Angkor

Built in the early twelfth century, Angkor Wat is one of the world’s largest ancient religious structures. Each year thousands of visitors make the pilgrimage to Angkor Wat to witness the equinox sunrise over the temple’s lotus-shaped towers. In addition to the equinox alignment, however, there are other alignments at Angkor Wat and many of the surrounding temples. In this article multiple solstice alignments are identified for Angkor Wat and eleven nearby temples to include: Bakong, Phnom Bakheng, Phnom Bok, Phnom Krom, East Mebon, Pre Rup, Banteay Srei, Ta Keo, Baphuon, Preah Khan, and Bayon.
Subsequent to ground and aerial reconnaissance of the above sites, archaeoastronomic assessments were made using Google Earth, with solstice azimuths calculated using standard protocols. More than seventy solstice alignments were thus identified.
The multiplicity of solstice alignments combined with other data suggest that it was important for Angkor temples to be connected to the sun. If, as endorsed here, Angkor temples were microcosmic models of the cosmos, then arguably, solstice alignments connected the temples to the cyclic movement of the cosmos as manifested by the solar cycle.

This book investigates what has constituted notions of "archaeological heritage" from colonial times to the present. It includes case studies of sites in South and Southeast Asia with a special focus on Angkor, Cambodia. The contributions, the subjects of which range from architectural and intellectual history to historic preservation and restoration, evaluate historical processes spanning two centuries which saw the imagination and production of "dead archaeological ruins" by often overlooking living local, social, and ritual forms of usage on site.

Case studies from computational modelling in archaeology discuss a comparable paradigmatic change from a mere simulation of supposedly dead archaeological building material to an increasing appreciation and scientific incorporation of the knowledge of local stakeholders. This book seeks to bring these different approaches from the humanities and engineering sciences into a transdisciplinary discussion.

Abstract Nowadays, traditional Khmer farmers are living on the framework of the ancient capital cities of Angkor, which is also visited by nearly two million tourists a year. They are torn between the aspiration of profiting from the country as it opens to the market economy and to mass tourism, and the restrictions of living in a place that is stagnating into a museum representation. With international heritage developers advocating the re-creation of an ancient idealized space, the solutions offered to the new generation are to either leave the site or to become part of its folklore. In this paper the approach these inhabitants chose when settling in this area
whilst developing it within the framework of their living culture shall be taken into consideration. Angkor is not stuck in the past: These populations lay new layers on the partly erased ancient structure. Ancient developments, far from being simply archaeological remains to be preserved, are used on a daily basis in residential, farming, and religious activities. Angkor is not just an archaeological site, it is also a living territory.

Tales of stolen cultural objects and their restitution regularly generate nationalistic and polemic headlines in newspapers worldwide. However, there is a related practice of colonial appropriation that is slowly becoming the focus of art historical research – the technique of plaster casting. This paper conceptualizes the precise moment around 1900 when French colonial projects in Paris and German initiatives in Berlin commissioned plaster casts of the Cambodian temple of Angkor Wat for display in national museums. This mammoth act of architectural translation included exact copies of the temple’s bas-reliefs as well as entire hybrid building pastiches. Forgotten for decades, these plaster casts are now being rediscovered as the unique transcultural products of a colonial enterprise.

Historians date the beginning of the 'Angkor period' as 802 CE, based on an inscription describing the coronation of Jayavarman II on Phnom Kulen on that date. Note that the Angkor site was occupied before 802, and there are pre-Angkor temples in Angkor. This is a chronology of the kings who ruled the Empire for the more than 500 years of Angkor:

... Collapse and Regeneration from Funan to Angkor The history of the Khmer civilization is characterized by cycles of fragmen-tation, collapse, and reorganization. ... When the Thai army sacked the capital of Angkor in ad 1432, they conquered a distinctly Khmer kingdom. ...

The Mysteries of the Angkor Moat

Water, with its life-giving and purifying qualities, is central to Khmer cosmology and all varieties of Hindu religion. A moat is a deep, broad ditch, either dry or filled with water, that is dug and surrounds a castle, fortification, building or town, historically to provide it with a preliminary line of defence. In some places moats evolved into more extensive water defences, including natural or artificial lakes, dams and sluices. In older fortifications, such as hillforts, they are usually referred to simply as ditches, although the function is similar. In later periods, moats or water defences may be largely ornamental. They could also act as a sewer. Some of the earliest evidence of moats has been uncovered around ancient Egyptian castles. One example is at Buhen, a castle excavated in Nubia. Other evidence of ancient moats is found in the ruins of Babylon, and in reliefs from ancient Egypt, Assyria, and other cultures in the region.

The temple of Preah Ko, built in the 9th century AD, represents a unique transition point between the PreAngkorian and the Angkorian periods. It is undoubtedly one of the most important temple structures in Khmer architecture, if not in whole South-East Asia. This temple gave a whole range of 9th century temples
their stylistic group name, 'Preah Ko-Style'. Despite its importance, Preah Ko was rarely acknowledged in detail in academic literature. It is the general aim of this publication to analyze Preah Ko in its historical, archaeological, architectural, stylistical and contemporary social and religious questions and to understand the whole complex as a 'historical palimpsest', since its dynamic history was (over-) written several times until today. In the 20th century, several alterations took place, especially in French colonial times in the 1930s, during the
time of the war between the Red Khmer and the Vietnamese in the 1970s and the Hungarian and German
restoration phases in the 1990s until today.
With a unique collection of illustrations, this book is meant as a kind of source book of the 'Preah Ko-Style' with the temple of Preah Ko in its centre. Its well preserved stone, brick and especially stucco decorations amaze conservation and art experts, and tourists alike.

People must be aware of the famous Sahasralinga pilgrimage in the town of Sirsi, Karnataka but did you know that there is another Sahasralinga in Cambodia too? Yes, you read that correct! Siem Reap, a lovely city in Cambodia is the place where you can witness Sahasralinga which when translated means 1000 Shiva Lingas. These 1000 lingas are carved at both the places and are dedicated to the Hindu God, Lord Shiva. About Sahasralinga in Sirsi, Karnataka So this place is one of the prime pilgrimage centres in the country and is situated in the centre of the River Shalmala in the town of is Sirsi. The place is known for its 1000 Shiva Lingas that are carved on the rocks along the banks of the Shalmala. As far as history is concerned, there 1000 lingas were installed by the ruler Sadashivaraya of the Vijayanagar Kingdom sometime between 1678 and 1718. The unique thing about these are that each linga features a carving of Nandi, the bull right in front.
There is one such temple in Cambodia Kbal Spean...Check out the 2 places

The heart of Turrell’s work is the Roden Crater, out in Arizona. François Jonquet met the artist at his ranch, in the Painted Desert, and visited the Crater, this work which he is constantly sculpting and developing. He reports on this vertiginous experience

using the corpus of pre-Angkorian (6th-8th century) and Angkorian (9th-14th century) inscriptions, this study finds a growing frequency and diversity of road terms, particularly during the 11th century when the khmer began expanding across mainland southeast Asia. this likely corresponds to the development of the durable roads of the Angkorian transport system. Analysis of the texts highlights a distinction between types of roads (e.g., thnal, phlu, vraḥ phlu) that may be discerned from archaeological features (causeways, embankments, main roads) visible in the landscape today. the paper supports the view that the road system was the product of centuries of inter-regional communication rather than the work of Jayavarman Vii predominantly and demonstrates the utility of employing inscriptions to provide spatiotemporal contexts of features found through traditional archaeological investigations.

The 9th-15th century Angkorian state was Southeast Asia's greatest premodern empire and Angkor Wat in the World Heritage site of Angkor is one of its largest religious monuments. Here we use excavation and chronometric data from three field seasons at Ang-kor Wat to understand the decline and reorganization of the Ang-korian Empire, which was a more protracted and complex process than historians imagined. Excavation data and Bayesian modeling on a corpus of 16 radiocarbon dates in particular demand a revised chronology for the Angkor Wat landscape. It was initially in use from the 11th century CE with subsequent habitation until the 13th century CE. Following this period, there is a gap in our dates, which we hypothesize signifies a change in the use of the occupation mounds during this period. However, Angkor Wat was never completely abandoned, as the dates suggest that the mounds were in use again in the late 14th-early 15th centuries until the 17th or 18th centuries CE. This ...

Bis heute werden die bedeutendsten Sammlungen und Präsentationen angkorianischer Baukultur auf dem euro-päischen Festland mit den Museen in Paris und den fran-zösischen Kolonial- und Weltausstellungen (1855-1937)assoziiert. Wenn man den Begriff einer musealen Sammlung aber nicht nur auf Originalobjekte bezieht, sondernauch auf Kopien in Form von Gipsabgüssen erweitert,und noch dazu den zeitlich-örtlichen Rahmen auf daseuropäische Fin de siècle festlegt, so erstaunt der folgende Befund: um 1900 – als jene heute auf kambodschanischen Territorium befindlichen Tempelanlagen vonAngkor (9.-13. Jahrhundert) noch nicht zum französi-schen Protektorat Cambodge gehörten (dies geschah erstab 1907), sondern unter siamesischer Verwaltung lagen –befand sich die bedeutendste Sammlung zusammenhän-gender Architekurflächen von Angkor – im Wettlauf umdas höchste Museumsprestige unter den europäischen Kulturnationen – gerade nicht in der französischenHauptstadt, sondern im Berliner Völkerkundemuseum. Inhalt dieses Beitrags ist aber nicht eine in den Berliner Kontext sammlungsgeschichtlich wie kulturpolitisch eingebettete Analyse dieses Tatbestandes, sondern eine anekdotisch gehaltene Zusammenfassung der kuriosen Umstände und Vorgänge des Erwerbs jener mehr als 300 Gipsabgüsse aus Angkor, deren spektakuläres Kernstück aus der mehr als 200 Meter langen und bis zu 3 Meter hohen Abformung der berühmten Bas-Reliefs des Tempels von Angkor Wat aus dem 12. Jahrhundert bestand. Beauftragt vom damaligen Direktor des Berliner Völkerkundemuseums Adolf Bastian (1826-1905) zusammenmit dem Leiter der Indischen Abteilung Albert Grün-wedel (1856-1935), wurden diese Abformungen 1898 amoriginalen Tempel durch den dubiosen Minenbesitzer und Abenteurer Harry Thomann unter dem Decknamen Gillis angefertigt, zwischen 1889 und 1903 zusammen mit ethnographischen Originalstücken auf Raten zum Gesamtpreis von 120.000 Mark angekauft und ab 1904 tatsächlich in die Wandstrukturen des Berliner Völkerkundemuseums in der Königgrätzer Straße (später in Stresemannstraße umgetauft) eingebaut.

Even though Angkor was represented for
the first time during the Parisian Universal Exhibition
of 1867 with some plaster casts, we will focus
here on the crucial event that took place exactly
eleven years later: the Exposition universelle
of 1878, which formed the real porte d’entrée for
Angkor in France and, later, for the whole European
continent. Surprisingly, the 1878 exhibition
is rarely mentioned in scientific literature on the
genesis of Angkor in France. This may have been
down to the fact that the political, scientific, and
disciplinary context of this major event is quite a
difficult one to dissect.

Deservedly so, when one visits Europe we marvel at the building they built in the 1600s and 1700s. What impressive feats they accomplish. But then Angkor Wat meaning 'temple city / city of temples, located in northwest Cambodia, was built at the behest of Suryavarman II in the early 12th century in Yaśodharapura (same Place as Angkor). It is the largest religious structure in the form of a temple complex in the world by land area, measuring 162.6 hectares (401+ 3 ⁄4 acres). At the centre of the temple stands a quincunx of four towers surrounding a central spire that rises to a height of 65 m (213 ft) above the ground. [5] next. It lies within an outer wall 3.6 kilometres (2+ 1 ⁄4 miles) long and a moat more than five kilometres (three miles) long.

Paper read at the SPAFACON2021 (The 4th SEAMEO SPAFA International Conference on Southeast Asian Archaeology and Fine Arts), held online from 13-17 December 2021.

Abstract
Based on the two inscriptions dated Wednesday 8 September 1546 and Sunday 27 February 1564 on the walls of the North Gallery-East Wing and the East Gallery-North Wing of the 12th century Angkor Wat, George Coedes has dated the completion of the bas reliefs on these wings to the 16th century. This dating underscores that the bas reliefs on the walls of the galleries of the third enclosure of Angkor Wat were not all carved during the reign of a single Khmer monarch.  More significantly is the presence of bossed gongs solely in the north gallery – east wing, where, in other galleries gongs are not illustrated.  Two types of bossed gongs are carved – suspended bossed gongs, single or in pairs, and circle gongs with eight to nine bossed gongs.  It was during the reign of Ang Chan (1528–1566) that the bas-reliefs of the North-East gallery and the East-North gallery were carved in the 16th century.. However, it remains unresolved why gongs were not carved on the two wings that have direct references to Khmer monarchs --- the west-south gallery, with the narrative of the battle of Kurukshetra and the south-west gallery depicts the war exploits of King Suryavarman II, presumably carved the earliest by the 12th century.  Such grand narratives are usually accompanied by gongs.  By the 12th-13th century also, bossed gongs had been circulating along the Gulf of Thailand, Sumatra, Java and Mindanao.

នៃវិចិត្រសាលខាងជើង-ខាងកើតស្លាប និងវិចិត្រសាលខាងកើត-ខាងជើងនៃប្រាសាទអង្គរវត្តសតវត្សទី 12 លោក George Coedes បានចុះកាលបរិច្ឆេទនៃការបញ្ចប់ចម្លាក់លៀននៅលើស្លាបទាំងនេះដល់សតវត្សទី 16 ។ . ការណាត់ជួបនេះបញ្ជាក់ជាចុងក្រោយថា ចម្លាក់លៀននៅលើជញ្ជាំងនៃថែវនៃប្រាសាទអង្គរវត្ត មិនមែនសុទ្ធតែឆ្លាក់ទាំងអស់ក្នុងរជ្ជកាលរបស់ព្រះមហាក្សត្រខ្មែរតែមួយនោះទេ។ សំខាន់ជាងនេះទៅទៀតគឺវត្តមានរបស់គងគងដែលមានតែនៅក្នុងវិចិត្រសាលភាគខាងជើង – ស្លាបខាងកើត ដែលនៅក្នុងវិចិត្រសាលផ្សេងទៀត ឃ្មោងមិនត្រូវបានបង្ហាញទេ។ គងគងពីរប្រភេទត្រូវបានឆ្លាក់ គឺគងគងដែលព្យួរជាគូទោល ឬជាគូ និងគងរង្វង់ដែលមានគងប្រាំបីទៅប្រាំបួន។

Southeast Asia’s earliest cities emerged by the mid-first millennium CE after more than one thousand years’ growth toward urbanism and complexity. These early cities appeared both on the coasts and in river networks; their inhabitants engaged in trade and agriculture, and selectively embraced urban and religious concepts from neighboring cultures with which they interacted. This chapter examines competing arguments for how and why cities first appeared in Southeast Asia, their timing, scale, and form. Despite heterogeneity in urban pattern, early Southeast Asian cities shared key
structural features in configuration and social construction that reflect pan-regional ideological systems. Fewer urban forms arose in insular Southeast Asia compared with the mainland, and they emerged later in time; selected examples are also included for comparison. Early Southeast Asian urban systems were participants in the process Sanskrit cosmopolitanism (sensu Pollock), but a growing body of archaeological research identifies regionalization in urban form that distinguished
even the earliest Southeast Asian cities them from their South Asian counterparts.

An inscription at Prasat Banteay Srey, 15 km north of Angkor Wat in Cambodia, dates the inauguration of this Shivaite sanctuary to coincide with a planetary alignment. A planetary clustering or planetary alignment is when the five planets visible to the naked eye are observable at dawn or dusk above the eastern or western horizon. The five planets form together with the sun, the moon, Rahu and Ketu the Indian concept the Navagraha. A close gathering of the five planets is an impressive celestial event and has been described in ancient Indian and Chinese records and calculations.
Appendix III, pgs. 226-233 in Ancient Khmer Sites in North-eastern Thailand. Khorat, Buriram and the Angkor - Phimai route. Printed

BUDDHIST COLUMELLA- Collection of Essays BOOK
11 papers on Borobudur, Angkor and Buddhism for all my fans and readers.

CHAPTER I-Mekong river - ‘Mother Ganga’ of Southeast Asia page 4
CHAPTER II-The  Mekong Ganga Cooperation initiative  page 18
CHAPTER III- Aniconism in Buddhism Page 29
CHAPTER IV-Bharat and Dvipantara page 40
Chapterv V The hindu Gods of Buddhist Thailand page 65
CHAPTER VI-Flip –Flop of Religions & Iconoclasm in Khmer Empire page 94
CHAPTER VII - Dieties Galore- The many Hindu Gods of Cambodia page 100
CHAPTER VIII-Bharat and Dvipantara- The rise of esoteric Buddhism on SE asian trade routes page 130

CHAPTER IX-THE STRANGE CASE OF THE TIBETAN BUDDHISM page 155
CHAPTER X-Tushita heaven in Buddhist cosmology  page 162
CHAPTER XI-SHIVA & BUDDHA’s Integration in Buddhism page 179

The 9th–15th century Angkorian state was Southeast Asia’s greatest premodern empire and Angkor Wat in the World Heritage site of Angkor is one of its largest religious monuments. Here we use excavation and chronometric data from three field seasons at Angkor Wat to understand the decline and reorganization of the Angkorian Empire, which was a more protracted and complex process than historians imagined. Excavation data and Bayesian modeling on a corpus of 16 radiocarbon dates in particular demand a revised chronology for the Angkor Wat landscape. It was initially in use from the 11th century CE with subsequent habitation until the 13th century CE. Following this period, there is a gap in our dates, which we hypothesize signifies a change in the use of the occupation mounds during this period. However, Angkor Wat was never completely abandoned, as the dates suggest that the mounds were in use again in the late 14th–early 15th centuries until the 17th or 18th centuries CE. This break ...

Aims and Scope

This book unravels the formation of the modern concept of cultural heritage by charting its colonial, postcolonial-nationalist and global trajectories. By bringing to light many unresearched dimensions of the twelfth-century Cambodian temple of Angkor Wat during its modern history, the study argues for a conceptual, connected history that unfolded within the transcultural interstices of European and Asian projects. With more than 1,400 black-and-white and colour illustrations of historic photographs, architectural plans and samples of public media, the monograph discusses the multiple lives of Angkor Wat over a 150-year-long period from the 1860s to the 2010s.

Volume 1 (Angkor in France) reconceptualises the Orientalist, French-colonial ‘discovery’ of the temple in the nineteenth century and brings to light the manifold strategies at play in its physical representations as plaster cast substitutes in museums and as hybrid pavilions in universal and colonial exhibitions in Marseille and Paris from 1867 to 1937.

Volume 2 (Angkor in Cambodia) covers, for the first time in this depth, the various on-site restoration efforts inside the ‘Archaeological Park of Angkor’ from 1907 until 1970, and the temple’s gradual canonisation as a symbol of national identity during Cambodia’s troublesome decolonisation (1953–89), from independence to Khmer Rouge terror and Vietnamese occupation, and, finally, as a global icon of UNESCO World Heritage since 1992 until today.

This book investigates the role of cultural heritage as a constitutive dimension of different civilizing missions from the colonial era to the present. It includes case studies of the Habsburg Empire and German colonialism in Africa, Asian case studies of (post)colonial India and the Dutch East Indies/Indonesia, China and French Indochina, and a special discussion on 20th-century Cambodia and the temples of Angkor.

The themes examined range from architectural and intellectual history to historic preservation and restoration. Taken together, they offer an overview of historical processes spanning two centuries of institutional practices, wherein the concept of cultural heritage was appropriated both by political regimes and for UNESCO World Heritage agendas.

What is the Construction tech, Design and Vastu of the Angkor Temples of Cambodia?
Explained in s a series of ESSAYS.
A mythical genealogy of the artists is given in most of the architectural treatises. From the four faces of Brahma, the creator, are stated to have originated the four heavenly architects Visvakarman, Maya, Tvashtar, and Manu.2 Their four sons are called respectively Sthapati, Sutra-grahin, Vardhaki, and Takshaka. These four evidently represent the progenitors of the four classes of terrestrial artists. They form the guild of architects, each an expert in his own department, consisting of the chief architect or master-builder, the designer or the draftsman, the painter, and' the joiner.
The temple construction project begins with identifying the most suitable site for erecting the structure. This involves examination of all aspects relating to the location, the extent, the orientation, the quality of soil, the water source, the environment and astrological suitability of the site etc. This elongated process goes by the name: Bhupariksha. The principal elements involved in a temple –projects are: Sthala (temple site); Teertha (Temple tank) and Murthy (the idol). Elaborate rules are laid out in the classical texts on Shilpa Shastra, describing the required qualities of the places where a temple is to be erected; as also of the other two elements.

King Suryavarman I (1002 – 1050 AD), a great Khmer king of the Angkor period of Cambodian history, marks a turning point in the history of Cambodia. Some scholars researched that he is ancestry to a homeland Malaysia. Suryavarman sized King Udayadityavarman I throne (1001-1002 AD), and defeated his enemy in 1002 AD. He put up a brainy fight with Udatadityavarman I for throne coup. After a sustained war with Udayadityavarman's successor, Jyaviravarman (1002-1010 AD), Suryavarman I claimed him as a king in his throne in 1010.

ANGKOR is known as a Hydraulic city- full or canals and river and waterways. It is this water system that was developed to cruise the building materials of the Angkor wat.
In this first of 2 books the author describes the Hydrological part of Angkor before putting into orbit his thesis in Book 2 that the fall of Angkor or its abnondenment was caused by Hindus who left ( probably in disgust) that the rulers had embraced Buddhism and simply went to other Hindu places- or perhaps those who did not embrace Buddhism were persecuted?:

"An extraordinary analysis of Southeast Asia’s most esoteric female performing art: the ancient Cambodian ballet. A wartime twist of fate made the author one of the only Westerners in history to gain full access to the formerly sequestered troupe of royal dancers, their teachers, theater and archives. Over the past millennium, these women were goddesses, priestesses, queens, concubines, hostages and diplomats. Earth in Flower reveals the complete details of their tradition for the first time.

The 62-page PDF preview here includes: front and back covers; table of contents, list of photos and illustrations; complete front matters (publisher's foreword, author preface, acknowledgements and introduction); the full text of chapter 1, "Introduction: Sources of the Study"; and the index."

A rare stele depicting the birth of the Buddha, taken from Angkor Wat in 1899 and now housed in the Bangkok National Museum, raises issues central to the Buddhist art and civilization of Angkor. Stemming from the late 13th or the early 14th century, it draws its inspiration primarily from North Indian Sanskrit textual sources, thereby providing further evidence of the continuing dominance of that tradition in Cambodia and mainland Southeast Asia, prior to the more recent and final onset of Pali-based Buddhism (i.e. Theravāda or Theravaṁsa).

A lecture on this topic has been delivered at the Siam Society in Bangkok on 7 February 2019. It is available online here: https://youtu.be/bBLp4txtxXY

This paper asks why the predominant Buddhist icon of ancient Angkor was a Buddha seated on the coils of a giant multi-headed serpent with raised cobra hood. The Khmer Buddha has yet to be named or explained despite being the principal image in the central sanctuary of the Bayon, Angkor’s first Buddhist state temple. The icon is very widely taken to represent the Naga Mucalinda sheltering the Buddha from a storm six weeks after his enlightenment. Several scholars have expressed puzzlement at why this minor episode in the Sakyamuni biography should have found such favour with the Mahayanist ancient but few have dismissed it as a wrong interpretation. I will endorse rejection and suggest that the Khmer naga and Mucalinda are doppelgänger with quite different meanings -- a conclusion reached after examining the Buddhist contexts of the Khmer icon’s naga-enthroned (preferable to ‘protected’) predecessors in Amaravati, Sri Lanka, Malay Peninsula and northeast Thailand. The Angkorian Buddha, I will claim, should be seen as the Khmer Vairocana or ‘Sarvavid’ (‘Omniscient’, named in one key inscription) of the tantric Vajrayana and unrelated to the minor Mucalinda biographical episode which later occasionally appears in the southern Buddhism of modern Thailand, Burma and Cambodia. The latter we have allowed to interpose itself and distort our understanding of the centrally important earlier icon.

An appreciation of the use of power by the Angkorian Empire is gained through analysing aggregated spatial and temporal data from pre-Angkorian and Angkorian period inscriptions. This paper argues that the Khmer empire depended to a significant degree on administration operating through regional centres and on its long-established communication and trade links. The mode of control varied with distance from the capital and over time. Its political economy is marked by three concurrent cycles indicative of changing power relationships: cycles of royal inscriptions, of non-royal inscriptions, and of control over peripheral territories. Angkor’s processes and strategies were sufficiently flexible for it to endure for approximately six centuries. At some stage from the fourteenth century, key processes and strategies for maintaining its integrity as an empire became less effective than before, and the cyclical pattern ended.