek colony of Apollonia Pontica (Sozopol, Bulgaria) has been a key research field for the French-Bulgarian archaeological collaboration started in 2002 by the Centre Camille Jullian with the Archaeological Institute and Museum of Sofia and the Archaeological Museum of Sozopol. The main objective of this project was to reconstruct the geomorphological evolution of this coastal area of Apollonia and the palaeoenvironmental context of the necropolis at Kalfata. Particular attention was paid to the location of the ancient harbours of the city, a question directly linked with the chronology of the sandy isthmus between the historical peninsula and the continent.

Tell Provadia-Solnitsata as well as the Chalcolithic production complex nearby both lie upon the only deposit of rock salt in the eastern Balkan peninsula. Salt production in the late Neolithic (5400-5000 BC) was carried out by means of boiling brine from the salt water springs in thin-walled ceramic bowls, which were laid inside massive dome ovens. The ovens are to be found in buildings within the borders of the site. Brine evaporation in ceramic bowls is the earliest recorded case of salt production in Europe using this technology. In the middle Chalcolithic (4600-4500 BC), a big solid salt production center emerged. It went on working until the late Chalcolithic (4500-4200 BC). The dome ovens were replaced by huge open-air features: wide pits, where very deep and voluminous thick-walled bowls were arranged. Brine was evaporated by means of open fire, lit at the bottom of the pit, in the space between the bowls, whose rims were fixed next to each other.

The leading role of the geological and mineralogical, and not the geomorphological background has to be stressed in the distribution of the megalithic and rock-cut monuments. Megalithic sites in Europe (in the cases of Bulgaria, Great Britain, France, Portugal and Spain) display a tendency to be linked to a specific geological setting of the region. They are built mainly at places of distribution of quartz-bearing igneous (granites) or metamorphic (gneisses) rocks. Usually their composition is of the same rock species, but in some cases the rock blocks have been transported from remote areas. White vein quartz blocks are also considered of importance at such sites. Rock-cut trapezoidal niches on high vertical cliffs, holes and graves in the Eastern Rhodopes in Bulgaria are related mainly to regions of distribution of volcanic (including volcanic tuff) or sedimentary (limestone) rocks. Such a tendency may be observed in certain other places in Europe and worldwide. Other geological (geotectonic), geographical features and physical (including acoustical) properties of the rocks are also to be considered important for interpretation of the megalithic culture in future research.

Abstract: This study discusses the considerable efforts carried out by Volga Bulgaria in its endeavour to
establish resolute relations with Baghdad nnder the Abbasid Caliphate. The study employs a historical
approach that involves systematic organization and assessment of data from past writings such as records from
Ibn Fadlan. Data collection involved the qualitative method including library research while data were analysed
through text and docwnent analysis comparison as well as induction and deduction. The objective of this study
is to effectuate an Islamic state. The study fmmd that the relations between Baghdad and Volga Bulgaria had
a positive impact on the development of Volga Bulgaria as an Islamic state and propelled a momentlllll for it to
attain its zenith in the history of Islam in Central Asia. However, this high point did not last as a result of a
series of attacks by the Mongols in the early 1230 A. C. which ultimately led to its conquest by former in 1236.

The identification of deviant burials as those of ‘vampires’ is a feature of excavated skeletons from sites across Eastern, Central and Southern Europe as well as the Balkans. Based on a close reading of historic and folkloric sources researchers have sought to match features of excavated sites with narrative descriptions drawn from vampire legend and myth. This study critically reviews the recent claims based on sites in Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Greece, Italy, Poland and Slovakia. Whilst it is found that there was a widespread belief in vampires across Europe, it is argued that it is difficult to make absolute claims for ‘vampire’ burials on archaeological grounds as in most cases there are alternate and equally compelling interpretations of the data.

KEYWORDS
ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY, SIXTEENTH CENTURY, SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, VAMPIRE, DEVIANT BURIAL, PLAGUE, BLACK DEATH, FOLKLORE, PAGAN, BURIAL, WITCH, BALKANS, EASTERN EUROPE, CENTRAL EUROPE, SOUTHERN EUROPE, BULGARIA, CZECH REPUBLIC, POLAND, GREECE, ITALY, SLOVAKIA, LESBOS, VENICE, APOTROPAIC, VAMPIRIDZHIJA, PERPERIKON, SOZOPOL, PROSTEJOV, CELAKOVICE, DRAWSKO, GLIWICI, SOUTHWELL, KILTEASHEEN, LAZZARETTO NUOVO, NACHTZEHRER, KAMIEN POMORSKI

The article discusses some of the basic problems in the history of Trapezitsa fortress as part of the medieval capital of Tyrnovgrad. Comparison of the two fortified cores of Tyrnovgrad-Tsarevets and Trapezitsa, led to some conclusions. Despite the obscurity around the early history of Tsarevets fortress during the 12 th c., it is obvious that the two citadels of the capital were closely related during the initial period of building of the cityscape. The discussed process took place during the 1200's-1230's. In the development of the town during the second half of 13 th-first half of 14 th c. there were some differences in growth between Tsarevets and Trapezitsa, basically in building activities and the administrative role they played. From the middle of the 14 th c. the two citadels demonstrate equality in building initiatives, and Trapezitsa shows itself as a full scale core of the town with densely packed houses, street communications and parish churches. The latest archaeological excavations refuted older hypotheses with Renaissance roots that Tra-pezitsa fortress was covered with boyar's mansions with churches and vast courts. With the end of the Second Bulgarian Tsardom began the end for Trapezitsa, as well. Unlike Tsarevets, this city core ceased to be a subject of the town after the end of the 14 th c.

The use of curved single-edged swords – μαχαιρα/machaira* (and variants thereof) – developed during the Bronze Age in southeastern Europe, with both the Iapodic and Liburian groups on the eastern Adriatic coast using variants of the machaira during this period (Batović 1983:314; Dreschler-Bižić 1983:383-384). Machaira type swords also appear in the area of the Besarabi culture in the 8 th c. BC (Guštin 1974: 78-79, 81-83; Tomedi 2002:112-113), and the use of this form of weapon can be traced on the Balkans throughout the Iron Age (Gaspari, Mlinar 2005). That the machaira was also adopted by the Balkan Celts has been confirmed by recent archaeological discoveries from sites in the western, central and eastern Balkans (Slovenia, Serbia, Bulgaria), where such weapons have been found in Celtic warrior burials. A good example is that from burial #25 at Most na Soči in Slovenia where a late La Têne cremation burial yielded the burnt remains of a warrior accompanied by a spearhead, a bronze La Têne fibula, and a curved sword of the machaira type. Both the weapons and the fibula from the burial had been ritually 'killed' (i.e. deliberately deformed) in the typical Celtic fashion. The sword from Most na Soči is a machaira of the Ljubljanica type, further examples of which have been found in this region at Šmihel, in Carniola, 2 from the Ljubljana moor, and a Celtic machaira with a decorated hilt discovered in the Ljubljanica river (loc cit).

In the year 202 AD an inscription (IGBulg. III, 2 # 1690) was carved at the newly founded Έμπόριον (emporion/market) at Pizos (Stara Zagora region) in the heart of Thrace (Tab. Peut. 18, col. 528-540 (Ranilum XXV -Pizo XII -Arzum XIX); ItAnt 136, 6 (Cillis m.p. XXXI -Pizo m.p. XX -Arso m.p. XVIII); Procop. Aed. 4.11.15 /146.12/ (Πίνζος). The inscription represents, along with the Carasura inscription -found 15 km. to the north (see Mac Congail 2008), the most valuable record of Thracian personal names from this period. The Pizos inscription is composed of the following 17 double component 'Thracian' names: Apollini et Sironae Biturix Iulli f(ilius) d(onavit) = 'To Apollo and Sirona, Biturix, son of Jullus offered (this altar)'. Biturix, composed of bitu-, 'world' and -rix, 'king', is a common Celtic name meaning 'King of the World'. (Delamarre 2003: pp. 76-77, 259-260). The Biturix inscription from Tranqueville-Graux. Musée d'Epinal (Vosges) Also in insular Celtic names. Cf.: Bitu[cus] (Catterick, N. Yorkshire -RIB II 2501.107); Bitupr[…] (Chesters, Northumberland -RIB II 2501.105); Bitucus (Cirencester, Gloucestershire -RIB I 108 = Duo Nomina -Fl[au]ius Biticus); Bitudacus (Leicester, dated AD 45-65 -RIB II 2501.108); Bitu[…] (York -RIB II 2494.111). Further: Διας-= (Celtic) Dias A common Celtic element in personal names. Cf. Diastus from Gaul (Aguilée -CIL 05 1169), Diastumarus from Slovania (Trojane -CIL 3 11683), Diassumarus from Hungary (Dunaujvaros -AE 1906 117), Diasulos, etc. (see also Mac Congail 2008:156). Δαλη-= (Celtic) Dali, Dala, Dalus, etc. The 'Thracian' name Δαλη-/Δαλα-etc. has long been linked to the continental Celtic personal names Dali, Dala, etc. (Holder AC I: 1217; Detschew op cit 114; Mac Congail 2008:144-146). -πορις = (Continental Celtic) Porios, Porius etc. (Holder ACII: 1037; Mac Congail 2008) (Insular Celtic) Porius (Mac Congail,loc cit) Further: -κενθος = (Celtic) Cintus, Κιντος, etc. One of the most common 'Thracian' name elements (Georgiev 1977: 84). Compare the Celtic names Κιντος, Cintetra, in Thrace (Detschew, 1957:240; Holder ACI 989), Cinturetus in Galatia (Pliny, Natural History, VIII, 64), Cintugenus -from Bordeaux (CIL 13672), Budapest (CIL 03 12014) and Bad Deutsch Altenburg (CIL 3 12014), Cintusmia -Dijon (CIL 13 5484), Cintulus -Austria, Maria Sall (CIL 3 4934), etc. -ζενις = (Celtic) -genus/-gnos, etc.

Several tales exist regarding the Sinaia lead tablets. The first known mention of them was when the 200 lead plates were discovered in the warehouse of the Bucharest Museum of Antiquities, Romania, in the 19th century. Of the 200 pieces originally in the collection of plates, only 35 are known to remain today, but there are some photos of some of the rest. When discovered they were ignored and considered to be forgeries because they appeared new, with no traces of corrosion. They were not considered valuable enough to be evacuated with the rest of the Romanian Treasure to Russia in 1916. However, some renewed interest in the plates among non-scholars has been shown more than a century later, following the publication of a report about them by engineer Dan Romalo in 2003. [citation needed] [Wikipedia.org] According to "an oral tradition, " the lead plates are in fact copies made at the Nail Factory of Sinaia in 1875 from the originals, which were allegedly made of gold, and they were kept for a while at the Sinaia Monastery. Allegedly, the gold was used either in the building of Peleş Castle, or the plates were part of the Romanian Treasure which was never returned by Russia after World War I. An analysis made at the Institute of Nuclear Physics in Bucharest confirmed that the composition of the The Sinaia lead plates – Understanding the lead tablets written in the Dacian / Thracian language.

ВЪВЕДЕНИЕ Преди повече от 8000 години в полето, където сега се намира София, се заселват едни от първи-те земеделци и скотовъдци на европейския кон-тинент, които в търсене на подходящи за уседнал живот природно-климатични условия, донасят от презморска Анатолия (Мала Азия) новия поминък. Сред полето, край бреговете на днешната река Слатинска започва да кипи живот. Горите отстъп-ват пред плодородни ниви и пасища на домашни животни, сред които възниква и бързо се разши-рява едно от най-големите селища на първата ев-ропейска цивилизация, останките от което сега се обозначават като Слатина-София. Днес мнозина свързват понятието "цивили-зация" с територии от Европа, в които не влизат българските земи. Но малцина знаят, че европей-ската цивилизация се ражда и развива в неголям регион от Европа, в който българските земи имат централно място. Това става през периода от края на VІІ до последните столетия на V хилядолетие пр.Хр. Първата цивилизация на нашия континент е свързана както със земеделието и скотовъдството като основни поминъци на хората, така и с редица специализирани производства-на сол, кремъчни сечива, добив на руда и металургия. Особено място в живота на тази древна ци-вилизация заема архитектурата-строителство на къщи и други постройки, отбранителни и об-редни съоръжения. Религиозно-митологичната ѝ система е изключително сложна, с богати пред-стави за причинно-следствените връзки в ежегод-ния цикъл на живота и многобройните зависимо-сти между реалностите, които сега определяме като общество и природа. В началото тези хора не познават металите, а произвежданите по-къс-но медни "сечива" нямат реална производствена функция-заедно с най-старите златни предмети те са част от сферата на престижа, бележат со-циален статус и място в йерархичната структура на своите носители. Колелото и колата все още не са познати като транспортно средство, но са прилагани други, достатъчно ефективни начини за пренасяне на товари. Няма нужда и от писме-ност-информацията от всякакъв вид се предава като индивидуална и колективна памет. Първата европейска цивилизация оставя видими и не тол-кова видими, но значими материални и ментални следи в българските земи. Но кои са тези хора, които са създали първата европейска цивилизация и откъде са дошли? При проучването на останките от живота им през по-следните десетилетия за тях е извлечена обхват-на информация. Те идват на почти ненаселените по това време Балкани от Южна Анатолия (Южна Мала Азия), прекосявайки Егейско море на салове и пренасяйки на тях култивирани житни семена и одомашнени животни [1]. Първите смели мигран-ти достигат Тесалия (Северна Гърция) в средата на VІІ хилядолетие пр.Хр., а през следващите ня-колко столетия новопристигащите поемат на север през Централните Балкани по долините на Стру-ма, Места и Вардар. Струмският път [2; 3], който се оказва най-подходящ за първите земеделци и скотовъдци в търсенето на подходящи екологични ниши за новия живот, достига именно до Софий-ското поле, което заради географската си позиция придобива стратегическа значимост в праисто-рическите хилядолетия, а и във всички следващи епохи, ставайки пресечно място на пътища в чети-рите основни посоки! Така в края на VІІ хилядолетие пр.Хр. мигрант-ска група усяда на левия бряг на Слатинска река и постепенно създава селище, в което се заселват и други преселници. Но този процес съвсем не е лек-ранните земеделци строят къщите си в Анатолия от кирпич и камък, с плосък покрив (заради мини-малните валежи), а на Балканите попадат в регион с друг климат, с няколко годишни сезона, включи-телно и дъждовни, и с много гори. Налага се да създадат нова строителна техника-постройки със стени от масивна дървена конструкция от набити в земята стълбове и плет около тях, дебело измаза-на от двете страни с глина, и с двускатен покрив. Но защо не са харесали едно по-централно място в обширното Софийско поле, например край топли-те минерални извори? Отговор на това дава много по-късното наименование на местността, където лежат останките от ранноземеделското селище-Слатина. Името е от славянски произход и идва от раннославянското название слат-сол. Солта е изключително важна за човека и животните-хо-рата от земеделско-скотовъдните общности трябва НАУЧЕН ДЯЛ

We report the presence of significant Central Asian ancestry in both contemporary Bulgarians and in early medieval population from SMC (Saltovo Mayaky Culture). The existence of Chalcolithic Iran (Hajj Fruz) and Wusun related ancestral component in contemporary Bulgarians comes as a surprise and sheds light on both migration route and ethnic origins of ProtoBulgarians. We interpret these results as an evidence for a Central Asian connection for the tribes, constituting the population of SMC and Kubrats Old Great Bulgaria in Pontic steppe from 6th and 7th century AD. We identify Central Asian Wusun tribes as carriers of this component on the base from the results from f3 and f4 statistics. We suggest that Wusun related tribes must have played role (or might have even been the backbone) in what became known as the Hunnic migration to Europe during 3rd 5th century AD. Same population must have taken part in the formation of the SMC (Saltovo Mayaki Culture) and Great Old Bulgarian during 6th 9th century AD in Pontic Caspian steppe. We also explore the genomic origins of Thracians and their relations to contemporary Europeans. We conclude that contemporary Bulgarians do not harbor Thracian-specific ancestry, since ancient Thracian samples share more SNPs with contemporary Greeks and even contemporary Icelanders than with contemporary Bulgarians

Данните показани в тази лекция са всъщност събрани от един "техник" и се отнасят до научен спор, който възникна преди години между мен и един специалист, д-р Харалд Хаарман, един от водещите в света лингвисти и палеолингвисти. Той оспори моето твърдение в /1/, че траките са автохтонното население на Балканския полуостров и оттогава ми се наложи да разследвам и развия тези допълнителни аргументи, които са всъщност част от публикувания в /2/ цялостен отпор на твърдението на д-р Хаарман, базирано единствено на т.нар. Курганна теория на Мария Гимбутас, чийто привърженик е той.

The first summarizing work in historiography on the history of the Western Turkic khanate - State of VI-VIII centuries on the territory of modern Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Eurasia. Book of international team of authors for the first time brought together data from numerous written, visual, archaeological sources on the history of the Western Turks, that created a state on the territory of Central Asia and Eastern Europe and established a vast empire from the Altai to the Balkans. Atlas is well illustrated, and provides a variety of detailed maps, equipped with signposts, addressed to a wide audience - from academic researchers to students.

Situated in north-western Bulgaria, and managed by the Belogradchik municipality, the Magura cave (Пещера МАГУРА) is, with the Porto Badisco cave (south Italy), the most important European post-Palaeolithic painted cave.  Hundreds of dark brown figures are diffused along an astonishing underground Art Gallery: hunting, dancing and mating scenes, bi-triangular female silhouettes, axes, solar symbols… a prehistoric iconographic treasure which definitely deserves a special attention.

Книгата е опит за цялостно представяне на историята на средновековното манастирско селение, познато под името Света гора Сливенска. На базата на исторически извори, теренни изследвания и на аналогии с вече известното за другите Свети гори в България през Средновековието се засягат важни въпроси за съдбата на манастирската общност – териториален обхват, датировка и т.н. Това второ издание на книгата включва резултатите от нови изследвания, направени в последно време, потвърждаващи и допълващи авторовите тези.

The study titled “The Transitional Period between the Eneolithic and the Bronze Age in Bulgaria” sets to offer a synopsis on the problem of the Transitional period between the Eneolithic and the Bronze Age in Bulgaria. Its primary objective is to expose the processes which triggered the transformations of the settlement model occurring during the Transitional period, which later became distinctive of the Early Bronze Age. Those changes consider chiefly the adoption of a new type of topography (landscape preferences), the emergence of single-layer settlements, of new residential architecture, of new settlement plans. The study attempts to uncover the connection between the settlement model of the Transitional Period and the one characteristic of the Early Bronze Age. It also examines a number of aspects of the material culture, identifying phenomena typical of the period under consideration. To accomplish its goals, the paper compares the settlement models characteristic of the Late Eneolithic with those of the Early Bronze Age and seeks to identify the process of the transformation of these in the Transitional period. The paper also presents certain connections and parallels to the rest of the Balkan Peninsula and to the territories north-east of the Danube River.
The first chapter offers a brief overview of the history of research on the Transitional period, summarizing the most important opinions on the subject. It was made possible by the work already accomplished by a number of scholars, who had studied in depth this highly contentious period. Several key theories circulate in the contemporary debate, each with its strong and weak points. The chapter offers a review of the discussions and the polemics on the nature of the Transitional period, as well as on its definition and periodisation.
According to the first theory, which launched the period’s definition, the end of the Eneolithic was brought by a large scale invasion of cultural groups inhabiting the region north of the Black Sea. It was accompanied by devastating for the indigenous population conflicts and “military” confrontations. According to this theory, the so-called Steppe invasion was preceded by substantial climate changes, and the settling of the carriers of the new cultural traditions led to a fundamental change in the archaeological face of the entire Balkan Peninsula.
On the other hand, according to the proponents of another theory there were no collisions or “military” confrontations between the local Balkan societies and the migrants. This group of scholars adopt the view that the transformations had occurred as a consequence of extensive contacts and gradual, peaceful introduction of new population. According to some of the supporters of this theory, climate change was also the cause for the switch from one kind of economy to another – from agriculture to stock breeding, undertaken by the indigenous population, with the latter economy becoming emblematic of the Transitional Period. According to them, with the destruction of a large portion of the cultivated fields forced that same populace to seek new means of subsistence, based on nomadic way of living.
According to a third theory, the Transitional Period, is not a discrete phase in its own right. There is an extended hiatus (cesura), and according to the proponents of this school of thought, the fall of the Late Eneolithic society was caused by the specifics of the population’s religious beliefs, which drove it to abandon voluntarily its residences and vacate these territories.
In the presentation of the archaeological characteristic and the settlement model, I had adopted the first thesis, but with certain reservations regarding the scale of the invasion and conflict. I believe, that at this stage of the research, it is most adequate to classify the period into Post-Eneolithic and Proto-Bronze. Presently, such internal periodization offers the best explanation for the processes which led to the transformation of the cultural traditions on Bulgarian territory.
Following a review of the absolute chronology of the period, the paper examines in detail the settlements and the settlement system of the Transitional period, with focus on the best known sites from the period, such as: Hotnitsa-Vodopada, Telish-Redutite, Rebarkovo-Dzhugera, Galatin-Chukata, Bezhanovo-Banunya, Sadovets-Ezeroto, Mezdra-Kaleto, Devetaki Cave, Borovan-Ezeroto, Trapezitsa, Varhari, etc. A comparison between the data from these settlements and the data from the Late Eneolithic and the Bronze Age, offer a clear picture of the transitional nature of the processes which led to the emergence of the Early Bronze societies and the establishment of their distinctive settlement structures. This part of the paper describes the principle characteristics of the topography and the stratigraphy and offers a comparison to those of the Late Eneolithic and the Early Bronze Age. Attention is given to the sites with structures attesting to sedentary way of life. Several types of dwellings are defined: dugouts (sunken), half-sunken (or partially sunken dwellings), rectangular buildings constructed on ground level, and apsidal buildings constructed on ground level. Dugouts and half-sunken buildings had of course been utilized as dwellings back in the Neolithic period but are atypical in the Eneolithic settlement model. It is established that changes affecting the rectangular buildings constructed on ground level are accompanied by changes in construction techniques and design specifics. In the Transitional period was introduced use of transient, wattle and daub construction. The adobe disappears. Apsidal plan buildings appear, a trend which evolves into the Early Bronze Age. I refer to a number of parallels for each type of dwelling, indicating the source for their appearance on Bulgarian territory and their spread to the western parts of the Balkan Peninsula. An argument corroborating the proposed continuity between the settlement model of the Transitional Period and that of the Early Bronze Age is also the established fact, that on a number of sites, the deposits associated with this period are superseded by an Early Bronze Age deposit. An example of this stratigraphy offer: Vaksevo-Studena Voda, Bezhanovo-Banunya, Sadovets-Kaleto, Sadovets-Ezeroto, Lepitsa, Devetaki Cave, etc. In certain instances, the Bronze Age site does not stratigraphically supersede the previous period but is found in its immediate proximity. The similarity in terms of topography offers yet another support for the proposed conclusions.
In this study I had attempted a synopsis analysis of the pottery production – one of the principal indicators of a readily traceable change. I established that the pottery assemblage from the Transitional Period is distinguished from the one of the earlier age for the simplified forms, by the production methods, and by the application of organic temper and ground shell from aquatic molluscs. The examined pottery assemblages clearly demonstrate the appearance of new elements such as: Scheibenhenkel, ribbon handles raised high above the rim, rounded bases, etc.), forms (milk jugs, huge variety of cups, S-profiled vessels). New types of incised decoration also appear: inscribed in notched ribbons hatched panes, notched rims, cord ornament, etc. Despite the evolution of these new elements, in terms of technology and quality, the Transitional Period pottery assemblage is a backward step, compared to the production techniques, the typological diversity, and the ornamentation, known from the Late phases of the Eneolithic Age.
The review of the Transitional Period did not omit an analysis of metallurgical developments. In this sphere, the principal, transitional phenomenon is the introduction of the arsenic (As) laced copper. It was precisely the invention of this typical of the Transitional Period new technology which made possible the production of finer, while also possessing greater tensile strength tools. The addition of arsenic to the copper alloy is the first step towards the invention of bronze metallurgy, which gave the name to the subsequent age. During the Transitional Period appear also the first metal cutting and thrusting weapons – knives and daggers. The large number of daggers dated to this period indicates proliferation of a new metal production and ascribes the region of modern day Bulgaria to the emerging Circum-Pontic metallurgical province. The transitional nature of the metallurgical production could also be traced in other typical of the age tools – the axes, the adzes, and the combo tools.
Finally, the paper regards one of the most interesting aspects of the prehistoric culture as a whole – the spiritual culture of the Transitional Period. Spiritual life is among the most robust elements of all communities, and thus any observed change is an important indicator of the introduction of new population groups. In this chapter I examine the diagnostic changes in anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines, burial rites, personal ornaments, and jewellery. In this section I present abundant comparanda of similar finds from the territory of the Tripolye-Cucuteni, and from the lands to the east of it. The appearance of male anthropomorphic representations, the stone zoomorphic sceptres, the previously unknown inhumation in an extended position with legs contracted at the knees, the use of ochre blankets, etc., are further arguments in favour of the transitional nature of the period under scrutiny.
I hope this work had succeeded to provide the missing pieces for the Transitional period and to answer at least some of the posited questions. In the words of Zygmunt Bauman, “Reality is as thin as the paper on which it is printed”. Thus, I implore the reader to see in this paper but a humble contribution to the study of the Transitional Period in Bulgaria, which I hope future researchers would enrich.

It is possible to select the text and translation with Google Translate. Most of the cited literature have links to review the originals.

The following presents the preliminary results of the archaeological investigations undertaken at the prehistoric settlement of Izvor. The prehistoric settlement of Izvor is located in West Bulgaria in the western portion of the Sofia Basin (WGS84; 420 51.075’ N, 220 58.013’ E [Fig. 6]). Its center lies 600 m to the South-West of the confluence between the Slivnishka and Mataritsa Rivers [Map 1a, 1b] situated on a slightly sloped overflow terrace at an average elevation of 610 to 625 m a.s.l. [Fig. 1]. The settlement covers a surface area of approximately 150 000 m2.

The Neolithic settlement at Izvor is characteristic of the open-air settlement type and without natural defenses. The site is accessible from all sides, suggesting that the criterion for site location was the proximity to vital natural resources that would have influenced the life and prosperity of the community. The location selection of the settlement, therefore, should correspond with the social and economic characteristics of the region, rather than having been selected for the purposes of defense. Notably, the settlement lies in proximity to vital sources of fresh water.

The results of the investigations demonstrate that some of the dwellings at Izvor were built upon large wooden platforms rising approximately 1 meter above the terrain, similar to those described at Uivar, Romania. The weight of the massive structure was supported by large wooden posts. In at least one instance (building No. 1), an opening in the wooden platform was identified as utilized for the disposal of household waste [Fig. 7A]. We suggest that the construction of such raised house-types was likely imposed by the characteristic seasonal humidity of the region. We also recovered the remains of earlier short-lived dwellings that were utilized before the construction of the wooden platform dwellings.

Another type of anthropogenically derived positive structure—that has to date seemingly gone unrecognized at similar sites—was identified at Izvor and here described as spatial landmarks [Fig. 7B]. The landmarks are composed of small to large conically stacked concentrations of stone, daub, bone, pottery, and fragments of anthropomorphic figurines (particularly male figurines, [Fig. 18]). They range in size, the smaller ones having a diameter of 1 to 1.5 meters and the larger ones having a diameter of 3.5 to 4 meters. They are conically shaped and rise to a height of 40 to 70 cm. Fourteen such structures were investigated at Izvor. The structures, here interpreted as spatial landmarks, would have notably remained visible at the surface over a long period of time, suggesting that such constructions were perhaps intentionally constructed and served a particular purpose.

Considering the clay anthropomorphic figurines, at Izvor a significant amount of male representations has been noted. From a technological point of view, it is important to note that unlike the female figurines the male figurines were modeled from a single core – a circumstance that precludes the possibility that they were easily formed. Furthermore, figurine fragments were found distributed over the entire investigated surface without any apparent depositional or spatial patterning. However, a notable association can be made between the deposition of male figurine fragments and the construction of the small landmark structures. The lack of spatial patterning and the ubiquitous distribution of anthropomorphic figurine fragments over the entire excavated surface suggests that such artifacts were not themselves the leading addressees of restricted and/or ritualized cult practices. Rather, it is more likely that their manufacture and destruction was ritualized and their morphological variability excludes the possibility that such figurines represent images of a single personified deity.

The substantial number of male figurines recovered at the site presenting specific iconographic features leads us to believe that they may have been representations of a particular societal caste that was prominently positioned within the social hierarchy. In this context, it is probable to consider that the male figurines – lubiquitous within the distribution of the Vinča Culture – were employed during male initiation rituals and more specifically during warrior class initiations. Many historic and ethnographic parallels may be drawn upon to support such an interpretation, although for the moment it remains tentative. It should also be noted that the deposition of male figurine fragments within several of the small spatial landmarks might as well be connected with such initiation rites. We are aware that more information is needed before such a claim can be unequivocally supported, however we believe that it is inherently logical to accept the proposition that a warrior class would have been a necessary precursor to the conquering of new territories – as is the case of Izvor – or as a preventative measure taken in order to guard against potential attacks from the neighboring tribes to the south and east.

Therefore, it can be ascertained that the site was settled and occupied during the transitional Vinča B1/B2 phase and continued throughout the course of the entire Vinča B2 phase. Following its abandonment in the late B2 phase, the site was periodically revisited during the transitional Vinča B2/C phase as is evidenced by two pits identified in the north part of the southern sector (structure numbers 25 and 31) and also in Late Antiquity (3rd – 4th century) according to the subsurface disturbances of economic structures that were concentrated in the southernmost part of the site near the Slivnishka River.

The Vinča Culture reached its most widespread geographic distribution in the Late Neolithic (Vinča B) phase, perhaps in response to demographic and/or climatic stimuli. During this time, new territories were colonized—a process that evidently was not always peaceful. Conflicts with the local regional populations to the south and east inevitably arose as both attempted to settle the same “free” areas. In the case of Izvor, it appears as though the strategy employed by the Vinča in sending small colonies ahead of expansion in order to overtake their competitors was not successful as the settlement eventually collapsed. Vinča culture as a whole suffered considerable losses of territory in the south and appears to have redirected its efforts to the north and west. By the end of Vinča D, a renewed expansion towards the east can be witnessed, evidence of which is attested at the dwelling identified in the Sofia, Poduene area. It is supposed that at this time the expansion was motivated at moving closer to valuable copper sources and in strengthening exchange practices at the interregional scale. It remains unclear whether the bearers of Vinča D culture sought to integrate the local population. However, this last attempt at territorial expansion also resulted in collapse as it was again met by a serious competitor represented by the Krivodol-Sălcuţa Culture.

The images viewed as signs appear in the beginning of the Neolithic in the South-east Europe. According to some scholars they date back even from the late Paleolithic.

The discussion about the nature of the incised signs still hasn’t found its answer, although several theories are suggested. The simpliest explanation is that  the signs are used for counting and recording quantitative values, but, that can be referred solely to the simple incisions and stabbed dots and does not apply to the more sophisticated images. Another view, influenced by the ancient pottery production, supposes that the depictions are marks of the potter who has made the vessel or signs of property of certain household or kin. The next hypothesis approaches the signs from a totally different perspective. According to it all incised images serve religious purpose – they are made as devotion to the Great Goddess.

Another theory is that they could have been used for communication between travelling craftsmen and merchants. An eventual likeness in the marks of distant workshops or certain household isn’t plausible. It seems that these simple signs are symbols, whose context is more universal and not so complex.
Another interpretation of the signs consider them as the most distant in time writing system, based on notions and concepts, not phonetic rules. Many signs are perceived as kind of writing, but we lack some basic characteristics. Some artifacts, like the plate from Gradeshnitsa, really suggest the existence of some kind of literacy, but at this stage they aren’t sufficient. The methods of this attempt to include the symbols in a uniform general classification aren’t  scientifically provable till we gain more facts. The reliability of such a statement demands a thorough analysis and comparison of as many artifacts as possible.

One of the most plausible theories assumes that the signs are depictions with unknown for us symbolism and meaning, traces of certain concept, idea, event, etc. These images are in a way symbolic means of expression of certain ideas and events. The symbol can be used as metaphor, allegory, a schematized image of a parable or myth, or an element of the cosmogony. Its role might be to define and  sacralize the artifact or to reproduce an important ritual.Vessels with an incised symbol could have been thought as able to guarantee protection, fertility, etc ... It might have had the power of a magical conjuration.

The signs could be means of communication and transmitting of a concept to distant places or forward in time.

All these statements complement each other and give the most credible explanation of the signs.

One of the most important questions is why the signs are made on the outer side of the bottom – the least visible part of a vessel. Maybe it is exactly the poor visibility that is the reason why, but then – what’s the purpose? The possible explanations are defined by the two usual points of view – utilitarian and spiritual. A sign might be placed on the base because there it’s closed in a circle, so in this way they form a composition with its own significance. Maybe they were meant to be seen only on particular occasions and the vessels, therefore, were used only in rituals or special common feasts.

Surely, the symbolism takes big part of the spiritual life during the Neolithic-Chalcolithic period. 

Nowadays, perhaps, this way of communication seems naive and elementary, but communicating throught symbols is an integral part of the human behavior.

2021 marked the 30th season of the archaeological excavations of the Durankulak Archaeological Complex. The buildings and structures of the 8th and 7th horizon were mainly studied, such as those from the Early Neolithic settlement on the Big Island belonging to the Hamangia Culture III and IV. Building №25 / VIII was completely studied. It was found that in its earliest stage the building was approximately square in shape. Its total built-up area is 39 m2. The floor of the building is covered with 5 clay layers. The interior space is common. The building had four structures located close to the walls. They cover about 17% of the interior space. One of them is a semi-domed thermal structure (structure 1). It was constructed directly on the floor. The oven shows five repairs concerning mainly the strengthening and restoration of the dome. Next to the oven, in the northeastern corner of the room, a square structure 2 was made measuring 1.10 × 1.10 m. It has a flat clay floor on which a large bone battle axe and anatomically arranged bones from the limb of deer (Cervus elaphus) were found in situ. To the west of structure 2 a quern (structure 3), also made of clay, was found. It is of a rectangular shape and contains a shallow basin (2–5 cm deep, measuring 1.50 × 1.20 м). Its floor was reinforced with a base of small stone slabs. The fourth structure is located in the southwestern corner of the room. It was built directly on the floor and measures 2.10 × 1.20 m.
    The building has been damaged by numerous pits from the upper horizons. Of interest is an oval-shaped pit. It has vertical walls and is filled with stone slabs. Next to its northeastern wall, a ceramic bowl with a graphite decoration Varna II Type was found turned upside down.
    In 2021, the study of building №24 /VII continued as well. The stone foundations of the western wall (preserved 13 m long) and part of the northern wall has been completely revealed. The foundations were made of large stone slabs. The lowest three courses of stones were fixed by yellow clay. The entrance to the building was from the south. The studied part of the building represents an elongated common room with several massive clay structures. One of them (structure 6) was attached to the central part of the western wall, and the other one (structure 5) to the southern end of the eastern wall. The structures are massive clay platforms raised in height. Their countertops were made of stacked logs, coated with several clay layers with a total thickness of 6–8 cm. The analysis of the charred wood showed that the timber used was oak (Quercus sp.).
    Under the plasters of the eastern structures were found: fragmented ceramic vessels, a large number of charred seeds of legumes and cereals, mussel shells, bone tools, and others. A separation of seeds by species has been observed. In some of the structures, seeds were stored belonging predominantly to bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia), and in others were found club wheat (Triticum aestivo/durum), einkorn (Triticum monococcum), barley (Hordeum vulgare), and others. The building 24 /VII contained a hoard consisting of the lower part of a thick-walled vessel, a mixture of seeds of legumes and cereals, and a fully preserved ceramic model of bread.

Abstract: In the first half of the 13th century, Bulgaria had unusually intense political and ecclesiastical contacts with the West, which has its logical explanation with the dramatic changes in the Balkans due to the conquest of Constantinople by the troops of the Fourth Crusade in April 1204 and the rise of the Latin Empire as a leading factor in the politically fragmented Byzantine space. Concerned about the confused and unpredictable situation in the region, the Bulgarian Emperor Kaloyan (1196-1207) exchanged several letters with Pope Innocent III (1198-1216) and eventually subordinated the Bulgarian Church to the Roman See. In return, on November 8, 1204 the papal legate Leo Brancaleoni anointed him and placed a royal crown on his head. On April 14, 1205, Kaloyan defeated the Latin troops near Adrianople and took as a captive Emperor Baldwin I (1204-1205), who ended his life in Tarnovo. From then until 1261, Bulgaria and the Latin Empire would more than once meet on the battlefield, and sometimes they would be allies, which largely depended on their relations with other neighbouring powers – Epirus, Serbia, Hungary, Nicaea.
The purpose of this article is to analyse some archaeological evidence of Bulgaria’s contacts with the Latin Empire and the Roman Church in the first half of the thirteenth century, some of which only came to light in recent years. Although relatively scarce and heterogeneous, these materials deserve further attention and should be subject to more in-depth interpretations: the lead seals of Latin emperors from Bulgaria (especially those of Baldwin II, found in the fortress of Pleven and in the vicinity of Popovo), a fragment of an early thirteenth-century Romanesque bronze crucifix with gilding from a processional cross found in Preslav, a bronze gilded figurine of a saint with enamel decoration, made in Limoges, discovered in 2018 in Veliko Tarnovo, as well as a lead pilgrim badge from the Saint Peter’s Basilica in Rome, discovered in 2017 in a mid-thirteenth-century tomb in the medieval town of Hotalich, near Sevlievo.

През първата половина на 13 в. България установила необичайно ин-тензивни политически и църковни контакти със Запада, което има своето логично обяс-нение в драматичните промени на Балканите във връзка с превземането на Константи-нопол от войските на IV кръстоносен поход на 13 април 1204 г. и издигането на Латин-ската империя като водещ политически фактор в политически фрагментираното визан-тийско пространство. Загрижен от обърканата и непредсказуема ситуация във Визан-тия, както и от териториалните претенции на Унгария, българският цар Калоян (1196–1207) разменил няколко писма с папа Инокентий III (1198–1216) и в края на краищата под-чинил Българската църква на Римския престол, а в замяна на 8 ноември 1204 г. в Тър-ново папският легат Лъв Бранкалеонe го миропомазал и сложил на главата му кралска корона. На 14 април 1205 г. Калоян разгромил латинските войски край Адрианопол и пленил император Балдуин I (1204–1205), който приключил живота си в Търново. Оттук нататък България и Латинската империя неведнъж щели да се сблъскат на бойното поле, а понякога щели да бъдат и съюзници, което до голяма степен зависело от техните отношения с останалите фактори в региона – Епир, Сърбия, Унгария, Никея.
Целта на настоящата статия е да маркира някои археологически свидетелства за контактите на България с Латинската империя и Римската църква през първата поло-вина на 13 в., част от които станаха известни през последните години. Макар и оскъдни и разнородни, тези материали заслужават внимание и би трябвало да станат обект на по-задълбочени интерпретации: оловните печати на латинските императори от Бълга-рия (и по-специално тези на Балдуин II, открити в Плевенската крепост и в околностите на Попово), фрагмент от едно романско бронзово позлатено разпятие от процесиен кръст от Преслав, позлатена бронзова фигурка на светец с украса от емайл, произведена в Лимож, открита през 2018 г. във Велико Търново, а също и една оловна поклонническа значка от базиликата Св. Петър в Рим, открита през 2017 г. в гроб от средата на 13 в. в средновековния град Хоталич край Севлиево.