Acadian History

Présentation de deux campagnes de repérage archéologique (2017 et 2018), concernant les quais anciens de la Péninsule acadienne. Discussion autour de l'urgence de protéger ce patrimoine, du potentiel archéologique et du faible niveau de protection. Présenté dans le cadre du colloque conjoint de l’Association des archéologues du Québec (AAQ) et de l'Association canadienne d'archéologie (ACA), en 2019.

This is a 'precis' or somewhat deep dive into the reason for the nomination of Louisiana attorney Warren Perrin for a lifetime achievement award. His 1988 Petition for Apology from the Queen on behalf of the Acadians has resonance beyond Louisiana and Canada. Mr. Perrin's Petition prompts comparison with the current Hong Kong protests and the efforts of Mauritius, which recently obtained a ruling from the International Court of Justice that decolonization is not yet complete until Great Britain returns Diego Garcia, among the Chagossian island archipelago. This of course has serious implications for the 'American pivot' to the Indo-Pacific in light of a growing Chinese presence. It also implicates the next "Grotian moment' and a realization the next tweak to the 'law of nations' will likely be less 'Western' in its approach.

Résumé : L’histoire des populations recèle des métissages anciens que la recherche par ADN parvient aujourd’hui à détecter. Cet article démontre la pertinence de cette méthode pour l’étude de l’Acadie, de son ethnogenèse et de son prolongement québécois en y exploitant spécifiquement la présence d’ADN amérindien. Un développement distinctif et exclusif au continent américain y caractérise en effet la population autochtone.

Les deux tomes des œuvres complètes de Samuel de Champlain rassemblent, en français moderne, tous ses ouvrages imprimés de son vivant, avec toutes les cartes des éditions originales, ainsi que tous ses manuscrits, dont trois mémoires inédits. Un système de concordance permet au lecteur de retrouver rapidement les textes cités des éditions antérieures de Biggar et de Laverdière. Finalement, une solide introduction, des notes explicatives et un index complètent cette édition finale des textes de Champlain.

Les récits de Champlain sont un témoignage capital des débuts de la présence française en Amérique du Nord. Il y raconte les fondations de l'Acadie et de Québec, ainsi que les explorations des provinces maritimes, de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, de la vallée du Saint-Laurent et de l'Ontario. Il y rapporte les alliances avec les Micmacs, les Etchemins, les Montagnais, les Algonquins et les Hurons. Il rappelle tout ce qu'il a vécu aux côtés des autres fondateurs, en particulier Pierre Dugua de Mons et François Gravé, mais il révèle aussi ses démarches auprès du pouvoir royal et certains aspects inconnus de sa vie.

Tome 1

Bref discours (1600-1601) • Mémoire sur un établissement dans les Terres-Neuves (1603) • Des Sauvages (1603) • Voyages (1613) • Mémoires au roi et à la Chambre du commerce (1617-1618) • Voyages (1619)

Une triangulation réussie sur une matriarche d'Acadie, Marie Christine AUBOIS, a permis l'établissement de sa signature ADNmt. Des tests génétiques ont identifié son haplogroupe A2i (A2-C64T) par séquençage complet des mitochondries, validant ainsi l'attribution documentée de M. C. AUBOIS au groupe amérindien. Cette signature s'ajoute au catalogue des signatures ancestrales que dirige l'auteur au projet "ADN-Héritage français". Grâce aux collaborations suscitées par cette triangulation, certaines lacunes de la documentation traditionnelle ont aussi pu être compensées. Cette identification par ADN de M. C. AUBOIS est exemplaire en ce qu'elle illustre le rôle complémentaire et décisif de la généalogie génétique.

The fascinating story of the Acadian orphan who became the patriarch of the Lanneau family in South Carolina. Published in Presbyterion: Covenant Seminary Review, 40 (Fall 2014): 14-26. An expansion of  "Bazile Lanneau of Charleston, S.C." published in Transactions of the Huguenot Society of South Carolina,, No. 118 (2014): 16-21. See also the author's article on the Lanneaus published in The Huguenot Herald:
https://www.academia.edu/9810259/The_Laneaus_of_Charleston_and_Greenville_S.C

For a tour of the churches of Charleston from the founding thro' the 19th century see
https://www.academia.edu/13430580/Illustrated_Booklet_of_the_Historic_Churches_of_Charleston_South_Carolina

This study was completed in partial fulfillment of coursework in Civil Law Reasoning within the University of Ottawa, Faculty of Civil Law, Licentiate in Law, National Program. Obligations are also due to the paper sponsorship by the Cape Breton Island Foundation (CBIF) Incorporated, which is an independent, non-partisan public policy think tank focused on governance impacts on Cape Breton Island. In exploring Civil Law's origin and evolution within New France, leading up to the creation of Quebec and the preservation of French Civil Law, this paper seeks to explore the status and operation of civil law in the rest of Canada's New France territory which we know as Atlantic Canada today, and was formerly known as Acadie. Focus will be paid to Cape Breton Island (Isle Cap Breton), also formerly known as Isle Royale and which twice was part of New France with French Colonial status, and twice was defeated by British (and US) forces and annexed to Nova Scotia (a predominantly British Colony). During its annexations to Nova Scotia, it was also twice split off as its own colony with a constitution, Lieutenant Governor, Attorney General and legislature (which was never allowed to form), granted to it. The final annexation by Nova Scotia was in 1820 and it was performed under great protest by the executive administration and people of Cape Breton Island. In 1867 Nova Scotia joined Confederation, and the Provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick's provincial constitutions were protected. Whereas Cape Breton Island seeks a return of its constitution and legal system, a question to frame future research that is beyond the scope of this preliminary paper, is what historical, cultural, and legal influences will prospectively influence a society ripe for a potential multi-jural legal system with French and Scottish civil law heritage and a strong traditional Aboriginal presence? The goal of an early review of French civil law in Cape Breton Island and Atlantic Canada, will be to establish a deeper understanding of the regions colonial civil law legacy and to deepen an understanding of the legal history of the region during the period 1608-1763 (intermittent French rule).

La escritura cuneiforme es conocida como uno de los primeros alfabetos de la humanidad.
Partiendo de la civilización sumeria, su expansión por gran parte de toda Mesopotamia, Oriente Medio, sur del actual Irán e incluso la Península de Anatolia, supuso el primer alfabeto usado por lenguas diferentes que fueron adaptando el mismo a sus necesidades expresivas. En ese proceso fue determinante la presencia del acadio, lengua que, partiendo del sumerio, supo desarrollar un sistema plenamente silábico cuyo conocimiento permitía su lectura sin memorizar cientos de logogramas como sucedía hasta entonces.
La civilización babilónica supo plasmar todos sus conocimientos y avances tecnológicos en este alfabeto en influir en gran parte de Oriente Medio. Buena parte de todo ese legado no solo ha llegado a nuestros días, sino que en algunos aspectos sigue vigente

"The outmigration of Canadians prior to the Civil War was noticed by such prominent observers as Lord Durham, the Governor General of Canada, and Henry David Thoreau. It received little sustained attention however. In the 1870s, the migration of hundreds of thousands of French Canadians and Acadians to industrial centers in New England and New York elicited close scrutiny from the host society, Canadian religious leaders and public officials, and emerging Franco-American elites. Since then, analytical writing concerning Canadian emigration and Franco-American life has evolved through four distinct phases. [...]"

The Battle of the Petitcodiac was fought on Sept 2, 1755 during the British expulsion of the Acadians, after the capture of Fort Beasejour. The Massachusetts-British force was soundly defeated by Boisehebert, Acadian militia, and First Nations.

Pursuing a continuation of the most recent school of thought on the Acadians, this study reveals that the determining factor in the formation of a distinguishable identity of Acadians at Beaubassin was its setting. First, the separate historiographies of Acadia and Beaubassin are examined. Considering the prominence of geography in these histories, this paper subsequently shows that it extensively affected the character of Beaubassin’s inhabitants. Geography’s relationship with Beaubassin’s residents resulted in the development of attributes which distinguished these colonists in Acadia, such as their much greater obstinacy toward their British rulers. However, the Beaubassin community is demonstrated as complex, for example, in showing both hospitality and a dislike of outsiders. Through an expansion of the geographic peculiarities and distinct traits of Chignecto’s settlers, it is demonstrated that the Beaubassin residents were notably distinct from the inhabitants of the other Acadian settlements of Les Mines and Port-Royal, and also from the British administrators in Acadia after 1713. Considerable emphasis is placed on not only these communities, but also on the separate peoples of rural France and New France. Some parallels are shown to exist between these other regions, such as their inhabitants’ relationship with their environment, their family, the Church and the state. However, it is determined that although they share similarities with all of these separate areas, some differences ultimately existed. Like the greater independence of Beaubassin, this distinctiveness was rooted principally in geography. As these characteristics all derived from geography, the true distinction of Beaubassin was its unique status as Acadia’s outpost.

With recent resurgences of Métis recognition in Canada there have been increasingly more opportunities for self-identifying Métis to gain legal recognition from the Canadian State. Although the Maritimes has not been viewed as a region with a Métis presence in the past, there are various populations present that are searching for this recognition. This study explores the historic mixed-blood that is present among the self-identifying Métis in Nova Scotia. I explore the way these Métis identities are contextualized in Canada though history, law, and Indigenous-settler relations. Particularly, I provide an analysis of Métis identification in Nova Scotia though genealogy, language, colonialism and denial. Lastly, this study shows the struggles the Métis face when positioning themselves within constitutional categories in an effort to be acknowledged as Aboriginal Peoples in Canada.

Neutrality in wartime carries with it the implication of aloofness, and thus it has been viewed historically as an exclusively reactive policy, rooted in isolationism or weakness, and lacking in imagination or initiative.  The Iroquois and Acadians alike crafted policies of neutrality during the first half of the eighteenth century, allowing each group to prosper during the three decades of peace between 1713 Treaty of Utrecht and the renewal of open military conflict in 1744.  King George’s War (1744-1748) and the Seven Years’ War (1754-63) severely tested the viability of remaining neutral in the borderlands regions of Iroquoia and Acadia.  But rather than simply reacting to the pressures of intensifying imperial conflict after 1744, both the Iroquois and the Acadians creatively advanced their status as neutral entities to preserve what they each regarded as their own best interests.  While neither British nor French imperial authorities accepted unqualifiedly the notion of non-aligned peoples and nations excusing themselves from King George's War and the Seven Years' War, comparative analysis of the ways in which the Iroquois Confederacy and the Acadian settler population structured their respective approaches to neutrality sheds new light on the ability of these groups—traditionally viewed as outside the colonial and imperial systems of power—to maintain internal group cohesion, to influence the course of events, and to determine their own fates.

Este trabalho buscará apresentar o calendário judaico moderno além de caracterizá-lo. Trataremos de questões acerca do uso do calendário, do seu lugar social e da sua crítica. Explicaremos particularidades do calendário dito lunissolar além do uso de comparações baseadas numa tabela elaborada para questões didáticas. Trabalharemos com problematizações sobre linhas temporais, datações, etc., destacando duas cronologias em particular: The Jewish Time Line Encyclopedia de Mattis Kantor e a cronologia acadêmica apresentada pela coleção The Cambridge History of Judaism. Com isso, pretendemos não só lidar com o calendário judaico em si, mas também perseguir superficialmente as pretensões de Kantor ao usar como base de sua enciclopédia de linha temporal, o calendário judaico.

This article introduces the concept of the white settler tautology – something that seems true by the very nature of its repetition and logical irrefutability in white settler histories, stories, and laws – to analyze the naturalization of settler colonial topographies and ecologies of Mi’kma’ki (Mi’kmaq/Mi’gmag territory in Atlantic Canada). Settler tautologies such as written Biblical and visual art historical references to oxen and plough clearing lands and Acadian coastal dyke irrigation systems each advance the figure of a pacified, willing Mi’kmaq/Mi’gmag subject. This erases the histories of wilful, resistant, and complex Mi’kmaq/Mi’gmag whose ongoing presence evokes an ongoing settler violence that settlers do not want to see. We argue that white settler tautologies not only provide cyclical rationales to justify white settler nativism to claim originary European ownership of colonized Indigenous lands, but also violently declared evidence of white settler nativism in the name of white settler futurity through the re- interpretation of treaty and kin. We further suggest that the importance of understanding the violence of white settler tautologies, past and present, is that they still help to justify historical and continuous genocidal occupation in Mi’kma’ki since European invasion began in 1604. To reject such tautological logic is to make visible the unbroken presence of resilient and resistant Mi’kmaq/Mi’gmag that white settlers have dispossessed and tried to eliminate for 400 years.

This dissertation examines Acadian history during the "Trente glorieuses" (1945-1975, or Eric Hobsbawm "Golden Age") with an emphasis on student political activity during the years 1957-1969. Its principal objective is to bring about a better understanding of the ways by which New Brunswick's (Canada) francophone population entered into "advanced modernity".

How can you comnpare two minorities in the same Canadian province(s), when one is racialized on the basis of its skin color and the other one on the basis of its language? How can the question of political districts in Nova Scotia for the Black and Acadian minorities be similar enough to be considered a similar political probklem when it comes to reallocating them targeted electoral districts? Going back to the early colony of Acadie, this essay explores the similarities and dissimilarities, the strains and the alliances between the Afro-Nova Scotian community and the Franco-Acadian one. It is to ,my knowledge the first time this attempt at a broad comparison has been done.

Les deux tomes des œuvres complètes de Samuel de Champlain rassemblent, en français moderne, tous ses ouvrages imprimés de son vivant, avec toutes les cartes des éditions originales, ainsi que tous ses manuscrits, dont trois mémoires inédits. Un système de concordance permet au lecteur de retrouver rapidement les textes cités des éditions antérieures de Biggar et de Laverdière. Finalement, une solide introduction, des notes explicatives et un index complètent cette édition finale des textes de Champlain.

Les récits de Champlain sont un témoignage capital des débuts de la présence française en Amérique du Nord. Il y raconte les fondations de l'Acadie et de Québec, ainsi que les explorations des provinces maritimes, de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, de la vallée du Saint-Laurent et de l'Ontario. Il y rapporte les alliances avec les Micmacs, les Etchemins, les Montagnais, les Algonquins et les Hurons. Il rappelle tout ce qu'il a vécu aux côtés des autres fondateurs, en particulier Pierre Dugua de Mons et François Gravé, mais il révèle aussi ses démarches auprès du pouvoir royal et certains aspects inconnus de sa vie.

Tome 2

Mémoire sur la reddition de Québec (1629) • Mémoire de ce que les Français possédaient (1629) • Mémoire au roi pour que sa pension lui soit continuée (1630) • Voyages (1632) • Relation (1633) • Lettres au cardinal de Richelieu (1633 et 1634) • Testament (1635)

This review article explores how historians' interpretations of the grand dérangement have varied from early scholarship in the 1800s to scholarship in 2012. Using Thomas Barnes' " 'Historiography of the Acadians' Grand Dérangement, 1755 " as a starting point, this article seeks to compare and contrast literature speaking to the historic process as interpreted by regional and outside scholars. Overall, this review article seeks to assess how scholarly trends of analysis of the grand dérangement have been maintained over time, and how others have shifted.

Caraquet est l'un des toponymes les plus mystérieux du Nord-est. Alors que plusieurs peuvent être facilement expliqués par une étymologie micmaque, comme Miscou et Tracadie, que d'autres sont associés à des personnages historiques, comme Paquetville ou Bathurst, et que d'autres encore sont purement descriptifs, comme Petit-Rocher ou Grande-Anse, aucune explication du toponyme de Caraquet ne permet de retracer avec certitude son origine et sa signification. Dans cet article, je vais énumérer les principales hypothèses ayant été énoncées quant à son origine et tenter de les confronter aux cartes et documents anciens. Mon hypothèse est que la croyance en l'origine par le mot français caraque est très ancrée et peut-être bien réelle mais qu'un ensemble de variations de prononciations, issues de l'origine diverse des premiers habitants et explorateurs, expliquent l'orthographe et la prononciation actuelle.

Note : Ceci est une version sauvegardée, qui peut différencier légèrement de la version publiée.

De plus en plus, les experts ont cherché à intégrer l’histoire acadienne dans le cadre des études françaises et atlantiques. Toujours une colonie frontalière, l’Acadie n’est plus une colonie à la périphérie des débats scientifiques. Cet essai fera la synthèse de plusieurs ouvrages récents afin de présenter cette tendance et d’expliquer ses qualités et ses limites. Dans leur ensemble, ces ouvrages montrent les diverses problématiques et la grande variété des approches méthodologiques s’appliquant au domaine de l’histoire acadienne. Qui plus est, ces ouvrages redonnent aux Acadiens leur place dans le monde atlantique concret de l’époque moderne ainsi que dans le monde atlantique conceptuel de l’historiographie actuelle.

When Acadian students put forward a new, left-leaning brand of nationalism at the end of the 1960s, most observers concluded that it was simply a " spill-over " effect of Quebec's " Quiet Revolution ". This paper will put forward the case that Acadian néo-nationalisme had a lot more to do with global currents of ideas than with Québécois nationalism. It is through a New Left inspired analysis of regional inequalities that Acadian student militants became aware of disparities between the province's linguistic groups, and through the loose adoption of an anticolonial viewpoint that they reconciled themselves to the idea of nationalism. Moreover, at all times, these actors felt and imagined their struggle to be part of a broader progressive movement.

"This addition to the Bibliography of Franco-American Life, Language, and History (2018) requires little introduction. This is not a second edition, although one may in time become necessary. Instead, this booklet represents an effort to address omissions and include works that appeared in 2017, 2018, and 2019, a brief period that inspires continued hope for the study of Franco-Americans. Opportunities to share findings and engage directly with other scholars in the field are still limited, but independent researchers, local historians, academics, and others have together sustained the pace of work seen in prior years. [...]"

Purpose -This paper aims to present an account of the history and recent cultural revival of the Acadians, one people flourishing in two geographically distinct regions of North America. Design/methodology/approach -The methodology is a comparison and contrast structure utilizing secondary historical research sources. Findings -Two different environments have given rise to a similar pattern of development, suppression, and rejuvenation of Acadian and Cajun culture in which apparent differences between the groups hide deeper correspondences, while lesser-known parallels are more striking than more obvious similarities. Research limitations/implications -While the particular case of Acadian and Cajun collaboration is unique, future research may compare this case to that of other cultural groups separated by geography and political systems. Originality/value -This paper suggests that the Acadians and Cajuns are a unique case of two cultures with a single history achieving cultural autonomy first in tandem and finally in concert.

This article compares marshland colonization in Acadia and France during the 17th century.  It begins with an analysis of why the initial attempts to colonize marshlands failed.  It then compares the later, successful initiatives at Port Royal, in Acadia, and the Poitevin Marsh, in France.  Although they had very different objectives and tackled very different environmental challenges, both groups effectively organized their activities and used innovation in adapting old techniques.  What made Acadian marshland farming distinctive was its small scale and its dispersed, decentralized nature. Both initiatives demonstrate how successful marshland colonization was a profoundly local endeavour.

This article examines how hurricanes shaped the English settlement in South Carolina. Similar to other settlements in the Anglo-Atlantic, colonists encountered many risks and dangers. However, settlers residing in colonies where hurricanes routinely happened faced even greater risks and volatility because the storms occurred with little warning and were capable of causing widespread economic destruction, social chaos, and loss of life. This article argues that in the wake of the hurricanes that struck South Carolina in 1752, colonial authorities were afforded an opportunity to recast Charleston’s urban landscape. The destruction the storms caused to the colony was dramatic and horrifying. The most troubling issue for colonial officials was the damage hurricanes caused to Charleston’s fortifications. The defensive works throughout the town and colony were a fundamental component that shaped the colony’s development and English imperialism in the circum-Caribbean. It further argues that as colonial authorities began to rebuild the defensive walls and fortifications in Charleston, the unexpected arrival of a thousand Acadian refugees provided a valuable labor resource that both taxed charitable coffers and aided in the transformation of the urban landscape. The rebuilding of Charleston’s fortifications illustrates how colonists responded to the destructive forces of hurricanes while further demonstrating the uncertainty of living in the Anglo- Atlantic, where hundreds of war-torn refugees could arrive as suddenly as hurricanes.

"By virtue of my training as a historian, this lecture will discuss the past, as you might suspect. But it will focus on memory much more than on history. The distinction is important. History is a field of inquiry by which we seek the truth about what came before us in order to better understand our world and ourselves. Memory serves the same overall purpose, but approaches it differently. Memory is more democratic. It occupies different spaces stretching from family lore to movies to public commemorations. Memory does not have a set method; it evolves more organically. Finally, it is often less conscious because it is so deeply enmeshed in our social relations. Memory is how we make sense of the past without studying the past. [...]"

Full text: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/francoamericain_forum/103/