Anarchist Pedagogy

Nueva edición del ENSAYO DE PEDAGOGÍA UTÓPICA, la 5ta en tres años. En ella hemos añadido el folleto de Carlos Díaz, también agotado hace tiempo, NO HAY ESCUELA NEUTRAL. Los dos forman una unidad, ya que platntean una crítica radical de toda pedagogía directiva, tecnocrática...y presentan las líneas y sugerencias de una pedagogía liberadora, reflejo de las nuevas formas de vida y de lucha en la sociedad actual.
Síntesis creado de una enseñanza siempre comprometida. Utopía, en fin, no como evasión del mundo real, sino como elemento profundo de transformación total de la persona y del mundo.
El prólogo a esta edición pone de relieve estos aspectos con la preocupación de la actual situación que vivimos en España y enmarca dos trabajos cuyas propuestas siguen siendo válidas hoy día.

Editorial ZERO, S.A. Madrid.
1979.

anarchistische geographien stellt die erste umfassende deutschsprachige Publikation dar, in der geographische Perspektiven und Konzepte mit Kämpfen, Praktiken und politischen Ideen von Anarchismen zusammen gedacht werden. In den Beiträgen des Bandes wird unter anderem an die mit feministischen Positionen geteilten Zugänge zu Wissen und Macht, Diskurse kritischer Pädagogik und die Migrations-, Stadt- und Wohnungsforschung angeschlossen und spezifisch anarchistische Perspektiven auf diese angewendet. Zudem werden ideengeschichtliche und konzeptionelle Debatten der anarchistischen Bewegung und der Disziplingeschichte der Institution Geographie aufgefächert und Anschlüsse an aktuelle akademische Diskurse zum Verhältnis von Anarchismen und Geographieren, wie sie in den letzten Jahren in anglo-, franko-, und lusophonen Sprachräumen geführt wurden, hergestellt.

With Entheogenic Intent (Burn the Witch) 4 5 W e live in the multilayered dimension of technomaya. Digital technology has given power to the media that is directly acting on the mind, so that the spell of the media-sphere has wrapped itself around the psychosphere. Technomaya captures the flows that proceed from the activity of the mind, and returns them to mental receptors as a mirror would, in the form of a template for future forms of life. In the digital sphere, people are spending more and more time with electronic ghosts. However the techno-media spell (technomaya) is sometimes broken down when barred windows are all of a sudden opened by the winds of joy, or by the stoms of despair. letting the dazzling light of uncanny dimensions burst onto the scene of the social imagination, and allowing forgotten fragments of the unconscious to surface. What I would like to describe here are the ways in which the spell of semiocapitalism (financial abstraction, specters of the mediascape) captures the social body and delivers it over to the economic code, where experience is subjected to the power of simulation and standardization. But I also wish to search for and to imagine possible lines of escape. T hese can only be found in those places of the unconscious where the multilayered spell of semiocapital is ripped apart in order for a creative unconscious to resurface.

'Taking our Time’ is an invitation to think critically about our own lived experience of time, while drawing on the rich intellectual tradition of ‘Western’ philosophies of time, both past and present. We will read texts that approach the problem of time from a variety of theoretical angles (Marxist, postcolonial, feminist and queer) and propose alternative forms of understanding, experiencing and measuring time. Even though many of the texts we will consider raise philosophical questions, this is not a philosophy course. We will read these texts attentively and disrespectfully, and bring our own experiences to bear on questions such as: How can time be political? Does time have a gender? How ‘free’ is free time?

Beginning with a historical introduction to how conceptions and representations of time have changed across ‘time’, the course will then be structured thematically and will involve lecture presentations, non-hierarchical group discussions, oral presentations, student-led class facilitation, and – weather permitting – embodied explorations of time while moving in the public space outside DSFL.

Education has played a particularly important role in the history of anarchist thought and practice, perhaps more so than any other political philosophy aimed at social transformation. This is in part because, for anarchists of all stripes, education has never been simply a means to achieve a new social order. It has been, rather, part of the very practice and prefiguration of the anarchist ideal of creating freer and more critical minds, and more open, cooperative and non-oppressive relationships within society. As a result, understanding the peculiar nature of the role of education for anarchism can help us better understand the relationship between anarchist educational theory and its relatives in the broader circles of "libertarian" or "radical" education. It can also help us underscore the tremendous differences between the anarchist conception of education and that of historical and contemporary statist and capitalist pedagogies. Finally, a greater understanding of the role of education within anarchist theory can help us clarify the means, aims and ideas of the wider anarchist movement and tradition. This paper seeks to elaborate on these topics.

Tina Tomassi.
Desde los antecedentes de Godwin, Owen y los "utópicos", pasando por las grandes figuras del movimiento libertario (Proudhon, Bakunin, Stirner, Tolstoi, Kropotkin...), hasta llegar a las experiencias educativas de principios del siglo XX, como la Escuela Moderna de Francisco Ferrer o Summerhill. esta obra reune datos no del todo desconocidos, pero que en la actualidad siguen dispersos, ayudando a su estudio y apreciación.

Although anarchist approaches to social work are not new, little has been written about this theoretical approach in the field of social work, with the exception of perhaps Martin Gilbert (2005) and Mark Baldwin (2019). In addition to this absence in the social work literature, anarchism is rarely taught to social work students as a viable theoretical approach to practice. However, such an alternative approach appears to be vital given the failures of Marxist, structural and radical approaches to social work – including anti-oppressive practice – to 1) separate the social work role from oppressive state agendas; 2) stop the professionalization and subsequent regulation of social work to the detriment of service users; 3) work successfully with communities to end social and environmental injustices and inequities; and, 4) work within the state’s institutional systems to effect meaningful change. A truly emancipatory social work praxis may mean looking to more radical approaches that are independent of state power and that take up anti-capitalist, anti-colonial, anti-racist and ecological commitments.

Schooling is a form of misopedy and a fundamental structure in conditioning societal acceptance of domination in other registers. The subordination of children begins with the misguided notion that they are incapable of autonomy, reinforcing a dichotomous understanding of adult/child or teacher/student. Schooling should not be confused with education. The former represents the interests of oppression, molding societal consciousness to accept the conditions of subjugation. In contrast, education in its idealized form is a process of self-discovery, an awakening to one’s potential, and a desire to see such abilities realized. To ensure the absence of coercion in education children need to explore for themselves, making their own decisions about what their interests are, and how those curiosities might be fulfilled. Presenting a broad range of opportunities is crucial, but the decision about what path to follow should be determined by the child. When bound to a classroom we often mistake obedience for education. Yet learning, as geographers recognize, best occurs 'through the soles of our feet' and when children explore the world through unschooling, they live into their creative potential, opening an aperture on alternative ontologies. Unschooling is, in short, one of the most powerful forms of anarchism we can engage.

"Michel Weber, Éduquer (à) l’anarchie. Essai sur les conséquences de la praxis philosophique, Louvain-la-Neuve, Éditions Chromatika, 2008. (978-2-930517-03-2 ; 239 p. ; 20 € ; http://www.i6doc.com/fr/livre/?GCOI=28001100481530)

L'idéal philosophique incarné par la vie et l'œuvre d’Alfred North Whitehead (1861–1947) est, plus que jamais, d'une actualité brûlante. Il requiert que la philosophie soit une discipline vécue afin qu'elle puisse demeurer une discipline vivante. Quel posture socio-politique suggère-t-il ? Le concept d’anarchie permet de nommer à la fois l’état présent du monde globalisé (le « chaos constructif » voulu par le néolibéralisme) et la réponse qui s’impose : le communautarisme libertaire, c’est-à-dire la redynamisation de la démocratie participative. Or, le monde de l’éducation se situe précisément en ce point de bifurcation : ou bien il succombe aux assauts du marché et nous nous dirigeons vers la barbarie ; ou bien il résiste et la Vie reprend ses droits.

The philosophical ideal embodied by the life and works of Alfred North Whitehead (1861–1947) is, more than ever, a burning question. It requires that philosophy be a lived discipline so that it can remain a living discipline. What does this ideal entail in the socio-political sphere? The concept of anarchy allows a straightforward discussion of both the current state of affairs in a globalized world (the “constructive chaos” fostered by neoliberalism) and the necessary reaction : libertarian communautarism, which constitutes a re-energization of participative democracy. Now, the world of education lies precisely at that bifurcation point. Either it gives way beneath the attacks of the “market” and we are heading towards barbary; or it resists and Life regains its rights."

To all nature and cosmos that still suffer fundamentally from our cruel existence
To all those who have lost or sacrificed their lives and properties against the States, tyranny, and for ecology
To all powerless people whose suffering unfortunately makes State luxury and violence possible 

We can regard this incomplete bibliography as a slowly individual and social awareness of the suffering as well as happiness of putting into question and revolting against the cruelties of human beings toward themselves, non-humans, and nature as well. This has happened during a long process of deep reflection, discontentment, war (e.g., the Syrian Civil War), occupation, imperialism, colonization, revolt (e.g., Occupy Gezi, Nuit Debout, and the 2017-2019 Iranian Revolt against Shiite Daesh or the Islamic Republic of Iran, and les Gilets Jaunes), and revolution. We have thus started to see and feel, throughout our blood and flesh, the extreme, harmful, shameful, and degrading pains and consequences of ignorance, homelessness, slum, poverty, inequality, religiosity, authority, hierarchy, tyranny, repression, exploitation, starvation, deportation, mass immigration and refugee, war, genocide, massacre, execution, mutilation, stoning, whipping, torture, rape, imprisonment, plunder (e.g., taxation or organized and systematic State robbery), sexism, discrimination, white supremacy, slavery, corruption (e.g., State democracy and State art), brainwashing, propaganda, as well as the enslavement, abuse, pollution, and destruction of animals and nature over our existences and non-human existences as well. The catastrophic situation of countless women (prostitutes and domestic slaves, among others), children (e.g., street children and child labour including child prostitution), individuals with disabilities, and seniors is also indignant and revolting.
We face some fundamental questions in that awareness. For instance, why and how we, as the so-called masters of earth or masterpiece of, à l’image de l’homme, an extremely fictive (man-made), irrational, shitty, cruel, bloodthirsty, narcissist, sadist, sexist, anti-animalist, and capitalist animal called and worshiped as God, continue to massacre, punish, enslave, and exploit ourselves and all fauna and flora in the name of God, rationality, prosperity, progress, civilization, democracy, justice, or natural law? How can we, the dirtiest and wildest animals in a world founded on endlessly systematic injustice, lies, cruelties and pains, live freely, harmoniously, peacefully, and fairly with ourselves, each other, animals, and ecology? Could the following and very diverse and controversial works, experiences, movements (especially those connected to so-called “anarcho-capitalism”, “religious anarchism”, and “national anarchism”), and think-tankers – principally certain academic Godfathers/mothers (usually a bunch of secondhand or used Professors sacralizing and worshiping a fossilized or dead Godlike Anarchist, and exclusively by whom they have enthusiastically discovered their existential meaning of liberty and justice or their anarchist salvation) who are mostly coming from a Judeo-Christian stock, rooted in a colonial/postcolonial mentality, in the United States and Europe – provide us with certain solutions for and alternatives to our extremely indoctrinated, racialized, sexualized, unequalized, centralized, regulated, criminalized, nationalized, and militarized societies in which we have become so brute and ignorant under the yoke of egoism, religionism, Statism, despotism, militarism, and all other “isms” like Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism, Guevarism, Maoism, capitalism, and liberalism? As long as the libertarian think-tankers and anarchist Godfathers/mothers with their gangs and acolytes continue to regard themselves as “regalian, sacred, or vanguard intellectuals” and to exist with their “opportunist, capitalist, privileged, whitish, or racist class and gang” (i.e. champagne socialist or anarchist hypocrisy, perfectly mingled with anarchist segregation), hotly worshiped by their ass-kissers and the mass media, there will be no hope for any deep change or revolution with any alive or dead anarchist. As for us, i.e. the ordinary people, the fight for liberty, justice, equality, peace, and ecology has just started; our silence is nothing but a crime against humanity as well as naturality causing and strengthening State luxury and violence.

Vive la Dignité Existentielle jusqu’à la Mort de la Dernière Tyrannie de l’Humanité!

I am still on the first stretch of this nomadic exploration, but I think I can begin to answer the question that is guiding this exploration—'how can the Natural-Indigenous Worldview support our understandings of the potential for an anarchist society (i.e. for social order without hierarchical domination)?' The key of Natural-Indigenous Worldview that opens the lock of an anarchist society, of a society without hierarchical domination, comes in the Natural-Indigenous Worldview's spiritual ecology. When we develop the four R's (responsibility, reciprocity, respect, relationships [Young 2015]) through relating to the world in a manner that is facilitated by the spiritual ecology that rises from the Natural-Indigenous Worldview and thus ascribes spirit to all things without regard for the Colonial Modernist Worldview's distinction between 'animate' and 'inanimate', we come to see the world as a single, living, conscious being. The illusion of a discrete distinction between self and other breaks down and we come to see the self (and other selves) as strands in the unified, conscious web of creation. We come to care for all of creation as we would care for our children, for our partners, for our parents and for our self. Transcending the illusion of discrete individuality we develop a lovingly reciprocal, responsible, respectful and relational orientation to the world that begets virtuous thought, feeling, behavior and being without recourse to hierarchical authority (to punishment and fear of punishment). Engaging with the world through the spiritual ecology that rises from the Natural-Indigenous Worldview allows the sprouts of human nature to grow to fruition without recourse to hierarchical domination (i.e. without recourse to attempts to 'help sprouts grow' by pulling on them and the death of the sprouts of human nature portended by such hierarchical folly [Meng Zi 2016, 2A2]).

Antología de la pedagogía anarquista que pone especial atención en las contribuciones editadas en España y América Latina. Es un trabajo de investigación dirigido a los profesores del presente. Incluye un ensayo preliminar que presenta un mapa sucinto de las discusiones pedagógicas del anarquismo e invita a pensarlas en relación con la problemática del presente. El libro se publicó en 2018 pero se encuentra agotado.

Abstract

This thesis asks “does existence need to be regulated by the State?” The answer relies on “legal anarchism”, an interdisciplinary and unconventional research project based on multiple methodologies (mostly criminal law, criminology, and philosophy) with a specific language. It critically analyzes and consequently rejects State law because of its unjustified and unnecessary nature founded on unlimited violence and white-collar crime (Chapters 1-4), on the one hand, and suggests some alternatives to the Governmental legal system founded on agreement and peace (Chapter 5), on the other hand. It furthermore takes into account the elements of time and space, which means the ecological, local, national, regional, and international aspects of the legal system, in its analysis, critiques, and models.

Keywords: existence, State, repression, legal system, law, punishment, anarchism, legal anarchism, anarchist alternatives

Synopsis of Thesis

The dissertation aims to demonstrate that the State is neither justifiable nor necessary. In approaching the question of whether “existence needs to be regulated by the State”, it focuses on anarchist theories, which conventional legal scholarship misunderstands or ignores, by putting forward arguments based on “legal anarchism”. The critique focuses on criminal law due to its crucial position in justifying and supporting the need for Government as the most important and solicited institution of modernity. Divided into five Chapters, the dissertation aims to understand both the epistemology and necessity of the State according to anarchist thinking. As such, the thesis canvasses the opinions about the legal system consistent with the individualist, socialist, capitalist, and synthesist libertarians. It questions why all anarchist schools of thought, except the minimalists (questionably believing in a minimal State close to anarcho-capitalism), argue against the State’s nature and justification as the exclusive source of law and order. We cannot indeed understand an anarchist society without considering these critiques of Governmental epistemology and necessity. This society struggles to avoid the overwhelming State violence and corruption that is left unchallenged, if not furthered, by the legal establishment. State legal systems are actually impotent toward the white-collar criminals, including State actors themselves, but tough vis-à-vis the blue-collar criminals. 
The research strategy engages with very diverse anarchist thinkers from the left to the right sides of the political spectrum, and from the traditional to the modern schools. In order to examine their theories and alternatives to Government, legal anarchism categorizes them into individualist (e.g., Stirner, Armand, and James Walker), socialist (e.g., Godwin, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Malatesta, Goldman, Berkman, Bookchin, Chomsky, Falk, and Zerzan), and capitalist anarchists (e.g., Friedman, Rothbard, Hoppe, and Stringham), without denying their degree of permeability or synthesis insomuch as they can simultaneously share certain characteristics, principally, of anarchism, individualism, socialism, marketism, and religion (e.g., Proudhon, Spooner, Tolstoy, Tucker, and Chartier). Legal anarchism does indeed use a synthetic methodology to treat the relationship among Government, humans, and non-humans, since, as various libertarian literatures emphasize, Government has monopolized the regulation of all life and death through a sophisticated system of law and punishment. Despite the fact that legal anarchism, as a dependent discipline, relies on anarchist and legal literatures, it, as an independent discipline, has its own autonomy and liberty to analyze, criticize, or develop them with its specific terminology.     
To appreciate the anarchist analysis and critique of State law requires the understanding of several key concepts central to legal anarchism. Legal anarchism defines these terms according to its synthetic methodology without limiting itself to the specific author. The key concepts include legal anarchism, existence, and the State. Legal anarchism is a multidisciplinary project exploring and challenging the conceptual and practical implications of the State and its various institutions in a fundamentally different way. It is concerned with critically analyzing the materialistic and psychological elements of law, like the role of “law addiction” and capital, both indoctrinated and ensured by conventional approaches to legal education and lawyering. State authority actually survives and develops by not only legal or illegal violence, but also propaganda. Legal anarchism regards existence as encompassing all of human and non-human living within the cosmos. This cosmic definition of existence is observable throughout the libertarians’ critiques of Government (Chapters 1-4) as well as their models (Chapter 5), due to their consideration for the life of humans and non-humans in relation to the universe. Legal anarchism describes the State as an illegitimate institution inasmuch as it does not really build upon its citizens’ consent or democracy, but upon several despotic mechanisms, particularly taxation, legalism, and militarism.               
The analysis demonstrates that State authority is neither theoretically nor practically justified. That is, neither divine representation, social contract, voting, the ethos of obeying the law, the monopolization of legitimate violence, nor the defense of liberties and rights, can save the State. It is illegitimate because it imposes itself upon the individual, society, and nature while enforcing its rules without any real agreement. First, legal anarchism demonstrates how the overregulation and brutalization of existence through sanctions produces pains for existence while guaranteeing a luxury lifestyle, founded on income inequality, for the elites. Then, it analyzes how State law produces more problems for humans and nature (e.g., pollution, the destruction of individual and social liberty as well as mutuality) than solutions. The anarchist scholars point to accepted practices of legal education and lawyering because they indoctrinate the students and produce obedience to the law, corruption, sexism, racism, corporatism, and environmental degradation. After that, legal anarchism examines why the anarchists regard the State and its legal apparatus as a stigmatizing and repressive institution toward its dissidents whereby it further delegitimizes itself in violation of its own constitutional laws.       
Due to Government illegitimacy and problems, legal anarchism concludes the necessity of its premises as the foundation for governance by advocating certain legal models focusing on individual and social agreement and liberty as well as considering the environmental and international issues of governing. These alternatives substituting the State defend an anarchist society relying on peace, decentralization, direct democracy, federalism, equality including gender equality, and ecology at communal, national, and international levels. They are however contested, particularly around questions of property rights. There is much disagreement among the libertarians about the goals and strategies of establishing an anarchist alterative or self-governance. For instance, legal anarchism shows that the marketing models of Rothbard, Friedman, Chartier, and Stringham are close to the egoist models of Stirner, Walker, and Tucker because of disregarding or ignoring the social, international, and environmental solutions that the socialist models of Godwin, Proudhon, Bakunin, Malatesta, Kropotkin, Bookchin, Kaczynski, Chomsky, Falk, and Zerzan advocate. Unlike the socialist anarchists, the anarcho-capitalists have built their models exclusively upon the individual’s economic interest or private property, which either seriously damages or totally denies the value of the society and nature at local or international level. If certain free market anarchists, like Rothbard and Chartier, have analyzed some legal issues of the environment, their analysis has simply reduced nature to private property.               
In the end, I articulate my own suggestions and alternatives for how humanity and nature can live peacefully and harmoniously without any central Government, even though some elements of the old order relying on governmentality (e.g., the principles of criminal law) would somehow exist in the new order, but certainly not in a degree that would violate human and non-human dignity and liberty. For example, I conclude that putting the ideas of anarchism into practice, according to the principle of choice, needs more studies and critiques with a positive presentation and stimulation in academia, especially in the law school, and the mass media without fixing them in a dogmatic framework. As such, the dissertation constitutes my possible contribution to legal anarchism, its efficiency, improvement, and future to facilitate a better and safer life for humans and non-humans as well.

If anarchism is a spirit, it is the spirit of revolt. For those unfamiliar with the actual content of anarchism or the enabling possibilities of revolt this statement might appear doubly negative. Just as so much of the contemporary discourse surrounding anarchism is framed by derision and a seemingly wilful confusion of what the idea represents, so too has the idea of revolt been read though an unfavourable lens. What happens when we shatter that lens, thus allowing the light of revolt to refract in new ways that illuminate a path toward freedom? We want to create freedom in our lives, to bring the poetic joy of being in the world to each moment of breath, and to fill the spaces of our existence with a deep and unshakable love for the mystery known as ‘life’. To do this requires us to revolt. To bring light we must pursue a trajectory that refuses the darkness, death, and dismay of the age we live in. The challenges of our time require us to rebel against the disabling faith in the idea that oppression, hierarchy, and captivity are somehow the natural consequences of human evolution. Our revolt is our emancipation. It is the aperture through which the light of freedom passes, revealing a full spectrum of colour, wonder, and imagination. Yet this sentiment of revolt should not be conceived as a transcendental moment, as it is much more accurate to envision revolution as a politics of the everyday, a product of immanence. Accordingly, because our lives are lived in the here of this space and the now of this moment, it is only in the ongoing enactment of our actual daily performances that freedom itself is called into being. But these ordinary routines can’t be any presentation, for performances are multiple and they can just as often be cruel as they can be compassionate. To pursue revolt then is to practice freedom, and it is our contention that to practice freedom is to perform anarchism.

The driving questions behind this research paper are: What could porn look like in a world without domination or oppression? And how do we get from here to there? Arguing that sexual representation projects guided by a particular ethical orientation could prefigure the sex of a better world, I analyze two case studies of explicitly political queer alt porn projects: Made in Secret: The story of the East Van Porn Collective (LaRue et al., 2005), a film about a semi-fictional anarcha-feminist porn collective’s porn-making process, and NoFauxxx.com (http://www.nofauxx.com/), an alt porn website that espouses feminist and anarchistic values. The goal of this research is to explore if, how, and to what extent these experiments embody, whether in porn content or production practices, a utopian pedagogical model of social change by putting into practice a set of visions of how ethical sexual representation could work.

This article is a manifesto for anarchist geographies, which are understood as kaleidoscopic spatialities that allow for multiple, non-hierarchical, and protean connections between autonomous entities, wherein solidarities, bonds, and affinities are voluntarily assembled in opposition to and free from the presence of sovereign violence, predetermined norms, and assigned categories of belonging. In its rejection of such multivariate apparatuses of domination, this article is a proverbial call to nonviolent arms for those geographers and non-geographers alike who seek to put an end to the seemingly endless series of tragedies, misfortunes, and catastrophes that characterize the miasma and malevolence of the current neoliberal moment. But this is not simply a demand for the end of neoliberalism and its replacement with a more moderate and humane version of capitalism, nor does it merely insist upon a more egalitarian version of the state. It is instead the resurrection of a prosecution within geography that dates back to the discipline’s earliest days: anarchism!

Responding to the set of dialogues on my original article, ‘Why a radical geography must be anarchist’, I throw my hat back in the ring and offer a blow-by-blow commentary on the sucker punches and low blows that some Marxists continue to want to throw at anarchism. In particular, I go toe to toe with the fallacious idea that Marxism remains the only viable politics on the left and demonstrate why anarchism is not only up to scratch, but in a world that continues to be marked by domination, as far as emancipation is concerned, anarchism is a heavyweight contender. While I pull no punches with the two Marxist pugilists, the remaining commentators are in my corner, and I welcome their thoughtful critiques by taking it on the chin. Yet rather than throw in the towel, I attempt to set the record straight by repositioning anarchism as an ethos that merges rebellion with reciprocity, subversion with self-management, and dissent with direct action, where the potential combinations are infinite. Anarchism is to be thought of, quite simply, as an attitude. When we remember this quality, without attempting to pin anarchism down to a particular set of commitments or distinct group of activities, we begin to recognize that anarchism can both float like a butterfly and sting like a bee. The reason for this multifarious character is because anarchism is not an identity, but is instead something you do. Anarchism consequently has knockout potential to unite diverse strategies and tactics under the black flag of this radical political slogan. Insofar as the future of radical geography is concerned, anarchism has got the guts, the spirit, and the heart to go the distance. Let’s get ready to rumble!

If you fail to act now, history will have to record that the greatest tragedy of this period of social transition was not the strident clamor of the bad people, but the appalling silence of the good people." (King 1959) "Future planners assume that today's human behavior is normative, explaining it as adaptive to current conditions and part of a line of progress from prior Western or Euro-centric existence. There is a lack of awareness of how "worldview" has influenced the state of affairs in the world today." (Four Arrows and Narvaez 2016, p. 2) have on one's descendants. Interconnectedness fosters harmony by promoting responsibility and reciprocity, and harmony is considered the most powerful energy in the universe." (Methot 2012) "In Indigenous sciences, the world is often understood in terms of flows of energies (and sometimes entities) across a permeable boundary between manifest and unmanifest realities. Working relationships with forces deemed "superstitious" or "irrational" in modern science are significant aspects of social processes and healing practices. Maintaining these worldviews and practices is an uphill battle against the hegemony of modern scientific thought and the legacy of missionaries and educators who tried so hard to dismantle Indigenous knowledge systems. Even among scientists today, those who try to work outside the mechanistic paradigm in ways that approach Indigenous science are denounced as crackpots." (Herman 2008, p. 75) Returning to our discussion of , accepting that being 'realistic' means accepting the status quo is just fine if accepting the status quo is tenable for you in your seat of privilege, but it is not tenable if accepting the status quo means accepting the suffering and death of your homeland, nonhuman kin, family, friends, communities, etc. By not telling students how things fit together in the political, social, economic, etc. systems of Colonial Modernity or how we should think and feel about the oppressive ways that things fit together in colonial modernity teachers simply allow the exploitative, dominant culture of Colonial Modernity and its many and varied mythological rationalizations for oppression (which have been inscribed upon all those people who are socialized within Colonial Modernity) to go unproblematized (which is to say to retain their 'commonsensical', banal invisibility). By approaching education in a non-didactic manner authors like Cook implicitly support the hegemonic status quo and the many and varied forms of oppression therein. Obviously students will retain their ability to accept or reject didactic narrations, but the key is that didactic narrations which counter the dominant culture serve to problematize the banal invisibility of the dominant culture and its associated myths, ideas, logics, ontological assumptions, etc. (i.e. Worldview) that produce and legitimate the oppressive, hierarchical relations between things that typify Colonial Modernity.

What is the relationship between metaphysics and political revolution? Despite being two of the most widely discredited concepts in contemporary European philosophy, this chapter argues that we are witnessing the return of both in the work of French philosophers Gilles Deleuze and Alain Badiou. Their return, however, is no mere repetition of the previous forms of classical metaphysics and modern revolution- defined by totality and the state. Rather, it is a differen- tial return: a return that changes something fundamental about these concepts and breathes into them a desperately needed new life. Many contemporary Eu- ropean philosophers have announced the "end of metaphysics" and the "death of philosophy." They have buried the ideas of metaphysics and revolution many years ago, but continue to pursue the endless task of vilifYing them- Jest their specters return from the grave.

While the philosophical idea of the return of revolution is becoming increasingly more popular and relevant today, the current body of literature thinking through it has tended to under-theorize and often neglect a crucial dimension of this return: the actuality of the revolution itself. This paper argues that we can locate a supplement to this problem in Deleuze and Guattari's constructivist political analysis. In particular, this paper demonstrates how Deleuze and Guattari's political analysis can help us illuminate the actuality of one of the most interesting revolutionary movements underway today: the Occupy movement.

Weaving together biography with poetry and political theory, this chapter addresses numerous themes including activist identity, domestic violence and care of the self. Centred around the practice of sex education with young people in schools, the piece asks questions about the nature of both sex and education.

The logic and sincerity of Marxist appeals to unity on the Left are worthy of critical scrutiny. I argue against such pleas, suggesting that the devil is in the details. In practice, 'Left unity' could only result in the co-optation of anarchism under a Marxist leadership. Such vanguardism is one of the fundamental divisions between the two approaches, having long been rejected by anarchists. I further argue that Marxism cannot withstand the anarchist critique, striking fear into the heart of Marxists as it threatens their worldview. It also means that despite appeals to 'fertile collaboration' between the red and black, there is an explicit lack of willingness among some Marxists to actually engage with anarchists in legitimate debate. So be it. Anarchists will continue to raise hell all the same.

Through a militant co-research project with a class in an anarchistic free school, we explore how dispositions from so-called ‘normal’ education infiltrate activities of aspirationally ‘radical’ pedagogy. Grappling with these tensions as a kind of ‘playful work,’ we focus on four themes: the geo- and body-political situatedness of knowledge, space-time, a/effective relationships, and pedagogy and study. Across these themes, we take up and trouble assumptions of modernity/coloniality, as sources of obstacles we experienced in our class and, more broadly, in projects of movement-embedded study. Subscribing to these assumptions both happens through and serves to legitimate the institutions of education, or the processes of making people ‘ready’ for adulthood, work, and governance. As a counter-force, we offer tactics for de-linking from these imaginal trajectories and composing pedagogies of decolonial, communal futures.

Instead of waiting for revolution this paper argues for  the power of the everyday, where our collective undoing of capitalism is an ongoing process of subversion. Such an evolutionary politics of insurrection, a protean “spirit of revolt”, is located as a politics of immanence entwined within our very being in the world. It is an ontology of rebellion, rather than an epistemology of deferral. Everyday conversations and mundane practices can embody this ethos of insurrection through the principles of continual reflexivity and revision. Since geography is ultimately a politics of process it bespeaks evolution rather than revolution, and so we need to consider what it might mean to drop the “r”. Although the ordinary story that such a philosophy of transformation implies is less alluring than the grandiose idea of revolution, it has greater potential to bring results, as it is more in tune with how social change actually happens.

STARTING IN the 1970s, a new consensus emerged among serious scholars of the Russian Revolution. Instead of seeing the rise of Stalinism as the predetermined outcome of Leninism or workers’ power, “revisionist” historians looked instead to the devastating effects of civil war and international isolation. They discovered that the early years of the workers’ state were far more complicated and rich than the standard right-wing inevitable-march-to-totalitarianism version. In its broad outlines, their work confirmed that material conditions, rather than Bolshevik original sin, transformed a mass, popular revolution into its opposite, Stalinism........

Lo scopo del volume è quello analizzare, in chiave pedagogica, il pensiero e le opere di tre figure raramente contemplate nel panorama degli studi sull’educazione. Si tratta di Michail Bakunin, Paul Robin e Georges Lapassade, autori che, in modo diverso si sono impegnati per dare voce non solo ai più vulnerabili ma anche a molte questioni lasciate ai margini della scienza ufficiale. Da questa prospettiva, le teorizzazioni proposte da Bakunin, Robin e Lapassade interrogano criticamente l’attualità inserendosi, con la loro forza, nel dibattito su un Mondo più equo, giusto, solidale, collaborativo, aperto alle differenze, attento ai più deboli. Si tratta, evidentemente, di temi che riguardano la scuola, in tutte le sue componenti (insegnanti, dirigenti, personale, studenti, genitori), ma anche l’università e le altre agenzie educative e formative, così come il territorio. Attori sociali, questi, che devono operare sinergicamente, benché dialetticamente, se si desidera rilanciare l’idea di comunità educante, l’unica che può porsi a baluardo contro le molte derive disumane del nostro tempo.
http://romatrepress.uniroma3.it/libro/educazione-libertaria-tre-saggi-su-bakunin-robin-e-lapassade/

How is it that the very substance of life itself, the soil, the mud, the dust, the soot, the debris, the Earth, became the primary metaphor assigned to anarchists? We need not reject this charge. Instead, let us embrace the metaphor that aligns us to our loving Earth.

Als anys 1920 i 1930 pràcticament tots els ateneus llibertaris de ciutats com Barcelona o València tenien una secció d’esperanto, llengua que havia esdevingut un element essencial de l’ideari àcrata.
Com sorgeix aquest vincle? Per què s’interessen els llibertaris per l’esperanto? Aquest llibre presenta, per primera vegada, un estudi rigorós i sistemàtic sobre les bases històriques de la relació entre l’esperanto i l’anarquisme. Des dels socialistes utòpics fins a Malatesta, passant per Tolstoi, Pi i Margall, Reclus, Ramus, Landauer, Li o Sakae.

Friedrich Nietzsche was not an anarchist. His ideas nevertheless generated strong interest from key figures from the historical anarchist movement which began in the 1890s. Gustav Landauer, Emma Goldman and others reflected on the chances offered and the dangers posed by these ideas in relation to their own politics. Heated debates over meaning, for example on the will to power or on the status of women in Nietzsche’s works, provided even the most vehement critics such as Peter Kropotkin with productive cues for developing their own theories. In recent times, a newer strand called ‘post-anarchism’ has invoked Nietzsche’s ideas, while also disregarding the historical variants of ’Nietzschean anarchism’. This calls into question the innovative potential of post-anarchism. The book adopts a transnational perspective and is the first to document the anarchist reception of Nietzsche in Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States through a historically contextualised account.

Ideology is an integral component in the reproduction of power. Integral to this central tenet of statecraft is the regulation of identity and proscribed methods of social engagement—positive portrayals of “good citizenry” and delegitimized representations of those challenging hegemony. Through an Althusserian and linguistic analysis, positioning the X-Men movie franchise as an Ideological State Apparatus (ISA), one can examine the lives of mutants portrayed in the text as indicative of preferred methods of statelegitimized sociopolitical interaction. This metaphorical and textual analysis is used to discuss the lived realities of queer persons resisting hegemony, and is located in the bodies and performances of those who resist assimilation and homonormativity and who challenge reformist LGBT organizations seeking rights for non-heterosexuals through further entanglement with the state. I explore the world of mutants and queers with the following question in mind: How can one utilize a queerly theoretical analytical lens while maintaining a discernable distance from reformism, homonormativity, and assimilationist reductionism? Both the fictional world of the X-Men and the lived queer reality reflect the state’s efforts to dictate the borders of citizenry, the expression of grievance, and the performance of deviance, difference and stigma. Whereas the mutant narrative reflects statist ideals of a neoliberal, “politically correct” politics of integration, this agenda conceals an insidious denial of queer identity through the coerced conformity of “deviant” bodies. This discourse will be discussed through a variety of locales, including the performativity of gender and sexuality, the narrative of racial deviance, and the discussion of “passing.”

Anarcho-feminist E. Moraletat (2009, 1) argues that feminism has moved everything but changed nothing. This statement intimates at least two ideas: 1) that feminism has gained some ground within existing structures; and 2) that structural violence against women has not changed in any radical way because the underlying regulatory regimes remain intact. Focusing on the philosophical collaboration between Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, as well as feminist thought based on their work, I investigate the role of the State apparatus – i.e. dominant, regularising structures, practices, arrangements and relations, such as rights discourse – in order to interrogate the normative axis of current feminist theories and practices in higher education. Specifically, I yoke anarchism to Deleuze and Guattari's (1987, 232‒309) notion of becoming-woman as a nomadic political praxis which takes into account embodied locations and historically embedded biological-symbolic-material conditions (Braidotti 1989; 2003; Grosz 1987) to explore what this might mean for socially just pedagogies in South Africa.

BMC was a crazy and magical place, and the electricity of all the people seemed to make for a wonderfully charged atmosphere, so that one woke up in the mornings excited and a little anxious, as though a thunderstorm were sweeping in." -Lyle Bonge, Student 1947-48.

This is a paper on the circulation of anarchists and anarchist ideas in the Dominican Republic in the late XIX century and first quarter of the XX century. It was presented at Anarquismo Latinoamericano: 20th Century Anarchist Organizing in Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic at Wesleyan University in 2016. The paper is part of an ongoing project and more primary sources remained to be analyzed and included.

La presente investigación se ubica en el entrecruce de dos temáticas que pareciera aún no se han encontrado entre sí. Por un lado, el ámbito de problemas concernientes a la identidad docente, problema que se encuentra en el núcleo de investigaciones académicas en el ámbito
de la pedagogía, con un largo desarrollo dentro del mundo anglosajón. Por el otro lado, la pedagogía libertaria cuya mayor cantidad de literatura proviene de escritos de militancia, con circulación más amplia en círculos políticos más que académicos. En efecto, lo que esta
investigación busca describir es la identidad docente y la percepción acerca de su propio rol que tienen profesores que actualmente trabajan en escuelas anarquistas o libertarias.