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2016
Security has generally posed a challenge to those who have attempted to reach an ideal, comprehensive and encompassing definition of the concept. Orthodox perspectives have mainly focused on the state as a “harbinger” of security that defends its territory and citizens against external enemies through the acquisition of military grade weapons. Neorealist theorist, Stephen Walt defines security as “the study of threat, use, and control of military force” (1991, 212). Since security is a seemingly selfexplanatory concept, it has also been rather underdeveloped to the point that International Relations theorist Barry Buzan argues that before the ‘80s, “conceptual literature on security” was rather neglected if not, a sorely absent field of inquiry (1983, 3-4). Buzan himself, along with Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde, proposed a new research agenda for security as evidenced in the book: “Security: A New Framework for Analysis” (1997). These authors are regarded as the main representatives ...
If empirical evidence shows that environmental security is on the United Nations agenda, very few studies try to understand the agenda-setting process of this issue. My thesis research intends to fill this gap by analyzing the process of environmental securitization within this organization. Securitization theories and critical security studies propose an initial set of useful theoretical tools. Nonetheless, this paper argues that they are not the only ones, and that Political Ecology could provide another interesting perspective as well as encourage an interdisciplinary dialogue. By promoting transdisciplinarity, highlighting the social and economic dimensions of environmental conflicts, and calling attention to the power and knowledge structures at the foundation of the securitization process, Political Ecology proposes highly relevant additions to the study of environmental securitization within the United Nations. This paper argues that this particular example shows the benefits of collaboration between political ecologists and Securitization theorists -and, more generally speaking, international relations scholars -and therefore advocates for more mutual and constructive dialogue among these different schools of thought.
Security Dialogue, 2017
How do securitising actors, in this case governments, go about de-securitising policy issues that have been securitised across multiple referent objects? Do such de-securitisations develop as a single or manifold process and with what political effect? These are pertinent questions that have been left under-examined in the (de)securitisation literature. In seeking to fill this gap, the aims of this article are twofold. Firstly, it calls for a greater focus on what happens in such cases, whereby the de-securitization process encompasses the multiple referent objects initially securitized. Secondly, it considers the case of Russia's policy of normalization towards Chechnya since 2000, as an exemplary case-study to illustrate the politics at play in the nature and practice of de-securitizations, especially if and how this plays out across multiple referent objects. This article argues for a more process-centered and longitudinal approach to the study of the security politics of (de)securitisations, especially as actors go beyond the singular-act of a securitizing move and towards the much broader consideration of managing and counteracting a particular security threat.
Peace and Conflict Studies, 2000
The article discusses the rise of societal and ethnic conflicts. It focuses on some of the analytical tools designed to illuminate these processes. More specifically it builds on the framework of the so-called "Copenhagen School of Security Studies" but seeks to develop a more flexible approach on the concept of identity. To understand how an identity gains strength, Roland Barthes' theory of myths is examined and combined with Michel Foucault's concept of power. Finally a concept of agency is added, namely what has been labeled a "conflict entrepreneur". It is argued that by combining these theoretical insights the process of constructing Self and Other, and the subsequent alienation of those who not fit these categories, will be better understood.
2015
For this thesis, I use recently declassified US secret security material, as well as historical surveys of US population sentiment before US military engagements in the Gulf. I go beyond realist logic by deploying a constructivist framework, which focuses on ‘how energy security is constructed’ rather than ‘what energy security is’. The results illustrate that the US presence in the Gulf appears not to be primarily aimed at securing its own national oil needs. Instead, the ostensible aim is lending legitimacy to the US long-term objective of sustained control over the Gulf, the lynchpin of the global oil market on which many states depend, and hence over other states’ national oil dependencies.
Asian Politics & Policy, 2019
The concept of democratic securitization is an attempt to revise the theory of securitization. The theory has been widely criticized due to securitization theorists' predilection for undemocratic, elite-driven, and illegal methods for addressing urgent threats. Such methods rely on the survival of an "issue," including climate change. Discourses of threat and elite-driven climate change policy are the accepted norms in the Indian political establishment, but such undemocratic processes and the exclusion of certain stakeholders in the policy processes are not appropriate for a democratic country like India. The alternative concept of democratic securitization of climate change policy seeks primarily to expand the concept of "audience" in the negotiation process in the climate change discourse in India. It also demonstrates how democratic engagement and the sharing of climate change knowledge can provide valuable insights into climate policy.
Religious Minorities in Turkey, 2017
This article suggests that the Ilulissat Declaration of 2008 can be perceived as a preemptive desecuritization act in reaction to the growing concern for military conflict in the wake of the Russian flag planting on the North Pole in 2007. The declaration confirmed that science and international law shall determine the delineation of the Arctic Ocean. However, while it was successful in silencing securitization attempts, the shift from security to science and law generated new dilemmas and controversies: within international law there has been controversy over its ontological foundations and within science we have seen controversy over specific standards, hence challenging the notion of 'normal politics'. While minimizing the horizontal conflict potential between states, this development has simultaneously given way for vertical disputes between the signatory states on the one hand and the Indigenous peoples of the Arctic on the other.
Politik, 2017
By signing the Ilulissat Declaration of May 2008, the five littoral states of the Arctic Ocean pre-emptively desecuritized potential geopolitical controversies in the Arctic Ocean by confirming that international law and geo-science are the defining factors underlying the future delimitation. This happened in response to a rising securitization discourse fueled by commentators and the media in the wake of the 2007 Russian flag planting on the geographical North Pole seabed, which also triggered harder interstate rhetoric and dramatic headlines. This case, however, challenges some established conventions within securitization theory. It was state elites that initiated desecuritization and they did so by shifting issues in danger of being securitized from security to other techniques of government. Contrary to the democratic ethos of the theory, these shifts do not necessarily represent more democratic procedures. Instead, each of these techniques are populated by their own experts an...
Uluslararası İlişkiler Dergisi, 2020
Copenhagen School scholars introduced Securitization Theory in 1998 in a comprehensive way. Since then, it has been used widely to examine diverse topics. The strength of the theory derives from its constructivist ontology and clear framework. However, the theory has various limitations including lack of the analysis of rival views. This study aims to outline the strengths and limitations of Securitization Theory and present a novel framework for securitization. The new framework provides a dual approach for examining non-violent oppositions and counter-securitizations. It also analyses the securitization process in three phases: decision/ definition, construction, and insecuritization-inaction .
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