Vidyasagar University Journal of History Vol. 1 [1996-1997]

' ",', Vol-I. •/1 'I;:'" " " .1996-97 : ",. \ '> VIDYASAGAR UNIVERSITY Journal of History S.C.Mukllopadhyay Editor­in­Chief ~artmen of History Vidyasagar University Midnapore­721102 West Bengal : India I ; -~ ­­­­­­­­­­­­ ­­­.........­­­­­­I I j:;;..blished in June,1997 © Vidyasagar University Copyright in articles rests with respective authors Edi10rial Board ::::.C.Mukhopadhyay K.K.Chaudhuri G.C.Roy Sham ita Sarkar Arabinda Samanta Editor­in­Chief Managing Editor Member Member Member Advisory Board • Prof.Sumit Sarkar (Delhi University) 1 Prof. Zahiruddin Malik (Aligarh Muslim University) .. <'Jut". Premanshu Bandyopadhyay (Calcutta University) . hof. Basudeb Chatterjee (Netaji institute for Asian Studies) "hof. Bhaskar Chatterjee (Burdwan University) Prof. B.K. Roy (L.N. Mithila University, Darbhanga) r Prof. K.S. Behera (Utkal University) } Prof. AF. Salauddin Ahmed (Dacca University) Prof. Mahammad Shafi (Rajshahi University) Price Rs. 25. 00 Published by Dr. K.K. Das, Registrar, Vidyasagar University, Midnapore· 721102, W. Bengal, India, and Printed by N. B. Laser Writer, p. 51 Saratpalli, Midnapore. (ii) ..., -~ ­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­ - - ~ - -_. \ \ i ~ditoral (v) Our contributors (vi) 1­KK.Chaudhuri, 'Itlhasa' in Early India :Towards an Understanding in Concepts 1 2.Bhaskar Chatterjee, Early Maritime History of the Kalingas 10 3.Animesh Kanti Pal, In Search of Ancient Tamralipta 16 4.Mahammad Shafi, Lost Fortune of Dacca in the 18th. Century 21 5.Sudipta Mukherjee (Chakraborty), Insurrection of Barabhum in Jungle Mahals and the creation of Manbhum district in Bengal,1832­33 25 6.S.C.Mukhopadhyay, Changing Profile of the Santhals in Purulia District 31 7.Arabinda Samanta, Some aspects of the impact of malarial fever on the supply of labour to the estates of Assam,1926­31 42 8.B.K.Roy, Indian National Congress and Maharaja Lakshmiswar Singh of Darbhanga Raj 51 9.Shyamapada Bhowmik, Midnapore Students' Participation in India's Freedom Struggle,1905­47 (iii) 54 Editora~ \ ) Our long­cherished dream for publishing from the PG department a research journal of History has atlast come true. We,the members of the department, pondered over this issue for the last five years or more. The opportunity came to us all on a sudden in the shape of a proposition to form a cluster with another department. But when it did not eventually materialise, we were allowed to publish an independent journal of our own. Admittedly, the . publication of a research [ournal from a PG department not only testifies to the .sustained academic endeavours of the members of the department, but also proves beyond doubt that the department concerned has reached a certain altitude of intellectual maturity. It also adds glory to the University. Secondly on the one hand as humble votaries of Clio we will take painsas far .as practicable to point new findings of historical research available to us, and on the other we intend to tender the journal a potential vehicle of a distinct school of Historiography, marked by scientific and secular attitude. Such proclamations may be taken as our avowed objectives of this publications. The time at our disposal for publishing this journal was very short; in spite of .this we left no stone unturned to publish it within the narrow time limit given to us. We are glad to announce that we have become successful in our efforts. We are specially thankful to our contributors hom outside who have sent their articles within a short time, notwithstanding their other pressing preoccupations. We would like to express our gratefulness to Dr.Bhaskar Chatterjee,Professor of History, Burdwan University,Dr.B.k.Roy, Professor of History,L.N.Mithilla University, Darbhariga and Dr. Mahammad Shafi, Professor of History, Rajshahi University, Bangladesh; for their continued support to our department and the University in various ways. . i The articles chosen for publication largely reveal the areas of individual specialization of the authors. The writings have been arranged chronologically in order to manifest sequence of time ­ divisions. However, no writing on Mediaeval India could be inserted. We are hopeful that in the coming years we shall be able to publish our journal with greater care and attention. The volume of the journal may further be expanded and more research articles, included. We crave the indulgence of the learned readers if they happen to notice any kind of lapse in the volume, which is our maiden effort. (v) Our Cdntributors L K.K. Chaudhuri, M.A, Ph.D., Dip­in­Chinese, is now a Reader in History, Vidyasagar University. His major areas of academic interest include Indian historiography, India's relations with foreign countries like China, and early Indian Numis~ matics. His research work on early Indian historiography earned him the degree of Ph.D. from the University of Calcutta. He is now engaged in intensive research work. His forthcoming treatise is concerned with the ideas of history in ancient India.A research project conducted by him on the socio-economic history of modern Lower Bengal has recently come to completion, leading to the award of Ph.D.degree of Vidyasagar University to one of his fellows. 2. Bhaskar Chatterjee,M.A.,PhD.,Professor of History, Burdwan University, is a noted Indologist, who has worked extensively on diverse aspectsof ancient and early mediaeval phases of Indian history, such as Numismatics,Society, Religion, Constitution and Culture. He has authored a number of books including Age ofthe Kushanas, Kushana State and Indian Society, Coins and Icons, Maritime History of Ancient India etc. A large number of scholars have worked under his supervision. 3. Animesh Kanti Pal; M.A, Ph.D.,was a Reader in the Department of Bengali, Midnapore College. After serving nearly four decades (1958-94) , he has now retired from service but has deep interest in historical study . He was a guest lecturer., in Rabindra Bharati University and now works in the same capacity in the department Linguistics, of Bengali, Vidyasagar University. His fields of interest centre ~(\Und Folklores, Literature and Ancient Indian History and Culture. He is a life-member of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta. 4. Mahammad Shaft, M.A., PhD., is a Professor of History, Rajshahi University, Bangladesh. He passed M.A. from Rajshahi University and obtained a PhD. degree from Banaras Hindu University. His topic of Ph.D, research was "Anglo-Mughal Commercial Relations and the decline oj trade and commerce of Bengal merchants at Dacca, 1650- 1714". He is a reputed scholar and now engaged in intensive research work .. \ . (vi) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _-IL 5. Sudipta Mukherjee (Chakraborty), M.A., M. Phil., has obtained the above degrees from Banaras Hindu University. Her topic of M.Phil research was "Agrarian _ discontent in Manbhum district, 1765­1857". A recipient of National Scholarship of \ the Govt.of India, she was a guest lecturer in History, Vidyasagar University during 19~-4 and 1994­95 sessions. Now she is engaged in further research work. 6. S.C. Mukhopadhyay, M.A., Ph.D., D. Litt., is the Professor and Head of the Department of History, Vidyasagar University. Previously he served for­ two decades in Banaras Hindu University, where he was 4 Reader in History. He has completed a number of research projects such as 'The Career of Rai-Durlabh', 'Diwani -in Bengal, i765', 'Agratian'po[icyofthe;BrltishinBengal'; 'HritfshJl.esidentsat the : Darbar ofBengal Nawabsi 'Nehru and the Cabihet'Mission'clc"besides anumber 'of research articles published from different places of India So far he has produced twelve Ph.D's under his supervision . Now he is deeply engaged in the study of South­West history of Bengal. ._ 7, Arabinda Samanta, M.A., is a lecturer in History, Vidyasagar University. He has submitted his thesis for the degree of Ph.D. He has published a few writings on social history of Modern India.Previously he served as a lecturer in History, Chittaranjan College, for a number of years . 8. B.K~Roy, M.A., B.L., Ph.D., is a retired Professor and Head ofthe Departmentof History, L.N. Mithila University, Darbhanga. His Ph.D. thesis on Maharaja Nand Kumar earned great reputation for him. Starting his career as a lecturer in Ranchi College in 1951, he had been gradually promoted to Reader in History, Ranchi University .Subsequently he joined as a Professor and Head, L.N. Mithila University from where he retired in 1985. He has produced a number of Ph.Ds together with numerous research articles. 9. Shyamapada Bhowmik, a triple M.A, followed by a Ph.D. degree, is now a Reader in History, Kharagpur College. He obtained the Ph.D. degree in 1995 from Vidyasagar University on "Railway Working Class Movement at Kharagpur 191947. rr He was a guest lecturer in History, Vidyasagar University during the sessions 1993­95 . He is also associated with Paschim Banga Itihas Samsad in which he is a convener of Midnapore district. He is now engaged in active research. (vii) - - - -~- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -~ I I I l 'ltihasa' in Early India: Towards an Understandin'g in Con~epts. \ Korak K. Chaudhuri , ,The fact is well-known that the tremendous intellectual advancement in almost every discipline of European letters in the ages from the Renaissance onwards effected a complete metamorphosis of human mind. This phenomenon made man, inter alia. more rational, inquisitive.bias­free, liberal, scientific in temperament and human, thereby marking a break with the past and, in a sense, aredemption from the Age of Blind Faith. The study of history evidently could not afford to remain detached from the all­absorbing influence of this thorough change in attitude to life. From this time the questions of logical minds pertaining to the diverse issues of philosophy of history and the methodology of historical research gave birth to complicated debates in academic 'circles which lingered for centuries. The protracted intellectual wrangling eventually culminated in the production of modem mature historical thinking. It meant, among others, being conscious of every conceivable problem of historical past. India in the present ages can equally boast of sharing much of this advanced knowledge of intricate thought­process. However, looking backwards, an inquisitive student of Indian historiography feels curious in the same degree to probe into the attitude of ancient Indians to the recording and reconstruction of I past as well as the precise nature of their own concept of history, in the sense in which the term history is understood nowadays. This may be considered as a desideratum, inasmuch as the academic justification of such enquiry lies in being able to trace a continuous narrative of the evolution of Indian historical thinking from the early times to the modern period. In this context, it hardly escapes notice that some early mediaeval foreign writers like AI­Blr1InJ (973­1048 AD.) placed on record a serious invective that ancient Indians lacked sense of history and chronology,and their compositions are marked by absence of critical acumen.' The allegation finds an echo even in 'the writings of modem competent historians, who have tended . to reach an almost unanimous conclusion that anterior to the middle of the 12th century AD. when the celebrated Kashmirianhistorian Kalhana authored his much­applauded regional chronicle Rajatarahgiiii in 1148­49 AD., India did not witness any serious' treatise on history, worth the name, as she produced no sound historian ofthe type of Herodotus, Thucydides, Livy or Tacitus, who could have left for posterity any genuine record of past: 2 These caustic remarks have expectedly provoked keen controversy, for it is hard to believe that India which had been from the dawn of history the birth place ofa • 1 I hrg.iiy educated civilisation and kept intimate liaiso.. with other counterparts of the world, should possess no sense of history and chronology. Inthis paper a modest attempt has thus been cropped up. It also seems futile to try to positively indicate the factors that shaped the character of such works. 5 In this context one requires to remember that in most cases ancient and tradition­based literature present similar impediments .to the investigator who seeks to steer clear of them with comparative analysis of sources and reach most logical inferences. It is in the background of such intellectual intricacies that ancient Indian sense of history is to be determined. made to unravel the precise state of things in this regard, based on a study of the relevant primary sources. In India the earliest name used for the art of narrating past was itih1isa, mentioned for the first time in the fifteenth book of the Atharvaveda. 3 one gets the etySpl it into three words it-ha~s, mological meaning ­ this must have happened.' It implies that whatever had taken place or was i,. c..» .:;lce in the past is incorporated in itihasa. This viewpoint immediately elevates itihasa to the lofty position of the father of all disciplines mankind has ever been concerned with, for every kind of knowledge in the world has stemmed from its past. But historians least entertain this widest connotation of the subject and prefer to v.cv. .: in the more specific terms of a chronological narrative of the evolution of human societies and civilizations, inclusive of as many angles of vision as possible. Early India too, dea highly ambitious definition, spite desi~l ng understood the expression in a more restricted and classified sense, the horizon of which, however, expanded with the passage of time. The order in which itihasa, coupled with its concomitant partpurana, occurs in the Atharvaveda is important in that· it is placed after Rk, Saman, Yajus and Brahman and before Gall{anarasamsi (the hero­lauds sung during sacrifices)." Though the relevant Vedic verse does not yield any definite meaning of these words individually, the very placement suggests that to the Aryans itih­asa­purana stood much higher in position than gatIITl­naras"ainSI and included many ancient episodes as basic ingredients of past. It is true that the apparent vagueness 0f the earliest reference embodied in the Atharvavedahas been embarassing . But the Brhaddev'ata (composed about 500­400 B.C. as ~m epit~P1 of divine stories in the Rgveda and attributed to the sage Saunaka) comes of help, as it contains Snkat.ayana's reference to a complete ~TIkta8 of the Rgveda as itihasa­sukta. 9 This alludes to a distiilct sense in which the term itillasa was accepted by the contemporary educated class. In order to grasp the true nature of ancient Indian concept of past one requires in the beginning to sift some relevant sources, which either contains the expression itinasa, or are themselves claimed as examples of itilm§fL. However, the sclf­ccntradictory and vague character of the evidence of such sources often pose a stumbling block. The clue to this problem is perhaps to be sought for in the complex political­social­cultural milieu of the country in which such literary works The connotation of Itih­asa­purana becomes clearer with taking into consideration the evidence of the Nirukta (believed to have been compiled between 800­600 B.C.) by Yaska, the earliest lexicographer of India. In connection with \ 2 the explanation of rk, gath"a, and itihasa, 10 embedded in a siikta of the tenth mandala of the Rgveda the lexicon expounds itinasa as an ac. c'ou~ based on true events. II Side by side, purana. meaning old has been used as an adjective of itiMsa . From this it appears that Itihasapurana together denoted any narrative of ancient events which was much known and based on truth. But curiously enough, Yaska brands many stories as itihasa (i.e., true events, as in the above analysis )12 which can be unhesitatingly discarded as fictitious. The instances are the occurrence round Devapi and Santanu (the two sons of the the Kuru king Pratipa), 13 the self­immolation of the divine artisan Visvakarma, son of Bhubana, at theSarvamedha sacrifice, 14 the dialogue of the rivers with the sage Visvamitra 15 etc. To these maybe added the mention in the Brhaddevafa of itinasa as pudi'vrtta (old legends, apparently true) 16; though the numerous examples of such itilfasa or puravrtta as provided by Bhaguri, Yaska, S'aunaka and Sakatayana in the above text are all imaginary and false stories of the Rgveda Y In some cases, Yaska has strictly differed ,form others when he calls them Samvada .But Saunaka is definite that they are itihasa .. 18. For such citations one may refer to the stories stating that the divine preceptor .­ Brhaspati handed over his own daughter Rornasa to'king Bhavayavya, Indra King of gods fUlfilled. the prayer of Atri's daughter Apala who wanted the cure of her leprosy and to regain her beauty, Soma or Moon fled from the company of the gods in fear of Vrtra i9 etc. historical basis. This peculiar ambivalence may be explained away by the fact that like the people of other early civilizations the average Indians . in ancient times too had natural proneness to believe old legends and regard them as ablolutely true. This is how the aspect of checking genuineness of these frame­stories was ignored and such concoctions found a free access to itinasa . The way in which the analysis has progressed so far may give rise to the idea that ancient Indians did not possess critical acumen and hence failed to distinguish between , truth and falsehood. But the tesiminy of the Satapath,! Brahmana (c.500 B.C.) strikes at the root of such concept. It asserts that all the portions of the account of the long­drawn conflict between gods and demons, some of which are narrated in itiha.sa and some described in pur1ma, are false. 20 In the opinion Winternitz, the above statement is of M~rice tantamount to declaring all the episodes in Brahmanical literature as baseless. 21 Besides, Julius Eggeling has translated the controversial itihasa ­ purana word as myth based on longstanding tradition. 22 Thus in the context of the development of early .- Indian historiography this evidence of the Satapatha Brahmaqa cannot but be held as having conspicous significance, for it brings two strong possibillities to the limelight. First, the capacity of distinguishing between truth and falsehood, and therewith the faculty of critical scholarship, prevailed in ancient India. Second, since the early people of India did not necessarily consider ititrasa .to' bea repository of correct accounts of past events, they did rightly utilize the opportsnityof'passing caustic remarks about the veracity'of the stories of the protracted One would be apt to infer from the above study struggle between gods and demons. Simultathat though primarily itilrasa denoted pudrv~ta neously, such a speculation cannot also be ruled or genuine account of past events, it often signi- out that although at the initialstage of its develfied other popular and age­old stories of no opment itinasa was taken to have consisted only .. j I I -~_. 3 " ofgenuine events (as hinted at in the etymological meaning), the scope of itihasa underwent much enlargement in the succeeding centuries, ­" the AsvaIayana Grhyasutra enjoin that as a result of the study' of ititfasa everyday or on occassions like marriages, domestic sacrifices, as lhe various expressions like punii1a, itivJ1tCL. pLlr>·, :;\, akhyana, gath-a-narasamsi et~ were'being u~ed as synonyms, substitutes or ;djcctives of itihasa . This assumption receives strength from even a comparatively late work like the epic Mah-abharata, in which many incredible stories having only moral value appear as itifiasa. 23 worships of deities etc, the householder would earn worldly happiness along with divine blessings, religious merit and relief from natural calamities, diseases and unforeseen dangers. 36 The above texts further insist that when the death .of a preceptor or precursor takes place, the members of the family should cast out the old domestic fire, kindle a new one and sit together reciting histories of famous men and discoursing on the auspicious itihasa-puranaY Again, on the new according to the Gobhila Grhyasut~, and full-moon days the husband and the wife should spend the night with discourses on itihasa." Thus the above literary data render the conclusion irresistible that itihasa, particularly identified with the Veda, was accorded unusual sancitity as a canon of truth by the contemporary people, and' also that it played a much positive role in the cultural life of the nation. In u.e .ater Vedic period the copious usages of the term itihasa available in the Brahruana ' ­ and Siiira literature clearly Aranyaka, U pani~d point to the loftly position, deep esteem and wide popularity of itilThsa in the eyes of the common people. Of the primary texts in which such refere.. -':v" are lying scattered" mention may specially JC made of tile s'atapatha Brahma,nJ! 24 (jopatha BnIhmana 25 TaittirTya Aranyaka,26 J aiminiya Upan i sad. 27 B.rlLad~[;! Upanisad ,n c'ha1ldogya UlS-anisad, 29 _, t.. • Asvalilyana ) Grhyaslltra, 30 an~ hkl' aS G:11V:lsutra,31 San·khayana Srautasutra, 31 and Iv; •• '!" {:llli Samhita (attached to the Black Yajurvc:da ) 33 The cummulative evidence of these sources doubtless reveal in the first place that iti tTIts a sty led p[mcama veda or itihasaveda, particularly in the Satapatha Brahmana and the Ch~\ndogya UpanisaQ, had been invest~d with the holy ~;nd divine character of a veda (vako V:,K, .<;)ilSapUranah pancama vedanam vedah). 34 Secondly, adequate stress has been laid on the religious merit to be accrued from the readingof i~ has;1Jitar u e on all festive occasions by kings and common proplc alike. For instance, reciting il ha~ ved happened to be a compulsory pheI"lj,,,,; ;1.. in the complex rituals of horse-sacrifice,),' which also .Vielded , consider able wisdom Lo the listener king. The Satapatha Brahmana and . I • , o In the field of the evolution of early Indian concept of itihasa a fresh and significant advance was achieved in the hands of Kautjlya, whose' Arth,ls-astra, a renowned treatise on Indian polity, is generally held to reflect the conditions of the Mauryan age in the 4th-3rd century B.C., but may be of a somewhat later date. The passage in [heArthcfsastra, which assigns almost sacrosanct character to itihasa by grouping it in associstion with the four other sacred lares runs as follows: "The S'amaveda, the Rgveda and the JiliurY§..9J! - these three constitute' the triple vedas (moo). (These three together with) the Atharvaveda and the itirr-dsa veda are also (known as) the Vedas~, ULlm a rg y aj tT r v e d a - S t ray as t ray i / Atharvavedetihasavedau cha vedah). "This leads to the supposition that itilmsal itih-asa-purIDla did an • not represent any single book, but rather denoted a branch of learning or a huge literature (like the R~ Sennan or Yajuh ), which absorbed ancient • • . fabljes, legends and myths of every description. Kautilya also prescribes that in the latter part of the day the king should listen to itihasa in the company of ministers and principal officers.."? traditions of court historiography. The foregoing discussion leaves little room for doubt that Kautjlya possessed the first definite and a very comprehensive idea about the scope and extent of itihasa . His sense of itihasa implied not only accounts of historical persons and traditions of all descriptions in their widest significance, but also almost all topics of human civilization (outside the pale of religion) such as political, social, economic and moral doctrines and their practical applications, legal usages and instituiosns etc. I But the passage which commands highest consideration is one in which Kautilya while explaining iriJjasa has named six of its concomitant ingredients ­ Punrna, Itivrtta, Akhyayika, Udaharana. Arthasistra and Dharmasastra,. 41 Each of these elements has to a large extent independent origin, development and ramifications. For example, the huge Purana literature is beliv~d to have five major segments (p anca1aks an a) sarga. pratisarga. vamsa. manvantaraand vamsanucarita. 42 Of them, the last segment ­alone represents lists of ancient . royal dynasties of genuine existence, which certainly serve as basic components of political history. 43 Thus A.D. Pusalkar seems to be justified in commenting that in the age of Kautilya itihasa outweighed pur1ma·in importance and incorporated Arthasm;traO and Dharmas'm;tra within its fold," though in succeeding years the last two established themselves as independent pieces of literature. Further, Kautilya shows that the archives kept the records of the history of customs; professions and transactions of countries, villages, families and corporations, gains through gifts to the royal family, treaties with and payments oftribute from or to freindly or inimical kings etc. 45 This makes manifest that in the Mauryan period the fundamental documents of history were collected in royal archives in classified forms with state patronage, which eventually gave birth to the 5 In the age of the Mahabharata (the extant form of which was probably achieved between c. 400 is found to have B.C and 400 A.D.), it h~sa been termed purana and veda. 46 The epic also states that by the aid of itil1asa and purana , the veda may be expounded. 47 Another epic ­definition calls it, inter alia, devarsicariiasraya (i.e. based on the lives of gods and sages)." However, curiously enough during this period much emphasis was laid on the didactic or instructive spirit of itihasa .Thus according to one of the definitions provided in the,great epic, it means the naration of past events accompained by (or arranged in the form of) stpries, conveying instructions in dharma (religion or moral code), artha (economics comprising social and political behaviour). Kama (pursuit of desire or culture), and moksa (salvation) ­ the four human " / values (Dharmartha­k'ama­moksan1nn upadesa samanvitainl purvavrttam kathaYuktam ithasam pracaksate). 49 Thus 'the Mah'abharata appears to have wanted the historian not simply to describe ancient stories, but also to impart teachings on the ethical importance of such stories so as to leave an edifying effect on the common people. The ;e;;,)0uS connotation of ancient Sanskrit literature :.1 .(, closely intertwined with its political and historical implications that the two can scarcely bedissociated for individual identifica- these Pariplava akh:@nas and highlight their manifold importance. Hence theSuta-Magadhaclass as the earliest of Indian historians (in a limited tion and study. None-the-less, the available pieces of information .drive one to the conclusian that the Vedic literary elements called gillhas in (metric.,l song-verses), naras'amsls (SOJlg~ pr:tisc.: 0; Heroes), vams'as (genealogies of ancient sages). vakovakyas (dialogues representing the dramatic aspects as opposed to the narrati \ e). akhyanas (also calledVyakhyanas, tales. or SIl)rics) etc. , were valuable repositories of age-old traditions and germs of political history. The-e tragl. ..: ..,,; are also found in close association with the words itihasa and p-urana, occurring in later Vedic literature and both signifying history or parts thereof, though certainly in a rudimentary sense. Thus notwithstanding the fact that in the. beginning of their ex.stence all these element.. by ti.,J .o the religious framework of the Vedic literu.i.;c, in course of their evolution they disentangled themselves from such bondage and made appearance as an independent clas­, of study, in which the presence of secular aspect can not avoid notice. Such pieces of literature were at one time sung as hero lauds hy wandering poet-historians like Suta~, Mr gadba~ Vi~ ins, Pauranik as etc. anJ were transmittcd by them from place to place. so More pointedly, under the leadership of the Hotr priest and I with the cooperation oftheSuta-Magadha group these scattered, floating and versified songs were presented as Pariplava akhyanas (revolving narrativc-) ~LS a constituent rite of the. Asvamedha sacrifice and this was how they first emerged as a distinctly classified unit. The opinion of R. C. Hazra that the bulk of the Puranic literature as well as the Mahabharata owe their origin to sense) as well as the gathmtaras'arhsls and the £;rriplava Itkhyanas containing germs of political history played noteworthy roles in early Indian historiography. Despite many shortcomings in them noticed by modern historians, these portons must be considered as some of the earliest literary forms, reflecting historical or historico-biographicaJ compositions of ancient India. In no time they constituted what may be called a vast storehouse of myths and legends and survived in the shape of oral tradition. Their religious and ethical import drew high veneration from the masses. There is no gainsaying the fact that any genuine historical writing (in the sense in which it is understood in the modern age) is hardly met with in India prior to the 12th century A. D . This seems to be largely true despite the presence of the much talked-about raja-vrttas or historical biographies of early India. But the point to be noted is that having no'genuine history and having no genuine sense of history are notsynonymous and cannot be placed on the same pedestal of consideration. of late, a highly significant research or, early Indian historiography has come to light, which, in course of pointing to deep links between history and time (K"al\l, deri vee from the root Kal, to calculate), reveals growing awareness of country's historians regarding ancient Indian ideas of history. To start with it should be pointed out that for long, scholars were of the general opinion that the only concept of time known to early India was cyclic, but not linear. Since a sense of history is essentially (;­­­­­_. - __. , ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ._-------- ,,­­,. based upon linear time concept, the cyclic measurement of time considerably explains why Indi~s did not venture writing systematic historical narrative in that hoary past. Firstly, along with the correct accounts, the legends of doubtful authenticity were also included in itifiasa solely because of their ethical appeal and didactic import. The latter were deemed important for their edifying value and not discarded on the charge of alleged historical inaccuracy, though the sharp sense of distinction bet~en truth and falsehood is well attested by the evidence. ' Satapatha Brahm ~a The above interpretation, maintained for long and advocated till now by many, has very recently been challenged by Romila Thapar (1996). 5\ She has offered a number of new propositions and, while exploding the earlier misconceptions , helped us to obtain a fuller understanding of the concerned critical problem. (A) Available sources indicate that both cyclic and linear"time computations were used in India, though their functions differed. While cyclic time occurs frequently: in cosmological contexts, linear time appears: only in historical texts. (B) Indian Sources amply indicate the existence of linear time serise, as manifested in genealogies, biographies and chronicles, where time-reckoning was recorded through generations, regnal years and eras. Thus Romila Thapar firmly supports the contention that historical conscidhsness did exist in early India .Decidedly, ancient Indians had a mature concept of history, which was marked by their own characteristics and which differed substantially from its modern counterpart. Secondly, itifiasa associated with the four vedas and esteemed as a veda by itself extracted so high veneration, (rom the society that the genuine events existing within its fold required mostly to be wrapped up with further fictitious details so as to invest them with more sacred and sacrosanct character. Thirdly, the supposed absence of writing for many centuries form India since the dissolution of the Indus civilization rendered oral tradition the only available repository for the preservation and continuance of all sorts of ancient myths, legends, ballads and stories, handed down through generations by memory-based recitations- an incredible feat of human intellect. This probably explains why the 'vedic literature and the Dharma(astras are respectively known as Sfuti and Smrti. After the reappearance of writing at a given period, many omissions and commissions naturally percolated into the written version, which disastrously filled itihasa with distortions and consequently foiled all efforts at writing sober history. The above survey has tried to draw attention to the sharp sense of history as possessed by ancient Indians, their efforts at writing history as possessed by ancient Indians, their efforts at writing history and the existence of numerous historical data in various sources, which, however, did not culminate in the production of any sound historiography. The probable reasons are not far to seek. Fourthly, much earlier than the birth of Chirst, religion in India had started adopting a pre-eminent role in all aspects of national life . This helped the vigorous growth of religious literature, which, though revealing many historical 7 l -events, eventually stood itself in the way ofde. term as itil1a puravrtlmn astc asmin (meaning that which velopmcnt of secular historical literature. cpntains the narrative of ancient events). Amarakosa. Sabdiidivarga, I, VI, 4. Fifthly, the general proneness of ancient people tow ,....s fancy, imagination, talc­telling, hyper- 5. V.S. Pathak. Ancient Historians ofIndia, 1966, pp. 139140. bolic statements, fabrication, poetical embellishments, over­rating one's achievements in the interest of hero worship, excessive glorification of one's own tribe or nation at the cost of baseless defamation of rival groups etc., all reflected a psy,';:"iogical phenomenon which might have plaj v" a part in damaging the production of serious history in ancient India. 6. Same as note 3. 7. Upendranath Ghoshal, Studies in Indian History and Culture, 1957,p. IS. . 8. B.gveda, X. 102. 9. A.A. Macdonell (ed.) , Brhaddevata, 1904, VIII. II. 10. Nirukta, IV. 6. Whatever reasons might have been active, it must be pointed out that the greatest testimony of ancient Indian sense of history and her finest contribution to world historiography is her coinage of th.. v..:,ry word jjihasa, 51 which embraces consciousness of past as well as awareness of correctness of events described. This two valuable attributes still constitute the bedrock of modern scientific sense of history. 11. Ibid. II.1O. III. 14. 12. Ibid. XII. to. 13. Ibid. ILl O. 14. Ibid. X. 26. J 5. ll­.id. 1I.24, IX. 23. X, 26. 16. Brhadde'i.,ata, IV 46. .\'OTES AND REFERENCES 17.biQ~ 1. B.C. Sachau (cd.) , Al­Biruni's India, Vol. II, london, 1910, pp. 10­11. III. 156. VIt07. 109. 18. Ibid. VII.153 19. Same as note 17.akhyanas 2. Hcrnchandra Raychaudhuri, Political History of Ancient Indic. Seventh edition, Calcutta, 1972 (rcvi.iccic.Iition with a commentary by B.N. Mukherjee, our. LLlili. 1996). p.l 20. Sacred Books of the East Series (ed. F. Max Mueller). Vol. XLIV,"Satavatha Brahmana, (trans. Julius Eggeling), • XI. 1.6.9. 3. Atharvaveda. XV. 6,4 21. Maurice Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, VoL 1 , 1972, p. 224'fn. I. 4. M. Monier­ Williams..A Sanskrit­ English Dictionary, (hr~l edition, Oxford, 1899; reprint, Delhi, 1976),p.165. The echo of this interpretation can also be heard in some L.~Ci ·,,;­;j,\gs. c.g. the famous lexicon ArrillLakosa of Amar... sHl;;ha. who as a synonym of itihasa uses pur~vta (an ancient event or everts of the past) and explains the 22. ~lcmath p.98. Brahmana(trans. Julius Eggeling), XI. 5.6.8 • 23. Mahabliarata, XIII. 13; M. Winternitz, op. cit' p. 404- < 407. \ 8 - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ­­­­­­­­ ­ ­ -~ ---- , 40. IIlli!. 1.5. 13, V. 6. 47. 24. Satapatha Branmana, XI. 16. 9.XI.5.6.8 XI. 5. 7. 9. XIII. 4. 3. 12., 13. xm. 4. 6. 12. 41. Ibid. I ,5.14 25. qopatha Brahmana. I. 10. I. 21. \ 26. Taittiriya Ara~yk, II. 9-11. 27. Jaiminiya Upani~ d, I. 53. 42. Brahmpg~ Purina, I. 1. ~7-38. Viiyu Purana. IV, 1O~ II, Matya­Purana, LIII 65, Kurrna Purana I. I. 12, Varaha .-Purana, IT, 4, Siva Purina. V 1. 3. 7. Garuda Purana, I. 215, 14, Bhavisya Purana 1:2.4­5. • • '. . 28. BrhadiranyakaUpanisad. II. 4. to. II 4. 16., IV, 12, V. 11.·· • 43. M. Monier­ Williams, Indian Wisdom, 1963, p. 491. emerged and took According to R.C Hazra, the Puran~ shape out of the Panplava narratives (ikbYanas) presented as musical songs in course of the As~amedh sacrifices (A.B.O.R.I. Vol. XXXVI, 1955, pp. 190­203. ). cf. also EE. Pargiter's Dynasties ofthe Kali Age, London, 1913 and Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, London. 1922. -- 29. Chandogya Upanisad, m. 3.4., III. 4. 12, VIT. L2.1 VII 1.2.4. VII. 1.7.1. VII. 2.1. VII. 7.1. VII 11.4.. VIII. 1.7. .... ~\- . . - 30. ASvalayana Grbyasurra. I. 14. 6. III. 3.1­3, IV. 6,6 " 44. A.D. Pusalkar, Our Herita", Vol. XII, part II, 1964. p.40. 31. Sankhayana Grhyasutra, I. 22. II. 45. Kautili}ta ArthaSastra, (edited by R. Shamasastry, Bangalore, 1915), II. 25. 32. Sankhiyana Srautasutra, MV!, 2.21.27. 3 .Maitr ~ n Samhita:, ITI. 7.3. 46. Mahibharata, III. 1029, VII, 1498, XII 1660 34. Cbindogya Upanjsad , VII. 1.2.1, VII, 2.1. VII. 7.1. VII. 11.4. VTII, L7. etc. Satapatha Briihmana, IV. 6.12. , . ­ 47. IbID. I. 1. - 35. Satapatha Bra"bmana XIII. 4.6.12 While offering his own explanation a~ut li particular portion (III. 4.1­2) of the Chandogya Upanisad, SaniWaclrrya observed that the recitation of ltihas~-Puran at Piriplava nights as an essential part of the Asvamedha sacrifice was in practice through sanction by a long­standing tradition. Following Sankara, another commentator Anandagiri has made similar remarks with regard to the recitation and study ofItihasa ­ purana. R.C. Hazra, Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (hence forth ABORI), Vol. XXXVI, 1955, pp. 190­203. , 48. Bratindranath Mukhopadhyaya, Itihasa EktiPiach"ina Bharatiya Chetana. Calcutta, 1967, p.l • 49. V.S. Apte, Sanskrit ­English Dictional)' (q.v. Itinasa). 382. 50. C.H. Philips (ed.), Historians of India, Pakistan and Q;ylQn, 1961,p. 15. 51. Romila Thapar, Time as a Metaphor of History: Early India, 0 UP, Delhi, 1996. pp. 3­44. - 52. Bratindranath Mukhopadhyay, op. cit. p. 33. 36. Satapatha Brahmana , XI 5.6.8. XI, 5.7.9. Asvalayana GrhyasUtra, Ill 3.1­3 . • 37. Ibid. IV ,6.6 38. Gobhila Grhyasutra, I 6.6. 39. Kautiiiya Arth~is a 1970), i. 3. 1­2. (edited by R. P. Kangle, Vol. I, 9 Early Maritime History of the Kalingas Bhaskar Chatterjee The territory oftheKalingas stretched bythe sea-shore beginning from thejunction of theGanga and theBay of Bengal. This inf:)rmation is contained in the TinnaYatra section ofVanaparvan oftheMahabharata. PILl/., (C.A.D. 23-79) account I also suggests that the uonoc..stern partofKalinga extended liptothe Ganga. Hefumishes us with thenames ofthree tribes, namely, the Maccocalingac, the Calingae and the Modogalingae, according to Mccrindle's translation. Adifferent version of the translation furnishes us with the names of the Mactocalingae, the calingae nearest to tl~ ~. ­"'" theGangarid calingae and theModogalinga. 2 Among these, the Modogalinga are stated to have settled in a Gangetic island. The Gangarid calingae lived, no doubt, in.the partof Kalinga extending upto the territory of theGangaridai, often referred to in the classical accounts. The Calingae nearest to the sea appears to beKalinga proper. According to Pliny, the COL; ••:;~ of the Kalinga's stretched as far south as Sri Kakulam district, where thecape calingae and the town of Dandagula are placed by him . 3 Dandagula of Pliny is equated with Dantakura referred to in the Mahabharata and Dantapura of the Buddhist literature. It is identified with a place inthe neighbourhood of Cnicacole and Kalingpatam nearthe mouth of the rive. .ayilugJ'"~ 4 From both the Mal:.bharata and theaccount of Pliny, wederive that the:ll..alinga people were introduced in different sections 'in association with different peoples. Our attention is also drawn to theterms Trikalinga often occurring in the epigraphic . records. Scholars generally agree that it comprises northern, central and southern parts of a Kalinga that extended from theGanges totheGodavari.'In course of time, Kalinga came to signify, in its limited sense only the southern partof Orissa and the northern part ofAndhra. Because, Tosali formed a distinct unitwith itsnorthern and southern parts. While northern Tosali covered Puri district together with parts of Cuttack and Ganjam . Again, the northern part of Tosali came to be known as Utkala or Odra. The western part of Orissa including Sambalpur district and the ex­feudatory states of Patna, Sonpur, Bamra and Rairakhol formed part of Dakshina Kosala." Ancient Orissa" except its western portion, lay mostly near the sea­shore and thus, the people of the country had a free access to the sea­trade . Foreign writers have thrown welcome light on the ports and market towns lying on the Orissan coast. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea (sec. 62) states that beyond Masalia, "sailing toward the east and crossing the adjacent bay, there is the region ofDosarenie yielding the ivory known as Dosarenic" Dosarene may be derived from Sanskrit Dasarna, by which name two countries were known in the Mahabharata. In the Sabha .Parvar.­Ch. 32) mention is made of Dasarna in the west, that is equated with Eastern Malwa. Again, in the Sabha Parvan (ch. 30) 'fe find \ 10 reference to Eastern Dasarna that formed part of the Chattisgarh district in the Central Provinces. 7 Schoff 8 has suggested the identification of Dasarna, evidently eastern one, with Orissa, on the ground that the river Dasaron mentioned in Ptolemy's Geography is identified with the Mahanadi. . In both the Mahabharataand the Vishnu_purana, the fame of ivory of this region has been referred to. The ivory was the most acceptable offering' which the "king of the ordas" could take to the Pandu sovereign, 9 that is, Bhima who came to Eastern Dasarna as a conqueror, (Sabhaparvan, Ch. 30) . The author of the Periplus, is , therefore, quite justified in suggesting, the appreciation of Dosarenic ivory in international market in the background of IndoRomantrade. It may be supposed that the forest regions of ancient Orissa were infested with~­ ephants '. The Hathigumpha Cave Inscrrp ion~ gives us: to understand that the elephant corp~ formed one of the constituents of the po erful army in possession of Kharavela, ki g of Kalinga, The elephantttisk were presu ably utilised by artisans and craftsmen to prom te the ivory­ industry . The Chinese pilgrim uen Tsang 1\ has informed us that Kalinga pro ced the great tawny wild elephants, which was uch prized by the neighbouring provinces. I nection with foreign trade, it may be hel Indian ivory reached Rome by the land a routes. "In Rome Ivory was used for makin ures, furniture, book­covers, musical instru and ornaments;" 12 The continuity oftrade­relations between an ient Orissa: and the Roman world are borne 0 ' by the discovery of a gold coin attributed to M haraja Rajadhiraja Dharmadamadhara at the oor level ofSisupalgarh, assigned to the third tury A.D 13 Incidentally, it may be rnentione the excavations have brought to light the remains of a great well­planned city that flourished from the third century B.c. to the fourth century A.D. 14 The site has been identified by some scholars with Tosali on the ground of its proximity to Dhauli. 15 The Urbanisation in Dhauli or Tosali region might have been the result of its being a centre of trade and industry. On this ground. it would not be unreasonable to assume that the authour of thePeriplus in the first century A.D. actually meant Tosali by Dosarene 16and not the whole of theOrissan coast. Ptolemy (in the middle of the 2nd century A.D.) has referred to Paloura or Pakoura, 17 a town at the beginning of the Gangetic gulf (1360 40 " east and 11 020" north). It is placed at 20" North of the apheterium where the vessels bound for Chase Chersonese (Land of Gold) ceased to follow the littoral and entered the high sea. As pointed out by Gerini, in Ch. xm , 7 of his introductory book, Ptolemy mentions Sada as the terminus of the sea­passage across the Gangetic Gulf or the Bay of Bengal from Paloura, effected in a direct line from west to east, and covering a distance of 13000 stadia. "It was, therefore, the first port touched at in his time by ships proceeding from India to the eastern coast of the . Bay of Bengal "18 A village named Palur or Paloor, located just above the mouth of the Ganjam and close by Palur 'Bluff, better known to the navigators of the Bay' of Bengal, appears to be the historical continuation of Ptolemy's Paloura town. 19 Ptolemy's apheterium or point of departure for ships bound for Chryse, should . be located at Gopalpur, a little below the mouth of the Ganjam . As Sada (city) is located in a direct line from Paloura across the Bay of Bengal, the former appears to have been located near the Sados river identified with the ThateIsate) 11 ­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­r­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­l- -------------- river (Thate-chaung) flowing immediately to the While Paloura has been located by Gerini alittle north ofthe Sandowy River," above the mouth ofthe Ganjam on geographical as well as historical grounds, it is not easy to Paloura of Ptolemy has been equated with trace the exact location of Dantapura. As pointed Danu.pura on linguistic grounds. The Dravidian out by B.C. Sen, 27 a considerable tract of counword Dr meaning "city" has been traced by Syl- try including portions of the Midnapore district van Levi, 21 in Paloura.Pal in Paloura, according (where Dandabhukti was situated) and Kalinga to Pizyluski," admits of being treated either as a was once known by same name having danta as Dravidian word in the sense of "tooth" or as an one of its constituent elements and that some of Austro­Asiatic word meaning 'elephant's tusk". its important towns were called Dantapura (SanS y1'v :"i~ Lc vi has interpreted Paloura to mean the skrit) or Paloura (Telegu) some have identified "city oftooth" , that is Dantapura as known from Dantapura with Puri 28 .It has also been identithe Pali texts. . ned by some with Rajmahendri (Rajahmundry) on the Godavari. 29 According to Subba Rai, it is In the Biddhist tradition, Dantapura is regarded in the ruins of the fort of Dantapura, situated on as the capital of Kalinga 23 .According to the Pali the southern bank of the river Vamsadhara, three Da(h~iv;tf1,24 composed by Dhammakitti, a miles from Chicocole Road Station. Paloura of too.i. relic of the Buddha was deposited by king the Nagarjunikonda Inscriptions is also located Brahrnadatta of Kalinga with a magnificent stupa near Chicacole. Sylvan Levi has searched for at Dantapura. The sacred tooth of the Buddah is Paloura ­ Dantapura in the neighbourhood of said to have been taken to Ceylon from this pIace. Chicacole and Kalingapatarn. G. Ramadas." has The Mahagovinda Sutta of the Digha Nikaya identified it with the present site of the fort of (XIX .36) mentions Dantapura in Kalinga as one Dantavaktra standing on the way from Chicacole of the six famous cities of India. The Jaina to Siddhantam. I'.v:s'.­ i(a Niryukti (1275) refers to Dantavakka as the ruler of Dantapura. The Uttaradhyayana There is least doubt that Paloura of Ptolemy oc­' Sutra (XVIII, 45­4.6) refers to the ivory of cupied an enviable situation on the trade­route Dantapura and a merchant named Dhanamitra between India and south­east Asia. As we are belonging to the city. The city is mentioned as informed by Ptolemy and Marinos ofTyre.jhe Dantakura in the Mahabharata (Udyogaparya, passage across the Bay of Bengal from Palour a XLVII). Pliny refers to Dandagula as a fortified . to Sada was in a direct line and the journey from place LJ the south of the promontory of Calingae Paloura was undertaken for Goldenkhersonese lying at a distance of 625,000 steps or 3,645 sta- via Sada and the city of Tamala. The .irnpordia from the mouth of the Ganges. The Jirjingi tance of Paloura in Indo­Southeast Asian trade plates 25 of Ganga Indravarman mention was most probably due to its natural resource in Dantapura as a city more beautiful than the form of ivory. The two components of the Amaravati, the city of gods. Dantapura is the name Palour, namely, Pal and Our stand for'tooth' or 'elephant's tusk' and 'city' respectively. Apart :'~iL. ".; Paloma of the Nagarjunikonda Inscripfrom the Buddhist tradition regarding tooth­relic tions . _II one of the Buddha associated with Dantpur~, \ 12 can hardly miss the import of Pal (tooth or elephant's tusk) suggesting ivory as a characteristrc commodity of trade exported from the port -to~n in question. From this point of view, it would not be unreasonable to locate Paloura in the region of Dosarene referred to in the Penplus. I Hiuen Tsang who visited Orissa in the seventh century A.D. found a trade-emporium on the coast in the northern part of the country. Travelling the distance of 700/ Ii or so in a south-westerly direction from Tamralipti, the Chinese pilgrim ~r ived at U-cha .(Udra or Odra ). Odra or Utkala according to the tradition recorded in Kalidasa's Raghuvamsa (IV.38) , the Midnapore 31 andSoro grants 32 of Somadatta, comprised parts oflMidnapore and Balasore districts. However, it lis stated in Hiuen Tsang's account. lion the south ­ east frontiers of the country, on the borders of the Ocean. is the town Che·]i·ta·]Q about 20 li round. Here it' is merchants depart for distant countries, and strange,rs come and go and stop here on their way. The walls of the city are strong and lofty. Here are found all sorts of a rare and precious articles"." Che-li-ta-lo-ching is derived, according to Cunningham, from Sanskrit Charitrapura that is , the "town of embarkation" or "departure", 34 The location the sea-port has not yet been satisfactorily settled. Cunningham has identified it with present Puri. Fergusson has proposed its identification with Tamralipti, while Waddle locate it at Nendra, the site of an old port near the mouth of the Chitrotpala which is a branch of the river Mahanadi .35 Some scholars have identified it with Chandrabhaga, which has been referred to as a famous port in the Oriya Mahabharata composed by Saraladasa (15th century A.D. ) 36 Sylvan Levi 37 has equated Charitraputra, referred to by the Chinese pilgrim, as the port of-embarkation , with Ptolemy's apheterium, that is, the point of departure for ships bound for Chryse. i We should consider whether the views expressed above stand on solid grounds. First, the identification with Tamralipti, as proposed by Fergusson,does not stand in view of the distance between the kingdom of Tamralipti and that of ?dra indicated in the account of Hiuen Tsang Itself. Second, Waddel's identification with Nendra stands on a doubtful assumption that Che-lf-ta-Io is derived from the name of Chitrotpala, a branch of the Mahanadi. Third, the identification with Chandrabhaga, a port of doubtful existence, on the basis of an Oriya text of much later date can hardly be accepted. Fourth, Levi's suggestion equating Charitrapura with the apheterium stands on weak grounds. Because, Ptolemy's apheteium is located by the geographer himself at a little beyond the point of the ~odavri, whereas Hiuen Tsang has clearly indicated the location of Charitrapura on the south - east frontier of Odra lying in the northern part of ancient. Orissa. In order to accomodate the statement. "here it is merchants depart for distant c,ountries" it may be held that Charitrapura served as the point of departure (apheterium) to Paloura or Dantapura, the capital of Kalinga. 38 However, N. K. Sahu appears to be more reasonable, when he supports the identification of the Chinese Che-li-ta-lo with Puri 39 for there is no other city - port on the sea-shore in south eastern Orissa . Charitrapuraprobably maintained maritime intercourse with Ceylon, for standing over there Hiuen Tsang could think of the Tooth relic of the Buddha prescrived in that Island ." A copper Chinese coin of the 8th century A.D. has been found at Sirpur during the excavations." This may be considered as a sub 13 sian.i.; evidence in support ofcommercial relation of Orissa with China. Kalinga with those countries where ultimately some groups of Kalinga traders might have sertlcd. 43 The Annals of the Tang period (A.D. The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea gives us to 600­906) mention Ho­ling as the most imporunderstand that the coast of Orissa was connected tam kingdom of Java. Ho­ling is supposed to be by coastal trade­route with the coast of the the Chinese transcription of Kalinga. The adopGaJ.:,;clic delta, on the one hand, and the .tionof such a name was probably due to the largeCor..n "dldal and Malabar coasts, on the other- scale settlement of the people from Kalinga in Gangetic spikenard, malabathrum and muslin that part of Java." From the expression Tri from Tamralipti, and ivory from Dosarene or Kalinga, which often occurs in the epigraphic Tosali used to be transhipped to Kaveripattanam records of Orissa, was derived the name of the for onward transmissionn to Barygaza on the town Telangana and "employed to designate the western coast that was maintaining brisk trade country Kalinga proper on the western side of with the Mediternean world. Another route the Gulf of Bengal, as well as, the country of standing from Dosarene (Orissa) led to Mons of Telengs (Talaings) on the opposite Suvamabhumi (Chry~ via the port on the mouth shore, which had been colonised by them." 45 of the Ganges. It W,;lS by the time of Ptolemy that a direct trade­route connected Orissa with REFERENCES the coast of Burma across the Bay of Bengal. Paloura Dantapura was connected directly with Sad.i. 'While Dantapura is known to have been 1. Majumdar, R.C. The ~ s i c a l Accounts of rndJa, tile capital of Kalinga, Charitrapura in the days Calcutta, 1960, pp. 341­42. of Hiuen Tsang served as the port of embarka- 2. Pliny, Natural History, II, Loeb Classical Library Series, pp. 387­89. tion (Samudraprasthanapattana). The latter port 3.Ganguly, D.K. Historical Geography and D¥nastic Hisis stated to have been rich with rare and precious tory of Orissa, Calcutta. 1975, p.? . " , commodities. The natural resources and indus- 4. Bagchi, Pc. Pre­Aryan and Pre­Dravidian in India, tries of Orissa suggest that in addition to ivory, Calcutta, 1929, p. 170. 5. JAHRS, VI, pp. 201. 203;J,60RS, XIV, p.145; mo. cIOLI, various types of cereals, rice, wheat, barVIII, p. 29. ley, salt, incense, timber, conchshells, stone and 6, Ganlruly, D.K,~ pA. iron­products, diamonds etc. were exported from '1. U.:) N.L. The Geoi:raphical Dictionary of Ancient and this country. 42 The Kalinga varieties of cloth Medieval India, New Delhi, 1971, p. 54. 8. Schoff, W.R. (ed.). The Periplus of the Eryth~ean Sea. and rice find mention in the Manasollasa. I, New Delhi, 1974, p. 251 . 9. Mitra, R.L. Antiquities of Orissa, I ­ 6 10. Sircar, D.C. Select Inscriptions. I pp. Calcutta, 1942. pp, 206­211. II. Beal, S. Si­yu­ki, II p. 207 . 12. Motichandra Trade and Trade routes in Ancient India.New Delhi, 1977, p. 124. 13. AncieJ11.lndia, V,p. JOO. 14. Thill. p. 72. . 15. Ganguly, D.K. Op. CiLp. 22. Spices such as cloves, spikenard and other fine spices which were the native products of Java and Sumatra attracted the traders from Kalinga since very early times, The Chinese referred to Java and other islands of the Archipelago as kling, an abreviated form of Kalinga. It presupposes intimate trade and commercial relationsof 14 16. Motichandra , Cp. Cit.. pp. 119, 124. 17. Majumdar, S.N. Ancient India as described by Ptolemy.Calcutta , 1927 , pp. 69-70. 18.'Oerini, G.E. Researches on Ptolemy's Geog ra~y of Eastem Asia. New Delhi, 1974, p. 47. 19. Ibid. p. 743. ~O. Ibid. p. 742. 21. Bagchi, P.C. Cp. Cit. pp. 163-164. 22. Grierson, Linguistic Survey of India. VI. p. 650. 23.~ II, 367, 371, 381, Jataka, III, 376, Jataka IV, 230-32 • 236. 24. JASB ,XXVIII, pp. 186 ff., .~ 52 Ind. XXV, pt. VI, April, 1940, p..285.." . 26. Law, B.C. Histori!;(al Geography of AncIent IndIa. Paris, \1968, p.l77. . 27. Se~, B.C. Some Historical Aspects of the Inscriptions of Bengal. Calcutta, 1942, p.44. 28. Dey; N.L. Cp. Cit. I} 53. 29. Law/Re. Op.Cit. p. 177 30. ~. XIV. p. 361. 31. JASB. XI, pp. 7-81. 32. Ep. End. XXIILpp. 197 ff. 33. Beal, S. Travels of Hiuen Tsang, Vol. IV, Calcutta, 1958, p. 411. 34. Cunningham A, The Ancknt Geography of India. Varanasi, 1963, p. 430. 35. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 1892. 36. Ganguly, D.K. Qp.,.£.i!. p. 68 37. Bagchi, p.c. QI!..Q1. p.l71. 38. Motichandra, ~ p. 132. 39. Sahu, N.K. The Utkal University History of Qrissa. I p.142. 40. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels In India. II, London, 1908, p. 194. 41. The Qrissa Historical Research Journal No.2, p. 104.42.Sah, AP, Life in Medieval Crissa (Circa AD. 6001200). Varanasi, 1976, p. 111. 43. Majumdar, R.C. Ancient Indian Colonies in the Far East. Vol. II, Suvarnadvipa. Pt. 1, Dacca, 1937, p.7. 44. Ibid. p.112. . 45. Gerini, Qp.,.Qt. pp. 29­30 . . 15 l"­­­­ _ l III Search Ot Ancient Tamralipla Animesh Kanti Pal (1) Alexandar of Macedon and even before the birth of Buddha "2 Tamralipta was the name of a Kingdom of ancient eastern India, It was the name of a city as well. And, there was also a port named Tamralipta I. The city and the port might have been on the same site but the port could also be slightly apart, for natural reasons. In ancient times, a city had to be very close to a source of portable water where as, the ocean going vessels had to depend on the tidal cycle for getting in and out of a port. That is why, the city might ha VI; been situated close to a river carrying sweet w ater and the port handling the ocean going Yessels, by the side of a tidal creek " It should be kept in mind that we are considering the case of an ancient port when the available shipping technology was of a primary nature. The wooden vessels weighed not more than thirty tons or there about. AU traces of the kingdom and the city and the port were considered lost without a clue to its whereabouts. But in ancient and mediaeval litcrature references to the port and the city occur often enough, specially, in the travelogues of the Chinese pilgrims, notably of Hiuen Tsang, FaHici. and I-tsing and in the memoirs of a lone Korean. But Tarnralipta could be older than the Mauryan empire. It could have existed before Even if there were no hard evidence, people believed that the modem town of Tamluk could have been identical with the lostcityandthe famous port .3 But in Tamluk the temple of Bargabhima on a raised ground was the only notable relic of a bygone era. Some claimed it to be a Buddhist Vihara 4 and yet, no one cared to dig at the site and find out the truth. (IT) After India became independent, anundergraduate college was established in Tamluk and Paresh Chandra Dasgupta came to teach history there. He picked up a terracotta Yaksini stauettc from a way side pond, which later reached a museum in Oxford in a rather dubious way. However, Paresh Chandra Dasgupta later became the first Director of Archaeology of the government of West. Bengal . He fervently believed that Tamluk was Tamralipta or it could be situated qui te close 5 " He arranged to have a plaster copy of the Yaksini and put it on display at the West Bengal State Museum at Calcutta," To Dasgupta the Yaksini was a very important pointer to the location of the city of Tarnralipta . After his death, quite a few objects of archaeological interest \ ~ ~-_. I , t have been discovered in the same area and most of them are on display in a small museum in Tamluk 7 These objects certainly prove the antiq~y of the place. These may also be the evidences of the existence of Tamralipta but they are hardly conclusive. No one has yet found even a small trace of a port in or around the town. (III) I There is another important angle, the angle of security and stability. The bank of a river like Rupnarayan or Hooghly could be highly unsuitable for the construction of brick built permanent strpctures like a dock or a jetty etc. In the ancient tiTJes,people knew how to use bricks to ensure the permanence of a structure at the water front but the river banks were always unstable and uncontrollable. A tidal creek on the other hand, was idealy protected from the vagaries of the yearly onslaught of a swollen river. But the water level rose and fell alternately with the hi~ and low tide, facilitating the entry and the exit of the vessels . With a dock and jetty, loading and unloading could be easier to handle. Moreover, with the help of the low tide the undesireable water could be flushed out from the brick built area of the dry dock, where necessary repairs could be undertaken. For such obvious and practical reasons the port of Tarnralipta could have been built not on a river bank but on the bank of a sufficiently deep creek. A port which handled the ocean going vessels for atleast a millenium could not just disappear without leaving the slightest clue. May be, we have not looked into the likely places because ' our entire attention is focussed on Tamluk alone. The most likely place for the location of an ancientport could be on a tidal creek long silted is a parallel example of such a locaup . Th~re tion. The ancientdjY dock at Lothal in Gujrat is ny kind of water front. The now far away fro dock is still intact although brick lining of the it was once totally overed up by thick layers of silt. Apparently th place­looks unlikely for the establishment of a ort and yet, the magnificient dry dock of the In s Valley Civilization is still there at the end 0 dried up tidal creek 8 Can (IV); we hope to find s h a silted up creek close to the modem town Tamluk? Such a place may We may consult the District Gazetteer for the be found not very r from Tamluk . whereabout of the tidal creek. ­ "Sixmi'es to . the South of Moyna there is depression about In fact, the place as identified as a dried up tidal creek and the ssibility of a port being situ- eight or nien miles extent, which was formerly The ated there had als een suggested in Midnapore subject to the overflow of tidal water District Gazetteer self" But none had ever con- depression was perhaps a creek of the sea, which sidered the possi ity of the suggested port at in course of time silted up . This supposition is the tidal creek of ing the famous ancient port confirmed by the discovery of traces of human of Tamralipta . A rson who has visited Lothal occupation at a depth of 16 feet below the surand studied its top graphy minutely may under- facein the villages of Tildah, Jalchak and othstand the feasibili of the location of a port of ers, which stand near the depression. It is possible that there was once a port on its bank" .10 the ancient age. ly a tidal creek could \ I assure a safe harbour, provided the channel had the required depth for easy navigation . '-.;I:~_ 7 __._­­­- This, in brief, was the sum total of the observations of L.S.S. O'Malley in 1911 . Thereafter, the entire attitude during almost a whole ccn tury was nothing but sheer apathy and neglect But an impregnable fort surrounded by the circular lakes and situated not very far either from the tidal creek or from the present town of Tamluk does exist, although in ruins. Again a quotation from the Gazetteer will be quite eloquent­I'Moyna a village in Tamluk sub­division situated nine miles South West of Tamluk .It contains a police station and an old fort called Moynagarh situated on the western bank of Kasai, a little above its junction with Kaliaghai. The fort was evidently constructed by excavating two great moats almost lakes, so that it practically stands onan island, within an island. The earth of the first thrown inwards so as to form a raised embankment of considerable breadth, which having become overgrown with dense bamboo clumps was impervious to any projectile that could have been brought against it 100' years ago. Inside the larger island, the outer edge of which is this embankment, another lake has been excavated with the earth thrown inwards, forming a large and well raised island about 200 yards square " 12 so far as Tamralipta was concerned. And Tamralipta was the peak of our ancient glory, a reminder of our past greatness and a witness to our millenia old maritime trade with the lands beyond the seas. How was it protected? What military measures were taken for ensuring the adequate protection of the city and the port? Marauding armies with unfriendly intentions could be a nagging problem because the city and the port fabulously rich could always allure the plundering conquerors . Certainly, an impregnabic security system was very much called for. But only an army could not be enough because other armies of the north and the south could be bigger and mightier. Tamralipta deserved something unique to protect itself . A well thought out system of deep ditches and a great fort encircled by deeper circular lakes guarded by war ships could be the answer to the security problems of the city and the port. And Tamralipta was hardly invaded or was under alien occupation . The relevant literatures seldom refer to such a situation. Only the boastful proclamations of the great conquering Kings once or twice menlion its name in passing, The reason of its impregnability could have been the naval nature of its defence system in an estuarine area where elephants and cavalry were of no use and the lingering rainy season was a natural repellent to the land based conquerors. Tamralipta might have died a slow death for natural and internal reasons. If all these seem to be empty and wild guesses only, it must also be conceded that there are no contrary views available either in the literatures or archaeological evidences. 11 About the builder of the fort the narration is rather vague. The present occupants, the Bahubalindras came after the Maratha invaders . Lausen, the hero of the mediaeval narrative i.poem Dharmarnangal was described as the Lord of Moynagarh but no poet described him as the founder of the fort nor the uniqueness of the water encircled fort ever emphasised. The likely conclusions therefore, might be that ­ " 1. the fort called Moynagarh had certainly existed in the mediaeval period, 2. it might have existed much earlier, 3. it could be a port or the very centre of a naval security system backed by war ships, 4. no local cheif, no feudatory King could \ \ 18 I ever afford the construction or maintenance of such a mighty and impregnable defensive stronghold, 5. except Tamralipta there was no other principality in the neighbourhood which needed such an elaborate defence system. Though archaeologists are sure of unearthing Mauryan artefacts from the proposed excavation site they apprehend problems from other quarters . The mounds under which the relics are thought to be located are inhabited by villagers. Excavation work will be slow unless the people are rehabilitated elsewhere. (V) I In India, if some one some day stumbles upon some old relics by chance, an obscure news item may come out in the papers among the news from mofussil . After a day or two the matter is forgotten\ and no one- except a very few care about it . Same thing has happened to the relics found in the vicinityof Tamluk several times. The latest example is the following news item which I quote h~ full 13 ­ n Tildagunj to be excavated for Mauryan relics - Statesman News ServiceCalcutta-September 8 - Tildagunj in Midnapore has been identified by the Directorate of Archaeology as its next site of exploration. Senior officials of the Directorate said artefacts relating to Mauryanperiod are likely to be excavated from the site. Officials are looking for ways to explore the site without displacing Tildagunj residents . The Geological Surveyor India' will be contacted to help locate the Mauryan relics without disturbing the structures on the top soil . The rains, a senior official said, are expected to revealtheinner layers of the mound. This would enable the' archaeologists to detect the relics. After inspecting the relics already discovered at the site the archaeologists feel the place was inhabited by a prosperous community" . The reason for the quotation of the entire news item is the source from which it was collected. It is quite clear that the Directorate of Archaeology itself inspired this particular news item. It also proves that after almost a century of inacLocated downstream of Kansabati river, tion the gurdians of our archaeological assets are Tildagunj is-expected to yield a rich collection trying to investigate the site at Tildah which in of relics, as some archaeologists believe, the their opinion 'was support area of Tamralipta, place was support area of Tamralipta now now Tamluk'. The fact that there is a possibility of finding the traces of an ancient port in this Tamluk . region as observed by O'Malley is not mentioned The bustling hamlet finds mention in Buddhist any where in this report. And yet, the Directortexts as well as in travelogues of Fa hien , the ate is confident that 'the place was inhabited by Chinese traveller. a prosperous community'. How that prosperity was achieved in such an obscure place could be A team comprising of geologists and archaeolo- a moot point to ponder over. O'Malley had reagists will conduct the preliminary investigation. sons to believe that there could be a port in the Exploration work is likely to start after the mon- vicinity . On the other hand, no one has found any trace of a port capable of handling seafaring soons. 19 -_.~ ships in or around Tamluk proper yet. 6. Catalogue ofthe West Bengal State Museum, Calcutta. Mauryan artefacts were discovered earlier also from the vicinity of Tamluk town .14 but these were no conclusive proof of the existence of Tarnralipta which was a city with a port of considerable proportions. 15 At least some remnants of an ancientcity need to be unearthed in Tamluk proper before identifying it as TamraJipta. 7. Tamluk Museum Publications. 8. The author had all opportunity to Visit Lothal in October 1995 and was greatly impressed by the skillful excavations of the site. 9. Midnapore • O'Malley .p. ­ 252 and also p. 266 ­ "Hiuen Tsang in the seventh century A.D. said that it lay near an . inlet of the sea and was 10 (about two miles) Ii in circuit ''. Finally, it appearsthat the Directorate of Archaeology is hopeful ( : finding some Mauryan artefacts from their p.oposed site of exploration atTiluagunj . If O'Malleywas right,the proposed exploration might lead to the unearthing of an ancientport on thebank of a siltedup tidalcreek. Hopefully, it might also lead up to the unearthillg of the city of Tamraliptaitself. It is also possib:c that nothing will happen for this reason or tha, :,1 the ncar future and the Directorate will again revert to their usual indolence to say the 10. Ibid . p. ­ 252. 11. Vide , Geography of Old Bengal , Manmohan Chakravarty ,J.A.S.B. 1908 pp 289 ­91 . 12. Midnapore , O'Malley, p. 251 . 13. This news item was published in The Statesman, Calcutta, on 9th september, 1996 . 14. Vide ­ Pratnatatwer Aloke Tamralipta . 15. Ten Ii (about two miles) according to Hiuen Tsang and "In the time of its early Kings, the royal palace and grounds were said to have covered an area of 8 squaremiles " Midnapore Gazetter , p. 267 . least. NOTES AND REFERENCES: 1, Bcng«] District Gazetteers, Midnapore, L.S.S. O'Malley i.u­Dec, 1995. Govt . Of W.B. p. 266. hl'Lr" 2. Ibid . Also Tamralipta Upabhasa 0 Janagosthi Samskriti Dr. Sukumar Maity , Vol. 1­1989 and Vol. 2­1991 . There are many relevant informations in this book. 3. Ibid. "Little is now left ::0 mark the past glory of Tamluk" . p. ­ '2(;7. 4. Ib.,', 5. Vide ­ Pratnatatwcr A10ke Tamralipta, Paresh Cha~jdra Dasgupta Smarak Grantha . Nikhil Banga Sahitya Sanunelan, 1974 . 20 "" LOST FORTUNE OF DACCA .N THE 18TH CENTURY \ ') Mahammad Shafi The death of Aurangzeb brought the signal of the collapse of the mighty Mughal empire that was formed and consolidated by its rulers for centuries. With the decline of the Imperial authorityat Delhi, Bengal like some other distant provinces might go to disintegration and decay, but for its able ruler, it emerged as an autono, mouspolitical entity. During the later part of Aurangzeb's reign, the fiscal administration of the subahwas in the lands of Murshid Quli Khan . He was thediwan ofthe two provinces of Bengal and Orissa, while Azimus ­Shan was the riaziIn of the subah . But in due course the relationship between the' nazim and the diwan because strained. The diwan's gradual rise in Imperial favour increased the resentment of the nazim. The ~ paid due respect to the nazim, but the latter became so much zealous that he was even thinking of killing the former. To safeguard himself against any further attempts on his life, the diwan resolved to transfer the diwani headquarters from Dacca. I He discussed the move with his revenue officials and selected Muxadabad where "news of all the four quarters of the subah could be easily procurable, and which, was situated in the centre of the important places of the subah ". 2 Another reason for selecting Muxidabad was to control the English traders on the Ganges from the new capital. 3 Before taking such an important decision , Murshid Quli did not take permission either from the nazim or subahdar or from the emperor, though his status was subordinate to them. When Aurangzeb got the news of Azimus­Shan's attempton diwan's life, he at once wrote a letter to the nazim on the following purport: " Kartalab Khan (Murshid Quli Khan) is an officer of the emperor. In case of hair­breadth injury in person or property happens to him, I will avenge it on you my boy ".4 Immediately after, the Emperor directed Azimus­Shan to retire to Bihar .5 leaving Bengal altogether. Azimus­Shan left his son Farruk­Siyar at Dacca and began to stay himself at Patna from 1703 . 6 From now on, Dacca was deprived of both the diwani and nizamat headquarters. At the same time it also lost its former importance as a strategic basel for operation against the Maghs and the Portuguse who were creating havoc on the base of the Bay of Bengal . 7 Dacca was also much less centrally situated than situated on the Murshidabad . Murshidabad ~as main line of trade communication between the Upper Ganges valley and the Bay of Bengal along which the treasures of India were now begining to find their way to the European settlements on the Hugli .8 Murshid Quli Khan also took with him from Dacca all the revenue officials and some of the richest bankers and merchants who settled in different parts of the 21 district and they played a dominant role in the there. With the establishment of the capital of the Bengal subahdars , the importance of Dacca regeneration of commercial activities in Murshidabad. The family of Jagat Seth is worth mL.,~;Jil ng here .? The history of Dacca from this time up to the acquisition of diwani by the English Company in 1765, presented little worthy of note. The subsequent naibs appeared to have resided for the most part of the year at Murshidabad, • while Dacca was being ad;;j ...strcd by the deputies. 10 Dacca lost its provi ..cial status and so its further growth had been checked in the 18th century. Now Murshidabad rose to prominence from a small market to a provincial capital at the cost of Dacca. With Murshid Quili Khan, a large number of merchants deserted Dacca. Though Dacca still rcuu..acd a traditional centre of fine cotton, the Armenian competition as well as high local taxation made Dacca unpopular. On the other hand Murshidabad became increasingly attractive and offered an alternative scope for the supply of cottons .12 The transfer of Bengal's Capital caused the growth of cotton industry at Mu.ci..dabad . Dacca enjoyed undisturbed glory since 1610, when Islam Khan made it the Capital of Bengal. It served as the adm.nistrative headquarter's and resident of the subahders of Bengal. It also becarne one of the chief centres of commerce from up to the beginning of the 18th centhat ~:,.lC tury, except for a few years from 1639 to 1659, when Prince Shuja shifted the Capital of Bengal to Rajmahal . The very position of Dacca which was well connected by water in the neighbouring areas led to her rapid growth . This increased commercial activities met the supply and consurn.» .on requirements of the town. The growth of titis town attracted artisans, manufacturers and other professional classes to settle was further increased. 13 Foreign travellers like Manrique, Manuchi and Tavernier visited Dacca in l640, l663 and 1666 respectively, recorded the commercial prosperity and found a large number of European merchants there. Besides the Europeans, the Armenians and the Muslim ,merchants from Arabia with the assistance of local merchants, made it a centre of business in the eastern part of the province. The cotton and the weaving goods of Dacca formed the major part of exports from Bengal to Europe. From 1660 onwards up to the end of the 17th century, Dacca reached to the peak of its glory . The transfer of capital led to the development of trade and commerce in Murshidabad which attracted people of all walk of life. As headquarters of the province, the zamindars and others from all over the subha including east Bengal used to visit Murshidabad for paying their revenue and attending the annual ceremony of Duniyall ,14 The bankers and other financial of­ , fices now opened their offices inthe new capital city. As Murshidabad was situated on the bank of the Ganges, which was also connected with Hugli and Calcutta by water­route as well, its trade was obviously to flourish. Calcutta now developed as a busy trading centre that attracted treders from all over the province . So me traders of East Bengal during this transitional period thought of moving towards Murshidabad with an ultimate aim at Calcutta. It was safe to trade or to establish factories at Calcutta under the English protection. Thus the transfer of the Capital of Bengal was a great loss to Dacca. I Soon Dacca was reduced to a subordinate position for the transfer of diwani and nizamat 22 establishments This was obviously followed by short time, Calcutta became an extensive and the transfer of a number of officials attached with populous city. 19 While Suart records that "both those establishment, with their large staff of the European and the native merchants who were cle~s, treasurers, peons and some of the oppressed every year with increasing vaxations mansabdari contingents. It also led to the trans- by the rtl(lacity of the Nawab enjoyed a degree ference of a market for provisions and supplies of freedom which was unknown elsewhere. That from Dacca to Murshidabad . This followed the city in consequence increased yearly in ex­ . some inevitable administrative consequences for tent, beauty and riches. "20 Long before Calcutta the two cities. The shifting of capital automati- became the capital of British Bengal, more and cally drove landed and trading interests from more of the Nawab's subjects had been attrached Dacca . The people who used to come to Dacca to settle there. 21 Its inhabitants, besides the Eneither.to secure privileges or for any interest of glish, came from places as far off as Dacca, help Jnd advice from the provincial officers, sought employment and protection of the English began \to leave the city and turned towards settlement against the excesses of local officials \ Murshidabad , 15 But the greatest blow to. Dacca . came from­the establishment ofpanchotrabandar Thus the fame, glory and beauty that Dacca 16 at Murshidabad, which took away not only half of the jurisdiction of the Nawab of Dacca but achieved in the 17th had been lost in the 18th . century due to the rise, growth and importance , became a signal for her economic ruin. 17 , of Murshidabad and Calcutta on the western side On the other hand the growth of Calcutta was of Bengal . remarkable . Within twentyfive years since its establishment in 1690, Calcutta became the major centreof'production and commerce . The bulk REFERENCES of Indian population presumably came to Calcutta in the wake of men who had settled there to do business with East India Company or.with 1.Karim, Abdul,MurshidQuliKhan andhis times. (Dacca, 1963), p.21. individual Englishman. Such men seemed to have found in the Company's government, for 2. Salim, GhulamHussain,RiyazuS­Salatin. (Eng.Trans, all of its obvious faults, a respect for the rights Calcutta, 1902, p. 251.) of property which made Calcutta relatively attractive place to live in, compared to cities un- 3. SalimuIlah, Tarikh­iBamda(Eng,Trans,Calcutta, 1788, p.29) der the protection of the Nawabs of Bengal. 18 This fact is also confirmed by Salimullah, who ob- 4. Riyazu op. cit. p. 250 . serves : " The mild and equitable conduct of the English in their settlement gained them the confi- 5.J.!:ill! . Also in Tarikh, p. 29 dence and esteem of the Natives, which joined to 6. Karim, op. cit. p . 22. the consideration of the privileges and immunities which the Company enjoyed induced merchants 7. Dani, A. H, ~ (Dacca, 1956), pp. 18­22. to remove thither with their families, so that in a 23 i _- -~ )10..­­' 8.Hunter, WW ,Statistical Account ofBengal , Vol- IX, Murshidabad, (Reprint, New-Delhi, 1973), p. 65. 14. A ceremony when the zamindars of Bengal used to pay their revenues tothe Bengal Nawabs. 9. The: rounder ofthe house of Jagat Seth was one Hiranand 15. Tarikh, op. cit. p. 29. Shah, an inhabitant of Nagpur in Marwar . In 16521lecame to Patna and established his business farm there. During the time of Azimus-Shan, his son Manik Chand came and settled at Dacca and played a significant role in the commercial life of East Bengal. ManikChand again shifted his farm to Murshidabad, when Murshid Quili transferred hi.; (;,vani establishment from Dacca. 10. Aitchison, C. U., A Collection of Treaties. Engagements and Sanads etc. (Reprint, Calcutta, 1909), p. 128. II. Ahmed, S, Dacca; A Study in Urban History and Development (London, 1986), p. 13 , K. M, ,A Bengal District in Transition 12, ~.:CJbsin, lVI>, .i'!abad . (Dacca, 1973 ), p.9 16. It was a new Custom House and Port at Murshidabad established by Murshid Quli Khan after the transfer of the di wani establishments. 17. Karim, Dacca, p. 212. 18. Marshall, P. J, The East Indian Fortunes (Oxford, 1976), p.27. 19. Tarikh op. cit, p. 49. 20. Stewart, Charles, Histol}' of Bengal (London, 1813), p.435. 21. Sinha, N.K. , History of Bengal , 1757­1905 (Calcutta, 1967), p. 387 . 13. Karim, Abdul, Dacca ­ the Mughal Capital (Dacca, 1964), p. 69. 24 \ Insurgents of Barabhum in Jungle Mahals and the Creation of Manbhum district in Bengal, 1832·33. • I SudiptaMukherjee (Chakraborty) h~uM light has been thrown on the first armedresistance against the British in the western part of Midnapore district immediately after the grant of diwani to the' British in 1765. The large tract of this'western portion of Midnapore was known as Martbhum till recently and the upheaval of its tribal people Were. termed by the British as the Chuar rebellion.Due to this so called Chuar rebellion: in the areas of Manbhum, the English Company, for a tighter control over this unregulated area, created the district of Jungle Mahals in .1805 . After the creation of this new district it seemed that the peace had returned to this area at least for a period of nearly 30 ­years, But it was not so and it was disturbed due to the Ganga Narayan Hangama (riot) in Barabhum Parganah, resulting in­the creation of Manbhum in 1833. In the present article, an attempt has been made to show how there were arguments and counterarguments among the government officials in transferring the areas from Midnapore for the creation of this new district of Manbhum. It is surprising to note that on this question, the historians on Midnapore so far had spent scant regard whatsoever, though it is a matter of great importance to know how the district was sliced down gradually. districts of Birbhum, Burdwan and Midnapore were separated from the jurisdiction of the magistrates and placed under the jurisdiction of Magistrate of Jungle Mahals. The district of Jungle Mahals was composed of 25 Parganahs and Mahals, of which fifteen including Panchet were transferred from Birbhum ; 2 Senpahari, Shergarh and Bishnupur from Burdwan and Chatna, Barabhum, Manbhum, Supur, Ambikanagar, Simlapal and Bhalaidiha were transferred from Midnapore .' For administrative convenience, Bankura became the headquarters and Henry Strachey was transferred from Midnapore, who became the first Magistrate of Jungle Mahals. 4 The areaof Jungle Mahals was brought undercloser control during the next 25 years. So far as the revenue settlement was concerned, things seemed to have been settled down to a great extent, though the Panchet zarnindar was almost constantly in arrears. But the disturbances broke out in Barabhum on the question of a disputed succession. During the last quarter of the century, Vivek Narayanthe zarnindar of Barabhum died leaving two sons, Raghunath and Lachman Sing. 5 The latter though younger by birth, was the son of the elder wife or Pat Rani and as such claimed to succeed his father. But his claim was rejected and was driven out by a military force only to be died in Midnapore jail. In 1805, The Regulation XVIII was passed by which the tracts of Jungle Mahals situated in the 25 On Raghunath's death in 1798, a similar dispute broke out among his sons - Ganga Govind and Madhab Singh, but itwas finally settled in favour Singh came to age, he challenged the decision ofthe British. He collected some tribal supporters and challenged the British authorities. But at of Ganga Govind. Within a short time Madhab last he was arrested by the British and while in Si.l;gh settled his differences with his brother prison, he died in Midnapore jail." This led to Ll ~: Lccame the diwan of Ganga Govind, But the natural resentment in the mind of Ganga thi, /l.adc him a direct rival of Ganga Narayan, Narayan, who thought himself unjustly deprived the son of his uncle Lachman. Diwan Madhab of the zamindari of his ancestor by the British Singh soon became unpopular among the people . ruler. So he developed a close relation with the for the imposition of additional taxes as well as tribal Bhumijs. In due course oftime, he became for his money-lending business. All these things not only cruel and cunning but a man of violent culminated his murder on April 2, 1832 'by Ganga temper. N....uyan Singh. After murdering Madhab Singh, Ganga Narayan with the whole body of his The news of the outbreak of "serious ghatwals , marched to Barabazar, the munshiffs distrubances" was received by Russell­ the Magcutcher)! was attacked, the bazar plundered and istrate of Jungle Mahals, from the daroga of the zamindar was obliged, out of fear, to Barabhum . But the local authorities could not conceede all Ganga Narayan's demands 6 as his cope with the outbreak. The irregular local forces kh ~lrposh . On the following day, Ganga Narayan became rather sympathetic to their fellow tribesmen. On his march to Barabazar, Russell OLe.: more burnt down the police thana of stranded at Puncha when he heard the news with Barul.azar. much alarm that "nearly every Bhumij, whether Ganga Narayan exerted much influence on his Ghatwal or Ryot ,had by this time joined Ganga followers as there already existed discontent Narayan who announced his determination to among the tribal masses. Russell - the Jungle clear the country of police thanas a$ far as the 1.Ln::ls Magistrate pointed out that the distur- great Beneras road". 9 Thus what originally apba;~'-:_ ) occurred out of malice towards Madhab peared to be a private feud, assumed the features 5i1l 611 . He was unpopular among the ghatwals of an organised and extensive insurrection. and the Bhumijs. Besides the zamindar of Barabhum was totally deficient in managing the But Russell did not relax his efforts and reached state affairs and so his son too. Naturally the at Barabazar from where he sent some messages management of the zamindari had fallen entirely to the ghatwals for seizing Ganga Narayan in on Madhab Singh ­ the zamindar's step­brother. person. But this became a total failure, On the Mcul.ub had dispossessed Ganga Narayan of his other hand, the insurgents surrounded the camp lands which the latter had inherited from his fa- of Russell from all sides. On 14th May, Ganga ther ­ Lachman Singh. Consequently the enemity Narayan attacked the troops of Russell. 10 They between the two hecame stronger day by day.? came with horrible shouts, yells, beating of Ganga Narayan felt that his father had the legal drums directly upon the British troops. Some of claim to succeed to the zamindari, which had them danced with large swords on their hands "in an attitude of defiance". II But at last the b.., Ii denied to him. In 1794, when Lachman " \ 26 rebels were overpowered who took 0 flight. Russell then tried to exert his influenc over the tribal people, declaring Ganga Naray n a rebel and\offering a reward of Rs. 1,000 for is arrest, dead or alive. 12 He also issued directi ns to the ghatwals accordingly. Meanwhil Ganga Narayan had established contact ith the neighbouring zamindar of Kharswan. During the operation, sickness bro e out in Company's troops and so the Bengal go emment urged the troops to withdraw. Thus th military operation of theCompany against Gang Narayan became unsuccessful. On the way, the C mpany's supplies had been looted and some se ys were wounded. Ganga Narayan had escaped ttack and all attempts to win the ghatwals had faild. Moreover the attitude of the zamindars of Pa chet and Manbhum was very suspicious. The athkum zamindaropenly appealed for hel to the zamindar of Singhbhum against the Br tish. The daroga of Pathkum emphatically decl red that bothghatwalsand zamindars were in Ie gue with. the rebels. Thus on repeated order fro Bengal government, the Company's troops etreated from Barabazar to Bankura. 13 I I ' , In the absence of the Company's force , Ganga Narayanonce more assembled his folIo ers and advanced to plunder to the east of B abhum, the estates of Akro, Ambikanagar, Raipur, Shyamsundarpur and Fulkusma. The B umijs of these areas together with Silda and oilapal joined the insurgents resulting a gener state of disturbance. "The forces of Ganga Nar yan thus traversed the whole of the eastern fla k of the Jungle Mahals from Puncha to Fulkus a. Then the insurgents entered the zamindari of anchet, plundering Gopalnagar, Poncha and agda on the way. The Company's government thus resumed to arms against the insurgents. By the middle of August, with troops in position of Bankura, Puncha and Keshargarh in the north, the Company's troops holding lines from Silda to Dhalbhum in the south, encouraged the Burdwan Commissioner Braddon to act offensively against the insurgents of Barabhum. Meanwhile, the rebels withdrew to Barabhum, causing much. alarm that On the sound of the Nakra or drum being heard, the inhabitants of every village desert the place and leave their all to be pillaged, without waiting to learn whether many or few of the enemy are near ". IS However by 19 August, the Burdwan Commissioner crossed the flooded Kasai river and reached Chakultore, where he had the first skirmish with Ganga Narayan who. fled to Sagma to the south­west. II Ganga Narayan now retired to Dhalbhum, where he forced the zamindar to appoint his nominees' as ghatwals of Dompara, Dhadka and Baridih. So during the absence of Ganga Narayan from Barabhum, Braddon's forces advanced to reoccupy Barabazar and this was actually done. A thana was established at Balrampur to quell the future disturbances. In November, Dent assumed charge at Chakultore and offered a free pardon to all except Ganga Naray an and some ten of his leading followers: Then Dent advanced to Bandhadih ­ the headquarters of Ganga Narayan and gained possession of the place. He made elaborate military operations in every directions to break up and destroy or to secure surrender of disorganised forces of Ganga Narayan. Ganga Narayan who had retired to Dhalbhum met a tragic death for attempting to establish among the Kols his reputation as a great military leader by attacking the thakur of Kharswan. The news was so unexpected that the thakur entitled to the I. 27 , reward up to the tune ofRs. 5000; but ultimately it was not given, as he admitted that the intensiv, military operations of the Company since the adjacent areas of Jungle Mahals including Midnapore district might be put under a separate administration. The Government therefore 19 jell mary had been indirectly responsible for the downfall of Ganga Narayan. 17 directed the Joint-Commissioner to submit a detailed plan for the South-West Frontier. They were further directed to consult the Commissioners of Patna, Cuttack and Burdwan divisions, as well as the Magistrates of Bankura, Midnapore and Sherghati. 21 The Government also called upon Wilkinson to comment upon the points of dissent with the Joint Commissioners' proposais which Dent had submitted in January 1833. The Bhumij uprising in Jungle Mahals district was undoubtedly due to the family feud in Barabhum zamindari , but the general distant en' o: the tribal pec,l~ under the pressure from of foreign rule, could not he altoLIe :",~)0siton gether ruled out. The district of Jungle Mahals was created in 1805 but after 1823 the collectorship of the district was made a definite office," the Magistrate - Collector had his headquarters at Bankura. So it could not be possible for the Magistrate to keep an effective control over Barubhum and Dhalbhum from so distant a land when there was no modern means of communication. Moreover the Magistrates had no incli nation to undertake tours in differentparganahs 19 After making a proper survey, D'Oyly - the Midnapore Magistrate had suggested that only Dhalbhum, the largest parganah of his district should be incorporated in the new jurisdiction. He argued that eleven jungle estates of Midnapore, lying east of Dhalbhum, were readily accessible for revenue collection. Thus he ignored the fact that several of those estates had the centres of great tribal unrest. Dick-the judge of Midnapore, on the other hand, argued that any portion of Midnapore should not be placed un-. del' the new jurisdiction. He strongly opposed the idea of including Midnapore within the tribal/ belt, because the people of the jungly~arhs were gradually becoming more acquainted with the laws of the country .22 Russell, the Magistrate of Jungle Mahals commented that Koilapal, Barabhum and Pathkum were the most turbulent areas with their Bhumij population. So he recommended for inclusion of those three estates within the unregulated area. The rising of the Bhumijs in Jungle Mahals etlu.. ned the British authorities in India. The state of u.ings disclosed that it was like the Kol insurrection that already found in Chotanagpur proper. In consequence thereof, it was already recommended "to exclude the area from the operation of the general regulations arid form it into a separate jurisdiction superintendent by the political age.it for the South-West Frontier as Commissioucr acting under the special rules which might from time to time be prescribed for the said area by the Government and aided by one or more assistants as might be requisite for due adrninistration of the tracts placed under the authority. "20 On September 6, 1833, Dent forwarded his comment to the government. About the areas of Midnapore to be included in the new regulation Dent pointed out that the government had already decided to include Dhalbhum in the new admin Fa, the regulation of this unregulated area, the Bengal Government had received several proposals that the of Chotanagpur and naraanans 28 _______ I;, istration. He also did not want to include some other mahals in order to form a jurisdiction large enough for the services of an additional assistant\from the district of Jungle Mahals, he propose that in the new arrangement, theparganahs and. ahals like Barabhum, Begunkodar, Bagh undi, Halsa, Jhalda, Kashipur, Koilapal, Path urn, Fulkusma, Shyamsundarpur and Tara g may be included: If trese mahals with Dhal hum were proved insufficient for a separate j risdiction, some other mahals like Raipur, Man. hum and Silda might also be included withi] this area. 23 in the district of Ramghur, Jungle Mahals and Midnapore, the natureof disturbances which recently prevailed in various parts of those districts, and the character of inhabitants had rendered it expedient to separate these tracts .25 I This recommendation was given effect to, and embodied in regulation XIII of 1833, by which the district of Jungle Mahals was broken up and its Diwani­Adalat' was abolished. The estates of Senpahari, Shergarh and Bishnupur were transferred to Burdwan and a new district called Manbhum with its headquarters at Manbazar was constituted. The new district included, besides Dent 'final report on the Bhumij Revolt made the defunct Manbhum district of Purulia sadar speci ic­suggestions for the future management and Dhanbad Subdivision, the estates of Supur, of th tribal areas. He made suggestions for re- Raipur, Ambikanagar, Chatna, Simlapal, cove iI\1g the arrears of­ revenue and the Maheswara, Bhelaidiha, Shyamsundarpur and zami dar's private debts. He also suggested the Dhalbhum. During the time of its origin, it in­ . sche i for the maintenance of the younger eluded Bankura town also, but in 1834, Bankura brot r' of the chief families, so as to avoid fu- was transferred to Burdwan." But at the same ture nrest. The sale of the estates in these areas time, the area of Manbhum was withdrawn from were rohibited for the recovery of private debts. a regular system of administration amalgamated Deritalsomade provisions for the division of into the South­West Frontier Agency and placed the e tate lands for the support of the zamindar's under an officer called the Principal Assistant to relat ons, priests' etc. Such grants, Dent sug- the Agent of the Governor­General for the gest ,should be made by the zamindar in con- South­West Frontier Agency." sultafion withhis relations. In case of differences, it w suggested that a neighbouring zamindar The Government of Bengal thus decided the fate or an European officer might work as an arbitra- of the tribal people of this disturbed hilly area tor. ent also suggested that Bengali, the local and appointed Captain Wilkinson" as the politilang age of the hill areas, should be substituted cal Agent of the South­West Frontier on a for P rsian in all public offices and he requested monthly salary of Rs. 3000. It was decided that the overnment to 'open a school for the chil- the political Agent would be assisted by a numdren f the jungle zamindars. 24 ber of "First Asistants" with a salary of Rs. 1000 per month and a junior Assistant, would look On t e suggestions of Dent, the Bengal Govern- into the affairs of the district. It is noteworthy to ment proceeded to make necessary arrangements. mention that for the administration of newly creThe overnment announced on December 22, ated district of Manbhum, no civilian officer was 1833 that "certain tracts of country now included appointed, instead the administration was en 29 trusted in the hands of the military officers for suppressing future unrest. The chief exeuctive officer ofManbhum district, who was known as Principal Assistant to the Governor-General's Agent, came to be known as Deputy Cornmissioner" with more powers than the District Magistrates of other districts of Bengal. REFERENCES 9. Quoted in Jha, TheBhumij Revolt, p. 69. 10. BDG, Manbhum, ,I~ VX p. 63. 11. India Gazette, May 19, 1832. 12. Letter from Russell to theCompany May 14, 1832. 13. Jha, The Bhumij Revolt, pp. 78-79 . 14. BDG, Manbhum, XXVIII, p. 63. 15. Bengal Harkara, August 25, 1832. 16. Letter from Chetan Singh to Wilkinson, February 7, 1833. 17. Letter from Wilkinson to the Government, February 10, 1833. 18. Bengal Revenue Consultations, July 17, 1823 .. 1. The western part of Midnapore district consisted of the districts of present Purulia, Bankura(except Bishnupur) and Dhalbhum Sub-division of Singhbhum, had the uprisings of the so called Chuar rebellion. 19. Russell who was the Magistrate of Jungle Mahals from 1828 to 1833 had no sympathy with the Bhumij and he remained aloof from their grievances. ::. T;;" ldllowing mahah were transferred from Birbhum : Panchet, Baghmundi, Begunkodar, Katras, Halsa, Jhalda, Jharia, Jaipur, Mukundpur, Nawagarh, Chutty, Torang, Tundi, Nagarkeari, and Pathkum. - Jha, 1. C. , The Bhumij 20. Quoted in BDG, Manbhum, XXVIII, p. 65. 21. Mukherjee, Sudipta, Agrarian discontent in Manbhum district, 1765-1857 (Unpublished M. Phil. thesis, Benaras Hindu University). Revolt, (Delhi, 1967), p. 29. 22. Jha, The Bhumij Revolt, p. 163. 3. LS.S. O'Malley, Bengal District Gazetteer. Bankllra (Calcutta, 1908), pp. 38-39. Jill: Santals of Jungle Mahals (Cal, 1984), p. 26. Also, Das, B.S. ,Civil Rebellion in the Frontier Bengal (Cal, 1973), p. 103. 23. Dent's letter to Bengal Government, September 6, 1833. 24. Jha, The Bhumij Revolt, p. 168. 25. Quoted in Ibid. 4. Sen, Suchibrata, 5. Coupland, H., Bengd District Gazetteers, Manbhum VLlI. ­ XXVIII (Cal. 1911), p. 62. 6. 1'1, pp. 62-63. 7.Jha, The I3humij Revolt, pp. 114-115. 26. A separate full-flaged Bankura district under a separate district judge was created in 1881- O'Malley, BOG, . Bankura , pp. 12-13 . . p. 65. 27. Ibid. p. 12. Also, BDG, Manbhum, X V~I , 28. Wilkinson was relieved from the command of Ramgarh battalion. 29. Hunter, W W, A Statistical Account of Benga1,Vol XVII (Delhi, Reprint, 1976), p. 353. . . {I.Letter from Dent to the Company, September 4, 1833. 30 l_ ._-----.,--------' Changing Profile of the Santhals in Purulia District \ S.C ~ukhopad y ) The present article tries to focus the changing life-style of the Santhals in Purulia district. Naturally one may query why the Santhals of Purulia district'alone, when the life-style of the Santhals are all the.more same in the whole south -west region Bengal, particularly in the districts of Banki~ and Midnapore as well. So my article is self-explanatory due to three reasons. The main argument is that when the Santhals came to the terio~swhc presently constitute the district of Purulia, they left their migratory habits and adopted agriculture as their main advocation of life; Fromhere, like the earlier Jain settlers, they began to spread in other eastern districts. Secondly, it was in the district of Purulia where they are large in number in comparison to other two neighbouring districts. The first census report of 1872 wouldclearly testify to this point. And thirdly, due to the geographical location of the district, which is adjoining to the provinces of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. \ of I Midnapore, Singhbhum, Mourbhanj and. Balasore . But these were not their original homethey had only migrated to these places. 2 About the original home of the Santhals, it is very mis. leading. However no old colonies of the Santhals are found between the Himalayas and the Ganges. Moreover the present generation of the Santhals have no clear idea from where their forefathers came. Their old tradition hardly support the theory of their northern origin and particularly from Himalayas. When Dalton wrote his book, he found the Santhals mostly on both sides of the river Damodar upto the mouth of the river Hugli. But the Santhals apparently regard their fatherland between the river Damodar and Kasai, which is situated within the territories of present Purulia district. And as the district of Purulia was once a part of Manbhum, it is essential at first to know the history of the Bhum-ending tracts, particularly of Manbhum, where the Santhalsformed the majority. Our first information about the Santhals came . From ancient time up to the reign of Emperor from Colonel Dalton's L escriptive Ethnology of Akbar and before the accounts of Abul Fazl, the Bengal wherein he writes that the Santhals were territories of Manbhum were ill-defined. At best found at interval, extending from about 350 miles it could be said that most of its territories formed from the Ganges to the river Baitarini. Accord- a part of ancient Bengal. And it was always a ing to him the Santhals were found in the dis- bone of contention between Bengal and Orissa. tricts of Bhagalpur, the Santhal Parganas, When Hu-en Tsang visited Manbhum, he found Birbhum, Bankura, Hazaribagh, Manbhum, Dandabhukti within the kingdom of Tamralipta.' 31 Up to the close of the 15th century there were three important estates ill this region; namely Panchet with its headquarters at Telkupi and later on Kashipur, second-the kingdom of the Mallas with its 'headquarters at Bishnupur and thirdChatna . In the 15th and 16th centuries, according to Bhavisyat Puran there were four important estates in this region,' namely Barabhumi, Tungabhumi," Samantabhumi and Manbhumi.' The territory comprised by the district of Manbhurn was acquired by the British in 1760 when Burdwan, Midnapur and Chittagong were ceded to the English Company." At that time, the zamindari of Panchet was within Burdwan Chalka , while the south of the river Kasai including Manbhum and Dhalbhum formed a part orMidnapore. Pandra and the remaining smaller zamindaris of north Manbhum were apparently under the neighbouring zamindar of Birbhum. 7 The territories of Manbhum formed the western mahal of Midnapore, the people who lived there seemed unruly and Graham ­ the collector of I\.lidnapore,8 who spent there the whole year of 1767 found it difficult to subdue these tribes or to settle any revenue with them. The near presence and the ever­threatening movement of the Marathas as well as the lawless situation of the district necessitated the preservation of a strong military control. 9 Unable to suppress these tribal z..mindars, Graham adopted force against them and sent one lieutenant after another. But instead, the people flared up in rebellion which the British had termed as the Chuar Rebellion. It mainly spread in the estates of Barabhum, Manbhum, Dhalbhum, Pathkum, Baghmundi, Jhalda, Chama, Raipur and Supur. To break the spirit of rebellion in early years, the British had transferred Panchet to Birbhum, but it could not produce the desired result. And when the Panchet zamindar refused to pay his revenues, his zamindari was put up for sale in 1795 . 10 But . this could not be done and the British had to yield, making a compromise with Panchet zamindar." Due to this so called Chuar Rebellion in Manbhum, the Company for a tighter control . over this unregulated area created the district of . Jungle Mahals in 1805 . The tracts of Jungle Mahals situated in the districts of Birbhum, .Burdwan andMidnapore were placed under the jurisdiction of the Magistrate of Jungle Mahals." But this Jungle Mahals also did not last long. Within a short time, there occurred a disputed succession on the zamindari of. Barabhum in 1832. The Bhumij rising in Jungle Mahals district was undoubtedly due to a family feud, but soon it turned into a general revolt against the foreign rule. In consequence thereof, it was recommended "to exclude the area from the operation of the general regulations and form it into a separate jurisdiction." 13 Thus in 1833, anew district known as Manbhum was created with its headquarters at Manbazar. But five years later, the headquarters was shifted to Purulia . The new district included besides Purulia Sadar and Dhanbad 'Subdivision, the estates of Supur, Raipur, ,Ambikanagar, Chatn a.. Sirnlapal, Maheswara, Bhelaidiha, Fulkusma, Shyamsundarpur and Dhalbhum. 14 There were many changes up to 1872, during which many areas of Manbhum were transferred to Bankura, Burdwan and Singhbhum districts. The territory of Manbhum from 1872 upto its' dissolution in 1956 remained intact. But a great change in 1912 was effected when Manbhum was transferred from Bengal to Bihar. The people of Manbhum in the early year of 1912 protested .' 32 ~, against this change but it was then refused. 15 From that time the fate of the people' of Manbhum was linked up with Bihar which continu~d up to October, 1956. After independence in 1947 there arose the question of states reorganisation according to linguistic basis. 16 A movement was organised throughout the district demanding Manbhum's merger with Bengal. And according to the report of the' States Reorganisation Commission, 17 most of the areas ofSadar subdivision of Manbhum under the name­of Purulia district ceded to Bengal from 1 November 1956, 18 while Dhanbad subdivision remained in Bihar: In this everchanging territories of Purulia district, the Santhals came to stay in, leaving their migratory habit and character, adopting agriculture as their profession. I Dalton has­placed the Santhals with aboriginal h~l tribes of Raj mahal in the Dravidian group. He was of opinion that unlike the Kolarian and Mundas.the Santhals cared little for permanently settling themselves. It is true in case of their past tradition but from themiddle of the 18th century, the Santhals began to settle permanently and had given up their nomadic habit. H.H. Risley also supports the tleory of Dalton by regarding the Santhalsas purely Dravidian stock, 20 though some modem scholars doubted it. They observe that no Dravidian language was used in the Gangetic Valley. Moreover the tribes residing from Manbhum to Central India still speak .Austric language. Hence Prof. Nihar Ranjan Ray observes that the Santhals are similar to the aborigins of Australia; hence they can be classed as Proto­Austroloid, 21 Owing to the migratory habit of the Santhals, their origin is very difficult to determine. However the Santhal settlements melted away with the disappearance of forest on the one hand and on the other, by the intrusion of the non­Santhals. According to the Santhal tradition their original home was AihiriPipiri, which has been identified by the modem scholars with pargana Ahuri in Hazaribagh district." But when multiplied the land could not me children in Aihiri­Pipiri, they went hold to Chai­Champa. The Santhal tradition traces back their origirito a wild goose which coming from the ocean alighted at Aihiri­Pipiri, The Santhals, after wandering many places, settled in Chai­Champa in Hazaribagh, where they remained for several generations. 23 But in course of time.they could not remain at Chai­Champa due to the torture of one Madhu Singh. Then they proceeded to Chotanagpur with all their cattle, but could not remain there for long. From Chotanagpur, the Santhals came to Jhalda, the present area of Purulia district. But due to the oppression of the Mudas, the Santhals migrated to Pathkum in the same district, where the Bhumij oppressed them. From there the Santhals came to Sikharbhurn which is corresponding to Panchet. Panchet became their permanent dwelling place, which i~ within the district of Purulia. This migration of the Santhals took place perhaps in the early 18th century. Hence the land between Damodar and Kasai rivers are regarded as the fatherland of the Santhals. 24 And when their number increased, they began to spread in the neighbouring districts of Bankura and Midnapore. Thus though tormerly a food gathering tribe, the Santhals adopted agriculture as their profession in early 18th century and at the close of the century, became an important element in the agrarian economy in the whole of south­west Bengal .26 all The Santhals like other tribes of India believe in totemism and clanship.There are practicallytwelve branches among the Santhals, namely 1. Baske 2. 33 Bcdea 3. Besra 4. Chore 5. Hansdak 6. Hembram 7. KisKU 8. Marandi 9.Murmu 10. Pauria 11. Soren unci L,;. Tudu. The caste system is unknown to the Santhals but different clans used to practice different sccupation in earlier times. Their priests belong to the Murmu clan, their kings belong to the Kiskus, the warriors from Soren clan, nobilityfrom the Hembrams, musicians from the Tudus, while traders from the Baskes. Thus the Santhals have all tllC clements of the Aryan social system. But in due course of time the duties of all the clans have been forgotten With the passage of time, practically all the Santhals had been turned to agriculture, while a few became share­croper. The Santhals also believe his relationship with the physical phonemena. 27 However intermarriages among the same totem have been forbidden. The Santhals had no conception about the supreme God. Their religion was the religion of , terror. Haunted and driven from place to place by the Aryans, they could notunderstand how a superior force could drive them, when the Santhals had done no harm to them. But though the Santhals had no God from whom they could expect favour, there existed a number of demons and evil spirits whose spite could do much harm to them. So though the Santhals had no definite religion, their rites were more numerous than the Hindus. The superstitious elements in their nature, their belief in the near presence of an unseen world, led them to shape their practical conduct. They knew no God who would reward the good, but a host of demons to punish the wicked, to scatter the diseases and to spread it among the cattle. The demons could be bribed by animal offering and a frequent outpouring of blood. 30 Besides due to their superstition, they believed in the witchcraft as well. 31 What the tribe is to the family, that the race is to the tr i..e. The National God of the Santhals like The worship of the Santhals was based upon the other ..borgins, is Miiran&­Buru , the great Moun- family. Each household had its own deity. The tain. Maran&­Buru appears to their legends as prayers addressed to the family gods were to avert the guardian of their race, the divinity who evil rather than to obtain benefits. On his death­, watches over their birth and brought their first bed, the head of the family whispered the name parents together in marriage. In private and in of his family God to his eldest son; and thus it public, in time of tribulation or in wealth, the handed over from one generation to another. In Grc~.: ..Iountain invokes with bloody offerings. addition to family gods, the Santhals worshipped He 1.) the link who, binds religion with nation. the ghosts of their ancestors. The Santhals had \ Goats, sheep, bullocks, fowls, rice, fruit, flow- , no conception of their own immortality or of a ers, bear or even a handful of earth, all are ac- 'future life. They imagined themselves constantly ceptable to the great mountain. He is in a sense a surrounded by a shadowy world. Adjoining to common father of all the people . 28 The wor- every Santhal village, there was a grove of sal ship of the Great Mountain is essentially a wor- trees,which was considered as their national tree. shi» or olood.If one cannot afford an animal, he This grove was the favourite resort of their famis to offer a red fruit or a red flower. ~9 Besides ily gods. The ghostly" inhabitants of the grove the Santhals, Marau&­Buru is the God of all the were their sharp critics and hence to be appeased. Goats and red cocks were sacrificed before this tribes. salrree Beside this ~ grove, the Santhals had 34 to appease gods and ghosts wherever they went. Traces of that superstitions survived in the Da~(rive demons), Daddi­bonga (well demons), Pakri­bonga (tank demons), Buru­bonga (mountain demons), Bir­bonga (forest demonsJete. 32 I dogs. who like their masters are endowed with a spirit of hunting. Birds are beaten down with arrows and in this process, deer, pig, jungle fowl and hare are hunted. The Santhals generally avoid open conflicts with the tigers and bears. These hunting expeditions last for four to five days. At the end of each day, the Santhals feast merrily on the contents of their bags. 36 Utmost liberty has been given to Santhal boys and girls for the choice of their life­partners. In the village, accommodation is provided to them in the house of their parents and there is nosepa- It is surprising to note that the funeral ceremony rate dormatory for them. The old Santhals have of the Santhals differs from the practice of Ho confidence in the virtues of the young. The young and Munda tribes, but very much similar to the couple go to the markets, join the festivals and Brahmins or Hindus. The dead body of a Santhal danced in groups: An open space has been re- is kept on a charpai or cot by the relatives and served lin Jagmajhi's house for their dance. The then taken to a funeral pire near reservoir or sound M flutes and drums attracts the maidens, stream. The son or brother is the first to apply who.after adjusting flowers in their hair join with fire on the body by placing a piece of burning them. 33\With such freedom their marriages are wood on the face of the dead and soon the ashes generally love matches. But sometimes arranged with a few fragments of bones are carefully prematches are also made by their parents. 34 Dur- served. On the sixth day, 'the relatives shave ing marriage, a day is fixed for a preliminary themselves and bathe. In due course of time the feast. .No priest is officiated at a Santhal mar- ashes and bones of the dead are sacrificed in the riage, The bride and groom eat together during water of the river Damodar. 37 the social meal which forms the most important part of the ceremony. After marriage the bride The famine of 1770­71 may be regarded as one ceases to belong to her father's tribe and becomes of the reasons for the large migration of the a member of her husband's family. Generally a Santhals in the district of Purulia. Prior to this Santhal husband has only one wife, but in case there was no such wide­spread devastating famof barrenness he can remarry though the first wife ine which brought Bengal on the verge of ecoremains as the head of the household and the nomic bankruptcy. Purulia being the dryparts second wife must obey the first. 35 suffered most in the famine. Hence depopulation was followed by a proportionate area of land Santhals in early generations had been busy with falling out of tillage. 38 Thus in 1776 the scarcity cultivation. They have every year a great hunt- of cultivators posed a great threat for the ing festival. The hunting expeditions have been zamindars, as the land became surplus, whereas . organised after much forethought. Generally the tenants were limited in number. Under these these expeditions occur during summer, when circumstances the Santhals played most signifithe beasts come outside the jungles. The hunters cant role. As the district of Purulia was worse form a long line with everyone a bow and arrow affected, the area naturally attracted new agriin his hand. They are usually accompanied by cultural labourers. Thus the Santhals did much ~ 35 I .. to fill up the vaccum ofhusbandmen caused by the famine of 1770-71. This was partly because ofitsregional problems and partly for total ignorance ofthe tribal people about any systematic revenue laws. Though in The pre-permanent settlement period had witnessed some special features of cultivation. It becc.:....; gradually apparent that the Company was slowly but steadily consolidating its grip over the areas of Purulia after many years of struggle against Bhum-ending tracts. Still the , zamindar of Panchet-the biggest zamindari in Purulia did not come to terms with the British even in 1793. The time saw the Mughal reve.iu, ".;stem was gradually disappearing, giving scope to the introduction of British administrative system. The period also witnessed the increasing recognition of the zamindars rights over the soil. Moreover draught and famine brought general lawlessness in the district, Under such a background the Santhals were 'encouraged to scu.c u-..ere. During this moment of crisis the the beginning the land tax was not so heavy in Purulia as in Bishnupur. But when the Santhals increased the cultivable lands from waste lands, the rents began to increase . Hence the happy days of the Santhals in Purulia were short lived. The zamindars asked for more rent from the M~Lh, who was responsible for paying rent on behalf of the Santhals. The Majhi had therefore to collect more rent from the Santhals. 41 This caused a widespread discontent among the tribals of Purulia and particularly among the Bhumij. The Bhumij rose in revolt which the British had termed as the Chuar Rebellion. But in spite of discontent prevalent among the Santhals, they were not the party of this Rebellion. The Santhals of Purulia though dissatisfied for their present lot, did not then rise in rebellion Santnalsmust be given credit for having brought. against the people who exploited them. On the under cultivation the major portion of land in the district. Indeed the whole area of Purulia district became covered by the Santhals during this time, as a result even to-day, we find many name of S~lLha villages." As cultivators, theSanthals more expert on high jungle lands to wei': 1 ~ch produce more and better kind of rice than their counterpart. 40 The Santhals had the peculiar skill in converting jungle and waste lands into rice fields. other hand, a rebellion of the Santhals had been broken out in the neighbouring districts in 185455.The disturbed area of the Santhals was then from Hazaribagh to Birbhum , the: area was known as 'Daman-i Koh'. Against thy exploitation and injustice mostly by high caste Hindus, . the Santhals of Daman-iKoh rose in ~eblion 42 Still the rebellion in the neighbouring region did not affect the Santhals of Purulia. But for the rebellion in Purulia, the Santhals had not wait for long. The revolt of 185'i brought Purulia under fire. The Deputy Commissioner Captain Oak was forced to leave Purulia out of fear and took shelter at Raniganj. Rajah Nilmoni Singh of Panchet took the leading part in the movement supported by his Santhal subjects. 43 The Ramgarh battalion stationed at Purulia looted the treasury, released the prisoners from jail and then marched off towards Ranchi. Most Wit.i the introduction of permanent settlement, tnc territories of Purulia district witn.essed a new agrarian tension. By this system the individual ownership on land had been established. Its long term objective was to promote the extension of cultivation to the vast areas of waste lands. Unfortunately in Purulia, this long term objective \\1 , . " »ncwhat different from the rest of Bengal. 36 ~-. __ ...~- .... ._------------_ of the respectable residents left the town of Purulia out of fear. Captain Oak reported that the -Santhals of the district were in great excitemenn who attacked the zamindar of Jaipur . After sometime Captain Oak returned from Raniganj with a fresh reinforcement and arrested Rajah Nilmoni Singh, who was sent to Calcutta. Thus the peace had been restored in Purulia due to the prompt arrest of the Rajah as well as for the absence of any suitable local leader. Though Coupland remarks that the rising of the Santhals was entirely due to the local issue, can only be doubted, On the other hand, the British govern\ ment suspected the gun­makers of Jhalda and . Tanasi In 1857 of supplying matchlocks and other weapons to the discontent Santhals, who gave troubles'to thezamindars of Jaipur.and Gola. 44 ! I I iI I I I The revenue survey of the district of Manbhum was concluded in 1864­67. Two years later, in 1869, a preliminary census was held but the outcome was not accurate. In 1872, the first census was conducted in which the population of the district was returned as 9,15,570 for and area of 4,914 square miles. 46 It was recorded in the first census that "the vernacular of the district is the western dialect of Bengali known as Rarhi Boli.which is used by 72 percent of the population." About the Santhali language the census report states that among the non­Aryan languages, "the most prevalent is Sonthali, spoken by 182,000 persons or nearly 14 percent of the population. "47 The earlier races such as Kurmis, Santhals, Bhumijs and Bauris" largely predominated the district. There was marked traces of the Kolarian village system in the district, the Mahato or village headman of the Kurmis corresponding with the Majhi of the Santhals , the Sardars of the Bhumijs and the Munda of the Ho races. The Santhals were well distributed throughout the district. At Tundi they were nearly half of their population, while at Barabazar and Manbazar one­fourth. In the census of 1931 the number of the Santhalspopulation considerably increased to 2,42,991 persons 49 t Frbm the Revolt of 1857 onwards, the history of the district differed little from other districts of Bengal. Agrarian troubles threatened at Tundi in 1869 and 1870 . The place is situated in the northof the district where the Tundi zamindar and his Santhal subjects were at variance. This was due to the great famine that occurred in this area since 1866. The harvest of 1863 and 1864 were below normal. The people of Manbhum sentapetition to the Deputy Commissioner in October 1865 praying that the exports might im- On the eve of World War Il, on the question of mediately be stopped. As a result of famine the Congress support to Britain, the Congress minnumber of gang robberies increased. The Com­. istry of Bihar resigned under the direction of the missioner ofBurdwan suspected the Santhals for Congress High Command. Thus there occurred such robberies on the border of Manbhum and individual satyagraha against the government. In Midnapore. But the Commissioner of Manbhum it was led by Atul Chandra Ghosh. of Bihar LegislaChotanagpur asserted that it was not the Santhals Sri Tikaram Majhi Ex ML~<\ but the Bauris who committed such numerous tive Assembly had started individual satyagraha on 6 December 1940 at Be1mi in Topchanchi P.S. gang robberies. 45 of Manbhum, 50 Some enthusiastic Santhals ofManbhum had also joined in the Quit India I I I \ i \ \ l 37 f Movement. During this movement when the im- Manbazar P.S. , the satyagraha was led by portant leaders of the district were kept in jail, some \.,: the Santhals, in small groups, under the leadership of Chaitan Majhi and Barka Majhi kept the movcrnnt alive by secretly negotiating with the leaders in prision. 51 This example of the Santhals was also followed by the other tribes like the Savars and Bhumijs who joined this movement at Bandwan P.S. 52 Before Indian Independence, the organisation of the Communist Party of India began to develop in Manbhum district as well under the leadership of Prabir Kumar Mallick. The Communist influence began to grow in the unions of factorics ...i., mines. In the lac factory of Balrampur, the l.u~,r of the union was one Santhal..Vikram Tudu, who tried to mould the Santhals accordingly. 53 Later on in 1951 there occured a protest movement against the oppression of the Dasarath Majhi . And both these Santhalleaders were tortured. 55 .On the eve of the general election of 1952 Chaitan Majhi contested for the seat of the Lok Sabha from the reserved constituency comprising the areas of Purulia, Hura, Puncha. Manbazar, Barabazar, Bandwan, Patrnada, Chandil, Balarampur, Ichagarh, Dhalbhum and SaraikelaKharswan. And for the Bihar legislative Assembly Ledu Majhi contested under reserved constituency comprising the areas of Kashipur, Raghunathpur, Neturia and Santuri. 56 And both were elected. November 1, 1956 was a memorable day­for the people of Manbhum when the defunct Manbhum under the name of Purulia district had been merged with West Bengal. The people of Purulia, zamindar of Arsha, resulting in armed­clash with out of joy, staged processions andmeetings in the people. Prabir Kumar Mallick together with Sun.n "ietllsda and Mutru Majhi joined in this proics. u.ovcment against the zamindar. 54 Later on, Nakul Chandra Mahato became the leader of the Communist movement in the district. different places in the district which continued during the first week of November. In the meeting at Kashipur held on 7 November the people, came from far and near under the leadership of Ledu Ram Tudu. They led the procession­ by / beating the drums throughout the town and assembled at Harimela under the Presidentship of Smt. Sailyabala Devi. The meeting .was addressed by Rashna Tudu alorigwith \Bibhuti Bhusan Dasgupta , Bho1anath Mukherjee and Satya Kinkar Mahato. In Hura P.S. on the same day, Chaitan Majhi addressed the public where the Santhals celebrated their dances. '57 The Santhal's celebration of dances were also held during the meeting at Ankro under the Presidentship of Jagabandhu Bhattacharya. 58 After independence the people of Manbhum faced a bitter problem for the imposition of Hindi Li1i..;L."._;c on the educational institutions undermining their own vernacular. So a regional party under the name ofLok Sevak Sangha was formed among the members of the Congress. They started a satyagraha movement from 1949 Ollwards against the government of Bihar under the leadership of Atul Chandra Ghosh and Bibhuti Ll1 . u~ ,l Dasgupta. In this satyagraha movement some of the Santhals joined with them. On the third day of the satyagraha held at village Punura in Puncha P.S., Kunja Bihari Majhi was the leader of the satyagrahis. Similarly at Ankro in Santhals of Purulia became politically more conscious after the district's merger with West Bengal. In the general election of 1957 they contested 38 for the Assembly seats of West Bengal. From Manbazar reserved consitituency, Chaitan Majhi waselected MLA and as there were two reserved seats-in Kashipur constituency, both the elected MLA's were Santhals - Ledu Majhi from Lok Sevak Sangha and Budhan Majhi from the congress.F' After Independence there seems changes in the life­styIe of the Santhals, They are now no longer , confine themselves in cultivation but take much interest in employment in coal mines and factories. In the coal mines of Neturia P.S. as well as during the establishment of Santhaldih Tharrnal Power, the Santhals were largely employed. 60 Though.the Santhals social habits are on transition; they retained some of their old practices and customs. Even to­day the hunting expedi­ tion is the great enjoyment tothem. During the full­moonin April every year, the Santhals join , in the hunting expedition at Ajoydha hills. Every young mail participate in this expedition who . come from different places like Bankura, II Midnapore, Ranchi and Singhbhum. 61 Ajoydha hill is regarded to them as the Ajoydha Buru. II The second important winter festival is known as Baha festival. Besides the Santhals have adopted some Hindu festivals like the Karam, Chhata,Bhan Sing etc. In many villages the Santhals join with the Hindus in celebrating Durga Puja . The Santhals also represented in their dances the scene of Lord Krishna in Braja and Brindaban. About funeral rites of the Santhals, Hunter rightly observes that "when the Santals in disposing of their dead differ from the Mundas, they approximate to the Brahminical custom. It is in fact, a rough outline of the Brahman ritual. "62 The long associations of the Santhals with the Hindus and other tribes gave birth to a regional Bengali language of PuruIia, I , I which is peculiarly of her own. So great is the assimilation of languages that the Bhumijs of eastern Barabhum profess Bengali as their mother tongue but can speak freely with their Santhal neighbours in Santhali. 63 In due course of time, the Santhali language has reached a much higher stage of developernnt than other sister tribal languages of Chotanagpur. It was due to the influence of Bengali on them. So long they had no script of their own. Earlier they adopted the Roman script under the influence of Christian Missionaries, but in Bengal, they followed the Bengali script. 64 Recently they have adopted Alchiki script of their own, which needs futher development. After 1970­71, some magazines and newspapeers have been published in Santhali from Purulia. Jharnawas the first magazine in Santhali script in Purulia which was edited by Sravan Kumar Tudu . Besides there are some writers and poets also. Among them the oldest Santhali writer in the district was Rajendra Nath Hembram. Among the famous writers and poets in this district, Sarada Prasad Kisku, Mahadeb Hansda, Rabilal Mandi, Ramdhan Murrnu, Niranjan Saren and Ratanlal Majhi enriched this language to a great extent by bringing Santhali higher than other tribal languages. 65 REFERENCES 1. The present Purulia district is the defunct district of Manbhum whichconsisted, duringtheoriginofthelater, the territories of Dhalbhum as well.AndDhalbhum is contiguous to Orissa. Bankuraand Midnapore are on the east and .south­east of Puruliarespectively. I 2. Dalton, E.T.Descriptive Ethnology ofBengal(Calcutta, Reprint, 1960), p. 206 Also,Hunter, WW. , A Statistical Accountof Bengal, XIV (Delhi, Reprint. 1976), p. 308. 39 ri 3. Bhattacharya, Tarundeb, Purulia (Calcutta, 1986), pp. 85-93. 4. Tungabhumi is identified with present Raipur thana of Bankura. 5. Coupland, H, Bengal District Gazetteer. Manbhum. Vol - XXVIII, (Calcutta, 1911), p. 53. 21. Ray, Nihar Ranjan, Banglar ltihas-Adiparva (Cal, 1980) pp.39-41. 22. Mukherjee, Charulal, The Santhals (Calcutta, 1962), p.12. . 23. Bradley - Birt, ED. , The Story of an Unknown Up6. Y;;..""",rt, H, Qrigingl Papers Relative to the Di;1lli::; bal~e:> iil Bengal (Lond, 1765), pp. 38-39 . . 7. Coupland, op. cit. p. 53. lund, (London, 1905), p. ISO. 24. Hunter, A.Statistical Account, XIV, p. 309. 8. Previously Thomas Graham was served as an assistant to W.E. Sumner in assessing the revenues of Burdwan. 25. Tarundeb, PuruliiL.pp. 214-215. 26. Sen, Suchibrata, The Santals of Jungle Mahals (Cal, 1984), p. 37. 9.lv:l.kLOpadhyay, S.C. ,The Agrarian Policy of the Briti~.l i.: i :1~a.698-72 (Allahabad, 1987), p. 49. 27. Roychoudhuri, P.C., Santhal Parganas District Gazetteer. (Patna, 1965), p, 908. 10. Ramsundar Mi tra purchased the zamindari in the name of his sons, but they dared not set their feet at Panchet. 28.Hunter, w.w. , Annals of Rurual Bengal (Delhi, Reprint, 1976), pp. 185-186. II. Jh;>, J.C. The Bhumir Revolt (Delhi, 1967), pp. 19-20. District Gazetteer. Bankura. 12. L.S.S. O'Malley, .a~jl (Ca .. "L;l, 1908), pp, 38-39. 29. Hunter observes that when the English Company first obtained possession of the Birbhum mountains, human sacrifies among the Santhals were common. A regular trade was carried on to supply the victims. 13. Quoted in BDG, Manbhum, XXVIII, p. 65 14. O'Malley, BDG, Bankura, pp. 12-13. 30. Hunter, Annals, pp. 181-182. 15. Letter from H. Le Messurier, Chief Secretary to the Go .': of Bihar and Orissa to the Secretary, Govt. of India, ilo.:>+2A, Oct. 7, 1912(Proceedings of Home Dept, no. 40, Part - A). 32. Hunter, Annals, p. 182-184. 16. Mukti (Purulia, 1948), 8 March. 33.Jbid, p. 314. 17. Government of India (Home), R. No. 53/69/53 - public, 29 Decem, 1953. 34. Hunter observes in the late 19th century that during marriage the price for the girl averaged rupees five with presents of cloths to her parents. 31. Tarundeb, Purulia, p, 245. 13. :.. 1951 Manbhurn district had an area of 4112 sq. out from 1 November 1956, the district of Puruiia comprises 2407 sq. miles. mi:~.; 35. Hunter, A Statistical Account, XIV, p. 316. 36. Ibid, pp. 316-317. 19. Dalton, op. cit., p. 206. 20. Risley, H. H.,ThU'.ripes and Castes of Bengal, II (Cal, UjYl), p. 224. 37. Ibid, p. 318. 40 . L 38. In 1765, in Bengal, 6,000 villages were under cultivation but after three years of famine it was reduced to a little over 4,500 villages. - Sen, Jungle Maha1s, p. 32. \ 39. ~er are many villages of Santhali name in the district of Purulia. A few are cited here: Bodam, Koldih, Majhidih, Murardih, Saradih, Santhaldih etc. Chattopadhyay, N. N., NamerMalay Manbhum (Purulia, 1986), p. 4. 40.Sen, Jungle Mahals. p. 40 49. Sangathan (Purulia, 1947), p. 4. In the census of 1931 the total population of Manbhum was 18, 10, 890, among whom 12,22,689 were Bengali speaking, while 3,21, 690 were Hindi speaking people. 50. Mukti (1940) ,2 December. 51. Tarundeb, op. cit. p. 195. 52. The names of Ram Savar, Lakshman Savar, Ratan Majhi and Durga Charan Bhumij may be mentioned who took active part in the movement, I 41. Ibid, pp. 42-47.42. Hunter, Annals, p. 236. Also, Taurndeb op. cit., p. 164. 53. Tarundeb, op. cit, p. 198. 54. Ibid, p. 199. 43. Coupland, op. cit. , pp. 65-66. 44. Ibid.!, p.-165, 55. Sangathan (1949), 12 April. 56. Mukti (Kartik, 1951) . 45.Ibid., pp. 131-132. 46. Ibid.,p. 69. 47. The census of 1872 records that while Bengali was spoken by 72 per cent, Santhali by 14 percent and Hindi by 121 per cent of thetotal population of Manbhum. Ihid;p.n. But Hunter observes that the total number of Santhals in the whole province of Bengal was returned by the census of 1872 at 9,32,532, of whom 455,513 resided in Santhal Parganas. Manbhum came next with a Santhal population of 1,32,445. - Hunter, A Statistical Account, p. 308. 57. Ibid, pp. 8-10 The Santhal dances were also held in some other villages. 58. Ibid, pp. 14-15. 59. Ibid, 25 th march, 1957. 60. Tarundeb, op. cit. pp. 203-204 61. Ibid, pp. 250-251. 62. Hunter, A Statistical Account, XIV. pp. 314-318. 63. Coupland, op. cit. p. 72. 48. Kurmis and Bauris are now Hinduised and much progressive in Manbhum. 64. Bhowmik, K.L, Tribal India - A Profile in Indian Ethnology. (Calcutta, 1971), p. 163. 65. Tarundeb, 41 ov. cit. , p. 297. , I , Soule aspects of the impact of malarial fever on the supply of labour to the tea estates of Assaul, 1926·1931 Arabinda Samanta Contrary to what Mullan, the Census Superintendent of Assam, tells us to believe that the decade of 1921-31 was probably the best decade in the history of Assam from the point of view health. I Vie have evidence to show of pu~,: that the decade in question, witnessed a severe type of malarial fever which imposed serious constraints on the supply of labour to the tea estates of Assam. The only epidemic, Mullan argues, which affected the province with any severity during the decade, was cholera. But stranoc;lY enough, the phenomenon of malarial fever which ravaged the province quite for some time escaped his attention. Evidence given by Dr. G.c. Winchester, Medical Officer, Thanzie Tea Co. Ltd. (Jorhat), before the Assam Labour Enquiry Committee, proves the presence of malaria in that area.?Dr. Charles E. P.Forsyth, Medical C., ;..:cr, Tezpur and Gogra Division, Bengal UnitcJ Tea Company Limited and Dr. E. E. Jameson, Medical Officer, Empire of India and Ceylon Tea Company (Tezpur) also speak of intense malaria prevalent in Cacher and Tezpur.' In Iac., .rom the begining of theBritish occupation of the province of Assam, agricultural and industrial operations had been heavily handicapped by the scourge of malarial fever. It spelt death to many, and worse still, sapped the vitality of many more. The principal industry of the province, the production of tea, was its first casualty. This paper attempts to appreciate the nature of the problem of labour supply to the tea estates of Assam in the period between 1926 and 1931, and seeks to evaluate the nature of losses caused by widespread malarial fever. Indigeneous tea plants were discovered in the northeast corner of Assam in 1823 4 but the attention of the East India Company was drawn to the possibility of starting tea cultivation in the province only after 1833 when its moriopolyof tea trade with China was thrown open; Nevertheless from the very beginning of tea plantation in Assam, the planters had faced great difficulty in securing the necessary labour force. They tried with the immigrant Chinese labour, but the experiments foundered on two rocks: 1. the cost of recruitment was enormously high, 2. their maintenance and management was increasingly difficult. Local labourers were not available in sufficient numbers, for indigeneous population was either sparse or work-shy.' Even if some labourers were recruited, there had always been the strong risk of desertion. Thus it was felt increasingly necessary to import labourers from other parts of India to cope with the neces;sary I \ --------------------42 l expansion of the tea plantation in Assam. As a result, there was a continuous inflow of immigrant labourers pouring in large numbers to the tea producing regions of the state. 6 It so happened that after the expiry of the terms of their contract, some of the labourers used to settle down in the farm lands near the tea gardens and take to ordinary cultivation." Now, the practice of the importation of practically all labourers, though immediately/solved the problem of paucity of workmen, actually complicated the situation in the long run. It only rendered the phenomenon offever, largely prevalent in\the province, effectively more exacerbant. 8 Assam had already been malarious, and it was particularly so in the period under review. And the importation of working coolies from more err less' malarious regions of the country only . worsened the whole situation. Speaking before the Assam Labour Enquiry Committee, 192122 , Dr. Charles E. P. Forsyth commented, 'very often coolies bring disease with them from their country on arrival in Assam e. g. skin disease, hook­warm and malaria. 9 The fact is aptly illustrated by the example of Kachugaon forest settlement where Gupta, Das and Majumder conducted a malaria survey sometime in 1932. 10 Assam, Bengal, United Provinces, and Nepal. The adjacent villages were inhabited mostly by Santals who had migrated from the Santal Parganas in Bihar. These settlers had been attracted to the neighbourhood by the remission of rent in exchange for manual labour, as contrasted with the condition ill their native districts where land was scares. The bazar area was inhabited by petty merchants while the villagers were all cultivators. Gupta, Das and Majumder examined altogether 528 children between 2 to 10 years of age in this settlement. of these, 450 i.e. 85.2% were found to have spleenic enlargement! I . and 3'/0 i. e. 70% were found to have malaria parasites in blood. In addition to this, they examined 26 children below 2 years of age, and surprisingly, all of them were found to have enlarged spleens. Of 805 adults of both sexes examined, the spleen ratewas 41.7 % and parasite rate 39.4% . The most interesting point in Das, Gupta and Majumder's survey, and which is most relevant to our present study, is that the spleen rate among adults was much higher among the immigrant population than among the indigeneous inhabitants, being 71% in the former case and 29.5% in the later. Kachugaon, a forest settlement, established sometime in the beginning of the presentcentury, covered an area of 205 acres containing a bazar, the residential quarters of the forest officials, and petty shopkeepers. The surveyors argue that since the establishment of the settlement, a number of villages had sprang up in the immediate neighbourhood, and it led to the progressive extension of paddy cultivation. The settlement and its bazar contained a heterogeneous population, originating from different parts of Gupta, Das and Mujumdar argue a case for the possible importation of malaria from outside. They state that at the beginning of each winter floating population of about 500 men with thier families used to come to the district from highly malarious areas of Bengal, Nepal and the United Provinces, and settled in various parts ofthe forest. These people used to visit the local market held weekly on Sundays, '. and spent Saturday nights at Kachugaon. It is probable, the surveyors argue, that the weekly visits of these highly 43 The Mariani Medical Association had charge of infected persons played an important part in the a group of seven tea Companies, controlling eighteen gardens. Out of 1.737 children between ages of two and ten examined, Mac Donald and Chowdhury found that 991 or 57 % had enlarged spleen. They rated the area as hyper­endemic. Of 225 adults examined, they found a spleen rate of 24% and a parasite rate of 22%. The parasite and spleen rates were evidently much less among the adults. Mac Donald and Chowdhury explain this peculiarity by arguing that the yound children passed through a series of serious attack of malaria comparable to those which were experienced by the newly arrived Europeans. After a number of these attacks a relative immunity was gradually acquired with the result that the frequency of the attacks was much reduced. The adults who had passed through these stages in their childhood had developed a considerable degree of immunity and only showed, as we see, the clinical symptoms and signs of malaria after their resistance had been reduced. They recovered from such an attack in a shorter time than would a child or a new­immune adult. They _might however be debilitated for a long period by chronic infections. dissemination of malaria among the local inhabitants. 12 Agaiust the background of this specific study, we may consider the case of immigrant labour, who constituted 90% of the total labour force in Assam in 1931, and had a possible spleen rate of 71 % approximately. We can fairly imagine the impaired efficiency of labour brought about by r. ~;:ltcd attacks of fever, and the phenomenon u. spreading infections, effectively aggravated by this immigrant population. Quite surprisingly, despite definite knowledge of such illhealth among the working coolies, little was done in the period under review to cope with the problem and this little was entirely on the lines of treatment, and not prevention. 13 The palliative measures certainly had prevented the possible depopulation of many an estate, but more certainly it failed to diminish the endemicity of the disease, and prevent considerable loss of life. An occasional experiment of mass­treatment by quinine proved of but slight use. Further, there vias ;10 systematic investigation of the epiderniology 0i' the disease, and thus there prevailed and almost complete ignorance of the local species of Anopheles. GIlC Yl~nr of course, honestly argue that what was true :J; a forest settlement in particular, might not llJ.VC been true to all tea estates in general. So let us examine another report of malaria survey conducted in more than a dozen tea gardens in Assam. Presumably, the report on a Malaria Survey of the tea gardens in Mariani Medical Association , Assam, 1931, prepared by Mac D()L ... ~ and Chowdhury may serve our purpose. 14 44 Till now two things are clear, the first that the major portion of labour employed in.various tea gardens of Assam were of immigrant nature and the second that a considerable section of them had been subjected to repeated attacks of malariafever. Taken together, the cumulative effects of these two factors must have seriously comprised the effeciency of the labour force. It is evident that during the period between 1920 and 1925 the number of estates increased by no less than 54, but the area under cultivation did definitely shrink. Again, during the next 5 years between 1925 and 1930 , the number of estatesin I creased by 66, but the increase in the area under the collection of firewood, the grazing of cattle cultivation was marginal and quite disproportion- etc. 21 but this explanation appears to be an overate{o the increase in the number of estates. This simple evaluation. In our opinion, malaria had a phenomenon might be explained partly in terms major responsibility for the' causes of absenteeof world­wide economic depression of the 1930's ism. This can be shown from the report of maand partly in terms of workers' strike of 1926­27 laria survey of two tea estates in upper Assam, prepared by Rice and Savage. 22 Of the two es.18 but it was, in our opinion, largely due to diminutive labour supply. To examine this propo- tates (Estate A and Estate B), let us take, for insition, we would first see the amount of labour stance, the situation of Estate A and compare it living in the tea estates.. Evidence available in- with that of all­Assam. Rice and Savage provide dicate that in 1931, of 1,076 thousand labourers the following table to show the average monthly ready to serve the expanding tea estates, only labourers on book, available labour days, actual 531 thousand would be employed." In other labour days and percentage of labour efficiency." \ words unore than 50% of the labour population remained idle. We have already noticed that there was a definite,increase in the number of estates, TABLE ­ 1 acreage'] and area under cultivation of tea vis a Percent vis an increase in labour population. But still, Mear Average Available Actual monthly labour age of labour for nearly 20 years (1921­1938) there was no eviday labourers days* labour dence of increased employment oflabourers. The on book efficienphenomenon can only be explained in terms of cy malarial fever which, literally speaking, played 1926 915 27,4500 159,538 58.12 havoc with the working coolies. As a result of 1927 759 227,700 137,377 60.33 258,900 ·147,091 this nearly 50o/~ of the population waiting for 1928 863 56.81 158,532 263,700 60.12 ready employment could not be effectively 1929 879 1930 183,209 901 270,300 67.77 utilised in the tea producing process though the 21..\,396 1931 1,061 318,300 67.35 situation so demanded. \ Total 1613,400 1,000,143 Average 268,900 166,690 * 'Available labour days' taken at 300 working days per year per working coolie on the book. Since we argue that malaria had been the prime factor responsible for the scarcity of labour, it is necessary to evaluate the nature of losses that it brought in its trail. First, we would show the amount of absenteeism caused by the sickness. The Royal Commission on Labour believed that absenteeism was an important factor in the Assam Plantation. 20 In regard the causes of absenteeism, the Report emphasized the subsidiary occupation of the garden workers, e.g. private cultivation , household duties such as the purchase of weekly supplies from the market, The table shows that of an average 268,900 available labour days, only an average 166,690 labour days was presented i. e. 60% labour efficiency was available. In other words, 40% of available labour days could not be effectively tapped. Coming to the all­Assam situation, one may argue that 60% of 1,076 thousand labourers in 1931 i.e. 645 thousand were available for employment. But actually 531 thousand were used, i.e. 50% tv 45 .., f In other words 10% (If the total labourers were yet to L­: employed, but they were not actually employ.d. The answer is that most ofthem were portion ofsuch unreported cases was as moderate as 5% ,the aggregated percentage would even then surely leap up . in fact languishing in the huts of the coolie lines because of malaria sickness. This point may be substantiated by the following table furnished by Rice and Savage. 24 TABLE ­ 2 Sickncss : Labour loss in days, 1926­1931 Year Malaria All Diseases 1926 1927 1928 1925 1~30 1931 Total Average 2,840 3,109 3,804 4,675 5,013 5,387 24,828 4,138 7.974 7,806 10,198 ]2,502 12,020 12,383 62883 10,480 The table shows that the losses directly due to malaria were 4,138 days in avarage, while from all diseases 10,480. It means that about 40% of the labour days lost was directly due to malaria. There are, however, still more points to ponder. Considering the weakening properties of malarial fever one can fairly argue that 25% of the balance of sickeness other that malaria was primarily brought about through lowered resistance due to tlu.. ,;;scase, and this, Rice and Savage argue, is probably a low estimate. So to the 4,138 days of labour lost directly due to malaria, we must add another 1585 days, making the total 5,723 Jays, due directly or indirectly to malaria, i.e. 50% of the labour loss was due to malaria. This figure equals to our hypothesis with regard to the: al: .•ssam situation. Moreover, there was a great many number of coolies who when ill could not or did not report it to the hospital. If we take. these facts into account and assume that the pro 46 The annual visitation of an epidemic at the plucking seasons when the labourers were most needed was a source of direct financial loss to the gardens. The actual loss incurred through labour absenteeims compelled by malaria is difficult to determine due to paucity of individual garden data. We would therefore, try to evaluate the nature of loss under the following heads 1. absenteeism directly due to malaria, 2. absenteeism indirectly attributable to malaria, and 3. general debility which does not of course account for labour absenteeism, but does definitely account for their lowered efficiency. First we consider the number of sick days lost annually through malaria. For this purpose we would like to consider the following table prepared by Mac Donald and Chowdhury. 25 TABLE ­ 3 Malaria Morbidity Number of sick days lost annually through ma­ laria per 1000 population. Bander su1ia 1926 1927 1928 1929 .Average 1685 856 1727 2257 1162 2570 1$57 2413 1584 1120 3210 2185 1531 2131 1553 1687 3735 1846 1888 3187 2850 1517 735 1550 1032 995 2200 1274 865 Kererniab .. Mariani & Hatte juri Hunwa1 Nagadho lie Kathalg uri Heleaka 2061 3015 3673 Harripatti .. ­­­_. It appears from the table that there was an aver- unusual, considering the relapsing property of age loss of 1872 days through malaria for every the disease, the total number of days lost through 100G­persons living on the estates or about two sickness and the consequent absenteeism corne days ~er person per year. Gupta, Das and to around 269000 X 10 = 2,69,00,00 days per Majumdar calculated through their study, in annum. Kachugaon, Goalpara" that an attack of malaria entailed a loss of one week or more. Col. W.G. As regards the second aspect of out considerKing in an unpublished memorendum prepared ation i.e. the question of absenteeism indirectly in 1911 estimated the loss of labour days as be- attributable to malaria, we should examine the cases registered as sickness other than malaria. ing 14 27. Bentley 'states that on a tea garden in It has been noticed that the figures for sickness the Bengal Dooars with 1350 working coolies, he frequently saw during the rains 50 to 70 due to 'other causes than malaria' show a seawornenwisiting hospitals on one day because of sonal curve very similar to that of malaria curve. fever inuheir nursing infants or grown up chil- This can be shown with the figures for the gardren. 28 Reestimated that many of the coolies den of the Hunwal Tea Company for the two were offthe work from 1 to 5 days. Rice found years 1928 and 1929,. 30 in thesame area that a good number of women who worked otherwise regularly during the cold season, rarely turned up for work during the TABLE­4 plucking season explicably for nursing their babies fallen to malaria . 29 His figures indicate New cases seen at hospitals of.Hunwal Tea Comthat about 4% of the working days were lost due pany. during 1928­29 to malaria. This equals to about 12 days in a year. I Taking all these information into account we can safely conclude that for a wage­earning adult coolie in the tea estates of Assam, on an average at least 10 days per annum were lost directly due to malaria. In 1931 there were as many as 1,076 thousand labourers in Assam. Gupta, Das and Majumdar show the spleen rate at about 42%, while Mac Donald and Chowdhury put it at 24%, which means that on an average 33% of the popu,. lation had malarious infections and suffered heavily from it. Now if we suppose that a conservative estimate of 25% of the 1,076 thousand' labourers in the tea gardens of Assam had experienced malaria once, the number amounts to about 269 thousands. If each labourers experienced at least one attack of fever, which is rather 47 Months Malaria January February March April May June July August 105 70 126 133 191 421 522 510 453 562 710 962 665 763 859 1,052 September October November December 440 408 268 142 1,468 1,011 834 592 Total 3,336 9,931 Other causes than ,Malaria. r I, and secondary malaria. \Ve may assume an average 5% loss of efficiency of the actual working coolies in the tea estates ofAssam. The figures for 'other causes than malaria' show amarked increase during the malaria season i.e. months from June to November, There were 2,043 more cases under this-head than in the nonmalarious months of December to May. Mac DOl;"(~ and Chowdhury argue that half of these at le.1SL may safely be attributed to malaria. Then the number of cases indirectly attributable to malaria may be put at 1,020 in these series, i.e. 31 % of the number of cases directly attributed to malaria. Coming to the all Assam context the number seems fairly enormous. In conclusion we may say that the assumption of Mullan on Assam, as being the healthiest in , is largely a myth. On the contrary, it the 1920'~ was intensely malarious. The situation was further aggravated by the immigrant labourers. Information available show that the rate of.spleen enlargement and the rate of malaria parasite were much greater among the immigrant labourers than among the native inhabitants. Fiu.uly, we may also consider the loss of efficiency among coolies actually at work, i.e. the loss due to general debility. In any community subject to repeated attack of malaria, there is always a certain amount of sickness. It cannot of course prevent the labourer from going to work but i. certainly compromises his efficiency. It is cxtrc.i.cly difficult to make a proper estimate to such losses but experience of planters in other parts of the world shows that there is an increase in the amount of work achieved per day after the successful completion of anti­malaria measures. For instance, the United Fruit Company, operating .. cighly malarious regions in the Gulf of Mexico, found a progressi ve increase in the amount of cane cut per man per day from one ton to 1.61 tons as the health of the district was improved. 31 Ri..c, ill his survey on the economic aspects of ma.i..: J. in the tea estates of the Bengal Dooars argues that it can be seen everywhere that the coolies being const antly subjected to malarial fever cannot, as a whole, be anything like 100 percent efficient. 32 He estimated a minimum of! 0% reduction of efficiency for all diseases, in ":;,~ case of the Dooars 6% through primary 48 Consequent to this, we may argue, at least 40% of the labou. population, indegeneous or immigrant in the various tea estates of Assam had experienced the fever at least once a year. Moreover, absenteeism was an important factor in the Assam plantation, pre­occupation at home with private pursuits might be one explanation for this, but more tangible cause of this absenteeism was the malarial fever. On an average estimate, at least 10 days per annum were lost directly due to malaria. And in some estates.vwhere malaria was intensely active, at least 50% of the labour days lost was directly and indirectly due to the malarial fever. And significantly, the government took little or no notice of it worth the name. NOTES AND REFERENCES I am deeply indebted to Dr Sekhar Bandopadhya, Victoria University of Wellington. Newzealand, for his critical cornments and valuable advice. All errors are mine. I I I L 1. Mullan, C.S. : Census ofIndia, 1931, Vol-III Assam: Part - 1, Report, p. 122. Delhi. Association, Assam' in Records of the Malaria Survey of India.Vol ­ 2, no ­ 1 March, 1931; pp­ 112­118. \ . Com2. EviYeace Recorded by the Assam Labour EnquIry mittee. 1921, Shillong, 1922. p.p. 163­164. 15. Annual reports on Tea Culture in Assam (for the respective years.) Department of Agriculture, Shillong, cited in Goswami, pc. m:ujt, p ­ 264. i 3. Ibid, pp 8­9. 4. Goswami, P.C. :The Economic Development of Assam. Ph.D. dissertation, London School of Economics, 1959. Bombay, 1963. p. 1~4. 5. Strickland, C and Murphy, RA, 'River ­ Sand silting and other anti­malarial measures in South Sylhet, Assam, 'In Record~ ofthe Malaria Survey ofIndia. Calcutta, Thacker's press &Oirectiories Ltd. for Indian Research fund AssoVol ­ III, No.­ 1, June ­ 1932, p. ­ 125. ciation, ~92-134, 16. Annual reports on Tea Culture in Assam (for the respective years.) Department of Agriculture. Shi11ong, cited in Goswami, pc. .QP......ci1. p ­ 263. 17.Annua1 reports on Tea Culture in Assam (for the respective years.) Department ofAgriculture, Shillong, cited in Goswami, pc. .QP,...ili, p ­ 262. 18. For details about the strikes of the working coolies in the tea estates of Assam, see Planter ­ Raj to Swaraj, Freedom Struggle and Electroal Poli tics in Assam, 1826­1947, Guha, Ama1endu. Indian Council of Historical research, New Delhi, 1977, p. 188. - 6. Annual ReportS of Imnllgrant Labour in Assam (for the respective Year) : Controller of Emigrant Labour, Shillong, cited in p.c, Goswarni, ~ p. ­ 233. 7. Goswami, p.c . .Qn.,..n!. p. ­ 19.Annual reports on Tea Culture in Assam (for the respective years.) Department of Agriculture, Shillong, cited p ­ 232. in Goswarni, pc. ~ 14~. 8. Strickland, Cand Murphy, RA ~' p­125. 20. Report of the Royal Commission on Labour. p. 387, cited in Plantation Labour in Assam Valley, Labour Bu~ reau, Ministry of Labour, Govt. ofIndia, New Delhi, 195~, p ­ 22. 9 ..Evidence Recorded hy the Assam Labour Enquiry Committee, 1921,p. ­ 8.- <, '..' 10. Gupta, p. , Das , G., And Majumdar, NR, 'A Malaria Survey of Kachugaon, Goalpara District, Assam', in Records of the Malaria Survey of India. Vol­III. No. ­ 2, Dec. 1932, pp 253­260. 21. Report of the RQyal Commis§ion on Labour, p. 387. cited in Plantation Labour in ASSclm valley. 1952,p ­23. 22.Rice E Milkford, and Savage Jpe la M., 'Malaria sur­. vey of two tea estates in Upper Assam' in Records Qfthe Malaria Sruvey of India, Vol­III, no ­ 2, Dec. 1932, pp 230­236. II. For a Malaria Patient 'The Spleen is always swolIen during the acute attack due to hyperaemia' . Vide, :I:!ll< British Encyclopaedia of Medical Practice, Butterworth and co. Ltd. Bell yard, Temple Bar, 1952, col­8 p­344. 23. Ibid: p ­ 231. 12. Gupta, p. Das, G, and Majumdar NR, 'A Malaria Survey of Kachugaon, Goalpara District, Assam'. in Records of the Malaria Survey of India. Vol ­ 3, no ­ 2 Dec. 1932, p­260. 24. Ibid: p ­ 230 25. Mac Donald, G., and Chowdhury, KL, op.cit~ p­116 13. Strickland. C. and Murphy, RA, Op. Cit. P ­ 125. 26. Gupta P, Das G, and Majumdar, NR, 01'. cit. P ­ 260. 14. Mac Donald, G., and Chowdhury, KL, 'Report on a Malaria Survey of the tea garden in the Mariani Medical 27. Sinton, J.A, What Malaria Costs India. Health Bulletin no ­ 26, Malaria Bureau no­13, (Originally published 49 r as " SC!iI':S of articles inRecords of the Malaria fQ~]!'ruS ,~idh Vol-S. Nos - 3 and 4 , 1933, and Vol - 6, No - I, 193b) regl;iL,~ ofPublications, Delhi. 195 I, r- 30. gnc_?nd Hygiene, Vol- 34, Nos - 14, 1931, p­201. 30. Mac Donal, G.. and Chowdhury, KL., op. cit. p-117. 28. Bentley, CA, Report of Malaria in Ben~al. Sinton, JA., ~. p-30. 31. Decks, WE, 'progress in Malaria Control. 18th Anill.!.ill Report( i 929), UnitedFruit Company. p. 103,quoted in Mac Donal and Chowdhury, op. cit. p­117. quoted by 2lJ. Rice, EN, 'On the economic aspect of Malaria to the teaestates in the BengalDooars', Journal of Tropical Medi I I I I 32. Rice, EM, .ti~ 50 P ­ 201. THE INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS AND MAHARAJA LAKSHMISHWAR SINGH OF DARBHANGA RAJ B. K. Roy. \~evE I before the advent of the Indian National Congress in December, 1885, Maharaja Lakshmishwar Singh of Darbhanga Raj, had emerged as an important figure in the political scene of India. As the President of Bihar Landholders', Association and member of the Bengal Legislative Council, this young Maharaja of Darbhangahad already attracted the attention of educated Indians of that time. During the con.troversy regarding the Ilbert Bill, he took a bold stand: and without being perturbed by the possible adverse reaction of the British Indian Government, asserted that the Indians have a right to racial equality. In order to put the feelings of his fellow countrymen about this controvertial subject of racial equality on record, he moved an amendment to Ilbert Bill for the extension of Jury trial to Indians in all sessions cases, giving the defendant the option of claiming a Jury. (I) In March, 1884, a new political organisation was formed known as 'The Indian Union' under the Presidentship of Maharaja Lakshmishwar Singh of Darbhanga Raj with W.C. Bonerjee, (who later on became the first :President of the IndianNational Congress) as its Secretary. The second National Conference, which was held at Calcutta in 1885, was sponsored by several political organisations, including 'The Indian Union' led by Maharaja Lakshmishwar Singh. While taking a leading part in the deliberations of this' conference, he also became the Chairman of the select committtee, set up by it, for drafting a' constitution for the proposed expanded Provincial Legislative Councils.(2) It is very significant and interesting to note that while Maharaja Lakshmishwar Singh, in his capacity as thePresident of 'The Indian Union' was actively participating in the national conference at Calcutta in 1885, W. C. Bonerjee, the secretary of 'The Indian Union' was presiding over the first meeting of the Indian National Congress in Bombay. Thus , it would not be out of place to assume that the Maharaja had taken a very keen interest in the activities ofthe Indian National Congress from its very inception. At the time of the second annual meeting of the Indian National Congress in 1886 in Calcutta, the Maharaja had contributed a sum of Rs. 2,5001 out of the total expenditure of Rs. 16,0001 . He also sent a letter of sympathy to the Indian National Congress, when it was holding its third annual meeting at Madras in 1887.(3) Before the fourth annual meeting of the Indian National Congress, which was decided to be held at Allahabad, the British Indian Government began. to try its best to prevent it. Owing to this attitude of the Government, some members of the Indian National 51 L Congress had become so disheartened that they enthusiasm exists among the followers". (4) had even began to plan for its postponmeht. But the valiant patriotic Maharaja of Darbhanga Raj, This assertion of the Maharaja regarding the pre- was not prepared to accept defeat and without caring for the displeasure of the British authorities, decided to help the organizers of the Indian Natic.. ..l Congress, inorder to enable them to hold its <Annual meeting at Allahabad as decided earlier. He even went to the extent of purchasing the Lowther Castle with its extensive grounds at Allahabad, which enabled the local reception committee of the Indian National Congress to hold its meeting there without any difficulty. Accord.ug to the Hindu Patriot dated 31 st December, 1888, Maharaja Lakshrnishwar Singh gave all possible help to the reception committee for the Allahabad session of the Indian National Congress, though he could not attend it, due to indisposition. On account of his pro­Congress attitude and help given to it, Maharaja Laksi..n.snwar Singh had to incur the displeasure of the British authorities, which went to the extent of instituting a confidential enquiry regarding his involvement in the Congress movement and his financial help to the Indian National Congress party. The enquiry report, submitted to the Covernrnent in 1889 alleged that the Maharaja had donated a sum of Rs. 28,000/­ to the Indian National Congress Party. vailing state of affairs in the Congress party, particularly about the cooling down of the enthusiasm among its members was corroborated in a later government report dated 18th July, 1899, which had also observed that the Congress movement had lost much of its interest to the educated classes since the expansion of the Legislative Council and the election of representative members.(5) On the basis of the above, it can be safely asserted that Maharaja Lakshmishwar Singh had made an indepth study of the situation prevailing in the Congress party at that time which showed his great political acumen and capability of understanding the true political situation prevailing in the country. In recognition of his great and selfless services to the cause ofthe Indian National Congress, the Maharaja was accorded a right royal reception, when he arrived at the Calcutta session of the Indian National Congress in 1896. A vivid description ofthis grand spectacle was published in "The Bengalee" dated 2nd January, 1897. Maharaja Lakshmishwar Singh died inDecember, 1898, but before his death, he did not forget to leave instruction for his successor to continue to give all support to the Indian National Congress. Speaking at the Madras Session of­the Indian National Congress, its President A. M. Bose, condoled the death of this great supporter of the organisation and referred to the late Maharaja of Darbhanga Raj as "a friend, a generous helper and a warm supporter..... whose value no word ...... can adequately express." A resolution was also adopted in the same session, lauding the great and generous services of the late Maharaja to the Indian National Congress. After the introduction of the reforms of 1892, there was a set back to the Congress movement, as the early enthusiasm of the Congress leaders had cooled down to a great extent with the establisl.u.cnt of the reformed council in 1893. This state of affairs in the Congress party greatly pained Maharaja Lakshrnishwar Singh, who wrote to his private secretary from Calcutta in deep anguish:"] am sorry to say, that the Congress Movement is very much cooled down. No 52 i tT This great son of Bihar,could not escapethe displeasure of theBritishrulers, evenafterhis death, as ~ confidential enquiry was set up at the instanee of the then Secretary of State for India (Lord Hamilton)"to ascertain who subscribe among the Princes and noblemen to Congress". This enquiry revealed that the .late Lakshmishwar Singh of Darbhanga Ra{ had regularly provided pecuniary assistance to the Indian National Congress from the very beginning of its existence. . to a much maligned group ofZamindars ­ always suspected of beingdiehard supporters of theBritishrule, wasboldenough toextend every possible support to the Indian National Congress, without theleastfearof thewrath of theBritish masters. Thusitcan be asserted withample justification that Biharshould beproudofMaharaja Lakshmishwar Singh of Darbhanga Raj, who, though belonging 3,J.S. Jha, REFERENCES: 1. Hindu Patriot. 28th January. 1884. 2. r.c. Bagal, 4. Ibid, ­ History of the.Indian Association. P. 84. Biography of an Indian Patriot, Maharaja Lakshmishwar Singh PP.31­32 P. 107 5. B. B. Mishra, ­Indian Political Parties ­ P.62 53 1 I Midnapore Students' Participation in s'aidn~ Freedom Struggle, 1905·47 I I I I Shyamapada Bhowmik unprecendented strength and determination.In protest against the partition of Bengal, hundreds of students gathered at a huge meeting in the Baily Hall of Midnapore and vowed not to take part in any festive occasion till the partition order was abrogated . At the leadership of Satyendra Nath Bose, one of those who initiated the revolutionary struggle, the students formed a group of volunteers and started the Swadeshi Movement. They were influenced by the discussion of Jnanendra Nath Bose, Gati Krishna Bag and others in their decision to boycott foreign goods. But their activities were not only confined to antipartition move, they paid attention to the pro­ . tection of the interests of students as well. They stood by the poor students by establishing a stu­ dents' fund at Midnapore. This care and sympathy for the needy students added a new dimension to the student movement. However, their chief fight was against the British colonialists. And so, to protest against the partition 'of Bengal, the Midnapore students took out a procession on 20 September 1905 and paraded throughout the Midnapore town barefooted. (I) At first the district administration refused to give permission for the procession, apprehending the spread and growth of patriotic feelings among the students. But the administration bent down when Pyari Lal Ghosh himself took responsibilities for the procession. The huge procession and The contribution of the students of Midnapore in the freedom struggle of India was immense. The history of what is known as the student movement, however, is mainly confined in the 20th century. It is largely unknown, to what extent L!lC students in the ancient and middle ages were politically conscious. We learn of the student movement in Bengal, during the Young Bengal period, which manifested itself through the activities of a group of students of the Hindu College who were inspired chiefly, by Derozio. But in the district of Midnapore, the beginning of the studen. HhJvcmcnt can be traced to the early years of the lJjC~It century, particularly during the agitation conccming the partition of Bengal. This was the first time when asection of the students of the district became involved in active politics. Whether they did so spontaneously or because of the influence of others, is a different issue. But the fact is that Ly participating in the freedom struggle of India in the early years of this century, the student community emerged as a powerful force in the political arena of Mietnapore district. I The partition of Bengal by Lord CUI zon struck a heavy blow to the unity and nation<.tlisl aspirations of the Bengalees. However, far from being dazed, the students of Midnapore attempted to resist this evil machination of the British rulers with , -":'L=~ilW<¥ 54 the national anthem sung in chorus instilled a sense of pride and enthusiasm in the masses . ".Similar processions were taken out by students at Danton, Khirpai, Mahisadal, Ghatal, Contai and many other towns and villages. of the dism.~t The whole student community of Midnapore district observed 'ashouch'­ (abstinence, fast etc.) as a form of protest. I cases, paying a compensation of Rs. one thousand as well as apologizing before the students in public.'? It was a victory of the forces of patriotism. After this incident no trader of Midnapore, dared to sell foreign goods openly. The Swadeshi Movement succeeded in spreadingfar and wide because of the sacrifice and determination of the students. At this stage, the forms of protest followed by The student movement in Midnapore district was the students of Midnapore were similar to those generally peaceful and non­violent, however, of the, Indian National Congress. The students' occasionally it turned violent, too. The more acprotests were both of violent and' non­violent tive among the students went underground in nature.As there was sincere amity between the order to strengthen the revolutionary Hindus' and the Muslims, the Hindu students organisations. Those who were vocal against the joined in the festival of Id­" in preaching Carlyle circular ofthe British came to be known Swadeshi. The students, from five central points as revolutionaries later.?' It is difficult to asof the town, delivered speeches, sung the national certain the number of students who joined the anthem and in this way attempted to inspire the Anushilan Samity, Jugantar and other revolupeople gathered in those meetings with nation- tionary organisations. For, they conducted their alistic feelings. Apart from Midnapore, such activities secretly. Numerous students were killed .gatherings were organised at Khirpai, Danton, in police firing. The young students took part in Panchrol, Ghatal, Mahisadal, Contai, Mirgoda, physical exercises and training. A very wellByabarta's Hat and elsewhere in the district.(2) known example was Khsudiram Bose who was On 16 October at dawn, the students of a student of Midnapore Collegiate School and Midnapore, irrespective of caste and creed, took an active member of a secret society. As a vana dip in the Kansabati river, put rakhis on each guard of the Swadeshi and Boycott Movements other's 'hand and embraced each other. Their of Midnapore, his sacrifice for the liberation of cheif pledge was to protect the unity of Ben- the motherland was an inspiration to all the students .(6) gal and the Bengalees. (3) As a result of the Swadeshi Movement, the trad- When the partition of Bengal was annulled in ers selling foreign goods at Midnapore had to 1911, this phase of the student movement came face financial losses. For this they brought a ,to an end. Thereafter although there was a lull in criminal suit against the students in the Iaw- the political activities of the students, there occourts, as, generally, the students also used to curred occasional outbrust of resentment among organise picketing in front of their shops. But them. However, the student movement in fortunately for the students, the lawyers of Midnapore got a new lease of life when the nonMidnapore court sided with the students. At last, cooperation movement gained momentum. the businessmen were forced to withdraw all the In spite of the lack of any familiarity and experi 55 encc ofthe method ofNon-Cooperation Movement, the way of the Midnapore students conducted themselves was really praise­worthy. The In 1928 Dinesh Chandra Gupta ofB.V. Group carr active participation of female students in this movement was also noteworthy. At that time, the number of female students in the whole district \'JS negligible And yet, they joined with the male students in the nationalist movement. Kumar Datta, a well­known activist of Anushila Samity, was admitted to Midnapore College, als started to organise a revolutionary society. The su dents of Midnapore were deeply inspired in the devotion to the country by the visit to Midnapor ofNetaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Maulavi Jalaluddi Hashemi and Dr. Subodh Chandra Bose in 1929.( to Midnapore and as a student ofMidnapore Co lege hied to widen his area ofinfluence. Kshiro The intense desire for self ­ sacrifice among the youth that characterized the early stage of revolutionary activities was again noticed in 1924. / ..t that time all the schools of Midnapore town ii.zl to join in 'Boys' Scouts, and all the scouts had to take an oath expressing their loyalty to 'God' , and to the king and the country. They had grave doubts about pledging allegiance to a foreign ruler. They protested against it but were punished.'?' As a matter of fact, these young n.inds were deeply moved by the trend of sacrifice and suffering that dominated people's minds from 1921 onwards. The youth of the district was not ready to be fettered. They were eager to have a taste of freedom. One day five adolescent students of Midnapore (Parimal Kr. Roy, Pulin Behari Maity, Birendra Nath Maji, Santosh Kr. i.I ishra and Haripada Bhowmik) took a vow with the Gita in their hands that they would give up their lives for the sake of the motherland. Their united endeavour was embodied in the shape of a 'Milan Mandi[' which was established at the Town School. They were joined by another enthusiastic student, Prafulla Kr. Tripathi. Soon they established Midnapore Juba Sangha. Financial help was extended to the students by Debandra Lal Khan and Dr. Subodh Kumar Bose, a brother of the martyr Satyendra. The leaders of the Youth Movement in Calcutta were contacted and Midnapore Juba Samitt­ was estabIisucd. The students played a glorious role in the Civi Disobedience Movement in Midnapore. The stu dents' protest against police atrocities centree chiefly in organising picketing in front of schools and colleges which totally paralysed the normal functioning of educational institutions. The Civil Disobedience Movement started in Midnapore on 6 April 1930. The students ofMidnapore, Contai, Tamluk and other towns associated themselves in Civil Disobedience Movement. In Kalikapur, Mahisbathan, Tamluk and Contai sub­divisionsof this district, the students actively participated in mobilising public opinion against the Salt Act ,rIO) Moreover, they also came forward in large numbers in selling journals and booklets containing patriotic emotions and ideas. . A truely spectacular rolewas played by the students of Tamluk town. At that time­the late communist leader Biswanath Mukherjee was an activist of the student movement observes: In this district, Tamluk and ·Contai sub­division witnessed the most powerful manifestation of it. In Tamluk sub­division, not just the students and the youth belonging to the middle class, but hundreds of thousands of cultivators joined this movement... It was led by Ajay Mukherjee, Satish Samanta and their followers"." (8) \ 56 During those days the students of Midnapore not only joined the mammoth meetings and processions, not only put forth their names in the volunteers' lists, not only hawked the Ananda Bazar Patrika , but plunged themselves totally in the national struggle for freedom. They succeeded . in organising a, general strike in all thy nigh schools of the district and, in spite of heavy pressure by the British G.overnment,forced the schools to remain closed for six months at a stretch.. In this way hundreads of students of this district directly involved themselves in the Civil Disobbdience Movement. At that time Biswanath I Mukherjee, even though a student of First Class i (equivalent to classX at present) , was an excellent orator. 12 I From 1933 to 1937, the students of the district I' had to live­almost in strangulating conditions. The streets if _Midn.apore town wore a deserted , look after sun­set. People had to move aboutwith identity cards distributed from the police stations. For, a reign of terror was let loose in Midnapore as a consequence of the killings of three British District Magistrates. The students of Midnapore College were being tortured ruthlessly. Most of them ran away in terror. The College was all but empty­there were only 118 students, The handful of students. Who resided at the town then had to walk through till.' streets with white, green and red cards. Those who had white cards were regarded as harmless. Those carrying green cards were considered to be suspicious. But the students given red cards were regarded as dangerous. The colour of the card to be allotted to a particular student was decided by the men of the intelligence branch. 13 During these days notable among the active participants in the student movement in this district were Anil Kundu, Anata Maji, Anil De, Hiranmoy Pati, Anil I Bhanja, Saiyad Ali Hussain etc. After being released fromjail ,many young revolutionaries embraced communism. Among the students some were the followers of N.N. Roy, some of Soumen Tagore, some others were supporters of the Labour Party, and yet others belonged to the socialist Group. But irrespective of their different ideological allegiances, each of . them had a similar perception of freedom, not through terrorist tactics, but through anti­imperial student movement. For, the history of the terrorist movement of the whole world have conclusively proved that the rational analysis of the processes of the development of society, the way to freedom, the ability to present an alternative socialist structure, cannot be found in parochialistic terrorism, alienated from the mainstream of socio­economic struggle. So a need for well­organisedstudent movement was strongly felt at that time. The All India Students' Federation and its branch Bengal Provincial Students' Federation were born in this context. \4 The militant student leader of Midnapore, Biswanath Mukherjee was elected as secretary of the latter. This students' organisation had a well­atriculated constitution and a programme which were virtually a students' version of the then banned Communist Party of India. Of course,the problems and demands of the students themselves were given adequate importance, Indeed, the contemporary students of Bengal became more and more aware of the present and the future of the country. They were worried over the exploitation, torture and conspiracy of the alien imperial rulers and the resultant miserable economic condition of the country, In 1939 the students of Midnapore College started study circles among themselves in four 57 and planned to conduct movements and to form various organisations. They undertook va.tous social programmes to make the student India Students Federation, to win the right to form aunion atMidnapore College. This movement turned into aunited demand ofall students. activists popular among the masses. They picked up students from poor families like those of the sweepers, rickshaw-pullers and coachmen and distributed books, slates, pencils, kerosene etc. among them. They also visited their housses to give free tuition to them. Along with these measurcs they also formed poor Students' Relief Committee and arranged for food and lodging for needy students; ultimately a hostel for the very poor students was established at Kotbazar, The student­activists collected rice and financial donations from the residents of the town and its adjacent areas. Midnapore District Students' CL,j~ ...J Association was established and variou, competitions were organised under the auspices of this associaion. 15 As a result, the activities of the student movement won popularity and a close relationship was formed between them and the residents of the town. The membership of the Students Federation also gradually in­ Posters began to be pasted on walls, picketing came to be organised. The demand of the right to form a students' union at Midnapore College was placed before the college principal. A strike was observed too, in support of this demand. This probably was the first successful strike observed by the students of Midnapore district, on the basis of almost unanimous demand of the students At last the Principal, Bankim Das Banerjee, conceded the students' demands regarding the right to form union and to hold an election. Indubhusan Dasgupta, .the district Secretary Students Federation was elected as the General Secretary of the Students' Union of the college. The first district conference of the Students Federation was held in 1940 at Midnapore . 16 The problems of the students and the national situation were discussed in the conference. It may be mentioned here that the demand for forming students' union at Midnapore Collegiate School was also conceded to during this time.'? The active members of the Students Federation assembled on the roof of the treasury of the Raja of Narajol and formed with the students of Midnaporc town and Kharagpur ­ an organising committee of the Midnapore District Students Fcc.cration in September 1939. The meeting was presided over by Chhaya Gupta, a college student, while Ananta Maji was elected as Secretary. Barin Roy the then editor/secretary of Charm Abhiyan and the Provincial Secretary of Girls Student Committee Santi Sarkar (now Bose;' were present in that convention and expla.i.,«, the programmes of the Students' Federa.ion. This meeting adopted the resolution of launching a movement, under the aegis of All Mostly, the students coming from thetcountry­ , side but living within the urban area took a more active part in the students' movement in Midnapore district. This was possible .because first, these students, far away from their.parents living at villages, could devote themselves to thinking and acting independently; secondly, they could procure and go through books, especially on Marxist thought, came into contact with the leaders of various political ideas and doctrines more easily, and could discuss various issues with them. Their programmes were to organise and educate themselves, to take out processions and hold protest meetings, to distribute pam L~l,()UPS \ \ 58 .­ ­­­­­­_._.­ ­­­- , phlets, to deliver speeches in streetcorner meetings and to win sympathy and patronage from intellectuals and political leaders. " .' In pre­Independence days the number of Muslim students were very few in the district. The Muslim League tried to influence them, but could not gain full success. On the contrary they worked for the Students Federation. In 193738, Syaid Ali Hussain was one of the leade;s of the student movement. The communal virus could not enter into the communal harmony amongthe students. It is true that the Muslim st~den , did not take part in the Salt Satyagraha as spontaneously as they did in the Non­Cooperation Movement. However, they undertook a few programmes here and there in a less organised way. For instance, the students of Dacca Muslim Hall sent volunteers to Contai to participate in the Salt Satyagraha .18 When the two notorious bootlickers of the British imperialism in Midnapore, Samir Sen, I.C.S. and KhawjaMohammad Kaisar, I.P.S., provoked the Muslims to rebel/against the Indian National Congress, the students of the Muslim community did not respond to that provocation. However, it mustbe conceded that communal feelings were growing among the leaders. 19 I The students all over the country participated in the Quit India Movement of August 1942 in a big way. According to the finding of the Congress Inquiry Committee, the manner in which the students of all ages and all communities took part in this movement was unprecedented. The students of Midnapore too, were not lagging behing in this; thousands of students from Contai, Tamluk, Mahisadal, Sutahata , Nandigram,Panskura, Mayna and other sub­divisions and police station areas joined this move ment spontaneously. Like never before, they took part in such militant activities as capturing po lice stations and government offices, destroying railways and dislocating the post and telegraph activities. Moreover, it may reasonably be guessed that women could not remain confined within their four walls after the self­sacrifice of an old woman like Matangini Hazra. Although the Students Federation opposed the Quit India Movement in principle, many members of this organisation could not keep themselves isolated from this mass movement and even some of them sacrificed their lives. 20 The female students of Midnapore district played no less significant a role in the freedom struggle of India. A list of the names of those female students and workers who joined the communist party and were active in the female students' front in Midnapore district can befound in the reminiscences of Saroj Mukherjee. 21 It includes Sadhana Patra, Bimala Maji, Pramila Patra, Nirmala Sanyal and others. A number of women also participated in the revolutionary struggles in this district. For instance, Usha Sen was ~;so­ ciated with the murder of the magistrate Burge. They were either students, or inspired with revo~utionary fervour by the students. 22 Although less In number, the female students of Midnapore . I were an Inseparable part of the organised student movement as a whole. At that time, the participation of female students undoubtedly added a new dimension to the student movement of this district. On 13 April 1942, an all­party meeting at the University Institute Hall gave birth to 'Calcutta Women's self­defence Organising Committee". Before long, many branches of this committee were established in many towns and villages of . 59 T I Midnapore. The chief purposes Contemporaneous with this, a strong anti­Fas- of this organisation were: to conduct various propa- cist movement was also conducted 25. Many of the students of Midnapore were then in the fore­ l front of all these movements and processions. gunc., missions, to organise the acts of civil defence, LO arrange shelters for homeless and desti tutc people , to collect food, garments and money, to run fair price shops selling rice, daletc. which were established by the district board or (;001)(;1 ative societies or with the assistance from the government. to form an organisation of won ...:" ;JJ.ving training in Ju­Jitsu or lathi­welding CL":,lO form a defence party of women to protect themselves from atrocities and to provide help during guerrilla warfares, to cooperate in "Grow more" movements etc. 23 Manikuntala Sen reminisces that the first district conference of the \VOl11-:1I'::; self­defence committee was held at Tam.."; Later a primary unit of this Committee was ror.ncd in each cf the places like Keshpur, Daspur, Salbani, Ghatal, etc. For the expansion of this committee Manikuntala Sen, Gita Mukherjee, Usha Chakraborty, Sadhana Patra, Batasi and others played major roles. The disuic r coufcrcnce was attended by Pratima Banc.je.e and a few other female students of Midnapore college. The district committee was formed at Tamluk itself. 24 Anupama Pattnayak was elected as District Secretary. Thus during] 905­47, the students of Midnapore district played the most crucial role in the freedom struggle of India. The breadth, intensity and depth of their movement not only frightened the British but also caused panic among the indigenous classes having vested interests. It may reasonably be observed that both the positive and the negative aspects of the student movement of the pre­independence era will guide the coming generations of Midnapore in their future struggles. FOOTNOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Kiran Choudhury. ,Dakshin Pashchim Banger Itihas katha Calcutta, 1987, p. 264 2. Basanta Kumar Das, Swadhinata Sang,rame Medinipur, ~ Vol ­ 1, Midnapore, 1940, p. 92. . 3. Ibid p. 94. 4. Kiran Choudhury, Dakshin Pashchim Banger Itihas saiha, op. cit, p. 266. During the famine a memorable event of the same period was a massive 'Bhukha Michil' (proCCSSi0L of the hungry, 17 March 1943) led up to the Legislative Assembly and organised by 'the Women's self­defence Committee' with a demand for food as well as in protest against price rises, The residents 0;:' Calcutta were shocked at the sizht of destitute mothers with their dying babies, all emaciated and barely clad in torn, woru­o.u fragments of clothes. 'Emulating this example, a "Bhukha Michil" was also organised by women activists of the Communists Party. 5. Sukumar Mitra, 'Sri Aravinda Akrod Ghosh,' ,Masik Basumati, 1358 B.S. 6. Sukumar Sen Gupta, "Medinipur Zelar Chhatra Andolaner Goral' Katha', Souvenir, Midnapore District Silver Jubi!ee Conference. Student's Federation of India, 6­8 February, '93. 7. Basanta Kumar Das, Swadhinata Samgrame Medjna,pur, Vol­1, op. cit. pp. 423­24 8. ibid, p. 424 \ 60 I lliL. pp. 424-25 Chhilam Aj Biswas Niye Sei Pathe Chalecchi', op. cit., p. 24 Ranjit Kumar Roy, 'Swadeshi Theke Ain Amanya : - Er B(roddhje Banglar Chhatra Smajer Sangathita kov', in Baron De, (Ed) Mukti Sangrame Banglar latra Samaj , Calcutta, 1992 p. 25. Biswanath Mukhopadhyay, 'Ami Communist Holam', mmunist Holam, Midnapore, 1976 p. 79. 18. Tanima Sarkar, Bengal 1928-'34, Delhi, 1949, p. 14 19. Baron De (Ed), Mukti Sangrame Banglar Chhatra Samill , op. cit, Introduction, 'Ch' 20. Goutam Chattopadhyay, Swadhinata Sangrame Bharater Chhatra Samaj', Calcutta, 1990, pp, 58-59 Ibid, p. 80 , Anil Bhanja, 'Na Jenei Je Pathe Pa Barhiye Chhilam Communist Biswas Niye Sei Pathe Chalechhih', !Iam: op. ci\, p. 20 . , . \ . . Sukumar \Sen Gupta, 'Medinipur Zelar Chhatra idolaner Gorhar Katha', SoYenir. op. cit \ \ __ I t, 21. Saroj Mukherjee, Bharater Communist Party 0 Amra. Vol- 1 Calcutta, 1985 pp. 271-76 22. Susnat Dash, 'Swadhinata - Sangrame Banglar Chhatrasamaj : Ekti Samagrik Ruprekha', in Barun De (Ed), Mukti Sangrame Banglar Chhatrasamaj, op. cit, p. 44 .' _ . Ananta Maji, 'Jatiya Mukhti Andolaner Strotadhara ieke Communist party-te Elam',Communist Hplam, op. ,p.16 ! ', ;,~ '23. Kanak Mukhopadhyay, 'Nari Mukti Andolan 0 Amra ' " Eksathe, Sravana, 1398 RS.p: 13 24. Susnat Dash, op. cit, p. 84 ,25. Ibid, p. 79 , 7. Anil Bhanja,'NaJ¢nie JePathe Pa BaJbiya ....,'. . 61 Views expressed and the conclusions drawn are the responsibility of the article writers themselves. Copies of the journal are to be had of : Sales Counter. Cash section. Vidyasagar University. \ \ 62 ____._..__ . ._. ._.. __. . ..__..__._.__~ ..._.__. .__ " ~_ ~ ~ ~' ; ,i 1.1