South East Research Framework
Resource Assessment and Research Agenda for the Medieval Period
Consultation draft October 2012
The Medieval Period
Jake Weekes
Introduction
The South-East is a particularly rich area for studying the medieval period (for the
purposes of analysis defined here as ca. AD1000–1550). The region’s location between
London and the Continent led to an array of especially impressive buildings at this time,
as well as a progressive and increasingly cosmopolitan society that originated many
aspects of later medieval life in Britain and pre-figured the post-medieval period in
important ways.
The most recent regional synthesis of the medieval historic environment in the SouthEast was published by Peter Brandon and Brian Short in 1990. Any new assessment of
the resource will have to acknowledge the large amount of new data that have been
added since then (particularly via PPG15 and PPG16 related work), while assessing the
effectiveness of current mechanisms for inter- and intra- regional comparison of those
data: it will also need to take theoretical developments into account. In fact, a primary
purpose of reassessing the resource is to see the degree to which the archaeological
data from the South-East can help to answer the types of questions now being asked
more generally (see Gerrard 2003, chapter 6; Weekes 2007a).
The South-East Research Framework (SERF) is also an opportunity to revisit
questions of cultural identity. Brandon and Short briefly touched on the idea of
‘Normanization’ (with specific reference to art: 1990: 40), but the development of a
diverse Anglo-Norman material culture more generally (including buildings, see Munby
et al. 1983 and Impey 1999 for example) is perhaps especially significant given the
South-East’s proximity to mainland Europe. More detailed archaeological study of social
differentiation in the region should be undertaken. As well as helping to investigate the
material culture and diet associated with higher status groups and individuals better
represented in the documentary sources, archaeological and environmental data are
equally likely to reflect the less privileged and/or the less mainstream sectors of society
like the poor, immigrant communities, migrant and itinerant workers, members of
religious communities, and quarantined lepers. Studies of horizontal status differentiation
based on gender and age, for example, are also significant research areas. Above all,
we would surely wish to compare in more detail the various conditions experienced in
medieval society in the South-East over time, and might look for evidence of agency
within groups, as well as potential areas of interaction/conflict through which social
differentiation would have been constructed and played out.
A concerted interdisciplinary approach (see Wicker 1999: 169) to the various
evidence types is plainly called for, including the gathering and synthesis of more
detailed archaeological and environmental information in collaboration with documentary
and art historians. Excavation and building recording in particular are likely to continue
through developer funding but investigation should always be related to research
questions, and the information gathered will require improved means for storage,
communication, analysis and interpretation of data in the future (e.g. Geographical
Information Systems [GIS]: see Conolly and Lake 2006).
Finally, while the following resource assessment employs quite traditional research
criteria, I hope it also advocates the development of a more contextual archaeology that
approaches the data more holistically.
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Resource Assessment and Research Agenda for the Medieval Period
Consultation draft October 2012
Evidence types
Documentary and other historical sources
Documentary evidence is bound to be limited by its original bias and context (see Dyer
1988), but recent work on ‘local’ history is expanding the study beyond traditional subject
areas and can provide extraordinary new insights into the anthropology of the region in
the medieval period: all good additional context for archaeological findings
(Sweetinburgh 2010, with a focus on Kent, is an excellent example).
Documentary evidence becomes increasingly important as we move through the
Middle Ages. Domesday Book is of course of national importance for understanding the
organisation of the landscape in the Conquest period especially. Additional sources,
such as the Excerpta, Domesday Monachorum and Textus Roffensis for Kent (see
Brandon and Short 1990: 34-5) fill some of the gaps in the Domesday information for
example in respect of churches and cultivated land not mentioned in Domesday, Another
contemporary record for the South-East is the Battle Survey in the Battle Abbey
Chronicle and the Sele and Lewes monastic chartularies contain some 11th century
material, but are generally 12th and 13th century (Mark Gardiner, pers. comm.).
Later in the period there are an increasing number of sources available and variety in
the types of information they can provide. Most obviously, the Pipe, Memoranda,
Subsidy, Close, Patent and Charter Rolls, Inquisitions post mortem and ad quod
damnum and various Court Rolls and documents provide much information on the
development of central and local administration and offices from the 12th and 13th
centuries onwards (Jewell 1972: 7-21). Grants of market rights, Lay Subsidies, deeds
and manorial records and the Feet of Fines, along with wills and inventories, give more
detailed and local glimpses of the history of particular districts and settlements, and even
the lives of individuals, as the period progresses.
Brandon and Short’s revisiting of the progress of Duke William’s armies via
Domesday ‘values’ for manors shows how documentary sources can be used to
reconstruct a significant historical event (1990: 28, Figure 2.1 see also Banyard 2004).
As has often been pointed out, however, the Domesday survey is potentially ‘very
misleading…’ (Brandon and Short 1990: 32) to any that would consider it definitive, even
in terms of its own subject matter. Like documentary sources in general, the evidence
Domesday provides is selective, in line with the function of the work, particularly in this
case through generalisation and omissions.
The approach to wider social history and especially the lives of the lower classes via
documentary sources (written by and for the purposes of elites after all) is bound to be
more complicated. There are nonetheless significant lines of enquiry here relating to the
beginnings of a wider distribution and therefore attribution of ‘ownership’, as well as
diversity of occupation at this time, perhaps paving the way for later medieval social
mobility and unrest (e.g. the Peasants Revolt and Cade’s Rebellion of 1381 and 1450
respectively: see Brandon and Short 1990: 94-101), and beyond this fascinating
evidence of religious ideas and aspects of gender and deviance is available (see for
example Lutton 2010; Jones 2006, 2010 on Kent). From the perspective of social
history, the developing minor gentry are more visible in the documentary evidence later
in the period. Brandon and Short take Bartholomew Bolney, steward of Battle Abbey for
many years in the 15th century, as their example of a member of an ‘up and coming’
family (ibid.: 120-1; see Saul 1986; for specific Kent examples see Everitt 1986: 220-1).
Archaeologists working at Canterbury benefit from the detailed work of William Urry
(1967), who reconstructed individual land and tenement histories in the city for the time
of the Angevin Kings. In many cases, excavations can be at least tentatively correlated
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with the documentary evidence in order to take note of individuals and their activities in
the past. Canterbury is of course especially fortunate in this regard because of the
quality of surviving records, but it would be highly informative to apply such methods
(where the sources allow) to other towns and more rural situations and compare what
the different types of evidence are telling us. A number of site-focussed historical studies
will have been carried out as part of PPG15, PPG16 and PPS5 related work elsewhere,
particularly as part of desk-based assessments. This type of work would contribute much
to broader synthesis if it can be extracted from the large (and growing) corpus of grey
literature.
Such evidence can be complemented by comparison of aerial photographs,
cartographic evidence (regression analyses of post-medieval maps on a local scale, as
well as more stylised maps of the period: see Brandon and Short 1990, Plate 2.6 for
example) and place-name evidence (including field and wood names etc. that potentially
refer to local medieval topography). In the latter case it would appear significant, for
example, that ‘-den’ names have a Kent focus, with numbers generally decreasing quite
sharply at what is still the Wealden county boundary with East Sussex (Everitt 1986: 35;
Brandon and Short 1990: 25; cf. East Sussex ‘-field’ names). Such differences may even
represent ethnic boundaries in the more distant past.
Evidence of medieval life and culture derived from literature and art, such as Psalters,
or the Canterbury abbey and Chertsey Cartulary maps (c. 1165 and 1432 respectively),
should also be admissible, but such information needs to be interpreted carefully. As
well as original biases, literary tropes and artistic conventions must be taken into
account. Chaucer’s evocation of socially stratified pilgrims travelling through Kent, for
example, is best seen within the context of ‘estates’ literature, presenting highly stylised
social portraits (see Rigby 1996: Chapter 1).
Archaeological, environmental and finds evidence
Archaeological evidence is vital if we are to have any hope of reconstructing those many
aspects of medieval society in the region that were simply not recorded in contemporary
documents: much should be considered ‘prehistoric’, even at this period (a wooden
harpoon found near Chichester is especially eloquent of this: see Allen and Pettit 1997).
Turner’s general comment applied to Surrey is relevant to the region as a whole:
‘(T)here are many pre- or proto- literate aspects…that can only be illuminated by
archaeological methods. There are many gaps in the documentary record, particularly
at the local level, and many parts of society did not participate in the record-making
process at all.’ (1987: 223).
This can be qualified further by Turner’s more recent point that archaeology is still often
seen as ‘concerned only with buried evidence. It should, of course, just as frequently be
seen as concerned with the upstanding…’(2004: 140) and the important standing
building resource in the region is still in need of much investigation (including definitive
cataloguing).
In both standing buildings and buried archaeology much recent work is only contained
in unpublished grey literature reports but some development-led excavations have been
reported on via monographs (e.g. Townwall Street Dover - Parfitt et al. 2006) and in
county society journals (e.g. Butler 1994; Hearne et al. 1996; Stevens 1997, 2007;
Saunders 1997, 1998; Perkins et al. 1998; Barber 1999; Lovell 2001; Pine 2003; Clough
2004; Howe 2004; Allen 2004; Edwards 2007). Such sites include important new
information from known settlements as well as previously largely or totally unknown
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evidence from rural locations (e.g. Parfitt 2008). Extracting information from published
works, grey literature and the various County Historic Environment Records (HERs) can
be a challenge and there is need to develop more sophisticated referencing systems. As
well as excavations driven by land-based development, archaeological evidence has
increasingly been derived from marine contexts via the Aggregates Levy Sustainability
Fund (ALSF; e.g. Long et al. 2006) and university led marine projects. Moreover, a large
body of new finds data is increasingly supplied by metal-detected and other finds
reported to the Portable Antiquities Scheme (PAS). This corpus is already an important
addition to available data types, and will continue to grow both in quantity and
significance.
Finally, archaeological science is a vital area of study in need of considerable
promotion, augmentation, improvement and synthesis for the medieval as well as other
periods, though much as been done already. In addition to the reports above which
should include the specialist reports for each site, many relatively accessible specialist
reports on environmental analyses, dendrochronology and other forms of archaeological
science can be found in the HERs, in the English Heritage report series and on the
Archaeological Data Service (ADS) website, which notably holds the specialist reports
(as well as the full reports) from the Channel Tunnel Rail Link intervention (CTRL; ADS
2006 CTRL digital archive). Several reviews of environmental work commissioned by
English Heritage are available on demand (pollen, insects, wood, molluscs), whilst
further reports on animal bones and plant remains are in preparation. The Environmental
Archaeology Bibliography, also hosted on the ADS site (Environmental Archaeology
Bibliography 2004) is an excellent resource.
Castles, elite residences and defences
Over 50 castles are known or postulated from documentary and/or archaeological
evidence in the region, including examples in Surrey at Abinger, Thunderfield, Waltonon-the-Hill, Cranleigh (Brandon and Short 1990: 46 [see Plate 2.5]), and at Bletchingly,
Enton's Coppice (near Capel Street), Ockley, Starborough and Reigate (Surrey HER);
there are developed stone keeps at Guildford and Farnham (ibid.). Along with royal
castles at Dover, Canterbury and Rochester, Alan Ward lists 22 early examples in Kent,
and 13 others that represent various later developments, some on the same site as
previous buildings (2004: 53-5). In Sussex, including those castles forming the
administrative centres of the rapes at Arundel, Bramber, Lewes, Pevensey and Hastings
(see Brandon and Short 1990: 29-30), Richard Jones (1999: with Susan Rowland) maps
four ringworks and 22 earth and timber castles, earth and timber castles with later
improvements in stone, and fully stone castles for the county. Many castles in the region
as a whole retain most or some of their eventually imposing structures, as at Arundel,
Lewes, Pevensey, Hastings, Dover, Canterbury, Rochester, Tonbridge, Cooling,
Guildford and Farnham.
It is worth bearing in mind that the earliest medieval castles can be viewed as being
more offensive in function, protecting and consolidating an invasion and providing
defendable strongholds for baronial colonists. Some were later to be developed, rebuilt,
strengthened and elaborated in stone, but many motte and bailey and ringwork
structures were apparently abandoned relatively early in the period (or had a change of
use, see Thompson 1995, for example) once their more strategic uses had been
outlived, either in conquest or later periods of civil war. Surviving castles went on to form
the basis of a developing militarised infrastructure of physical and symbolic dominance,
elite residence and defence in a key frontier zone between London and the Continent.
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Bodiam Castle in East Sussex has been argued to lack efficacy as a defensive
structure per se, and can be viewed more as a prototype of the post-medieval stately
home, complete with formal gardens and a viewing platform from which to survey them
(Taylor et al. 1990). Indeed many (following Coulson 1979) would see Bodiam as a
significant case study. The historical source, in this case a ‘licence to crenellate’, must
be qualified by an understanding of the actual building and landscape context (see
Johnson 1999: chapter 10). The same could be said of Scotney Castle in Kent (Ward
2004: 55), and especially of 15th century Herstmonceux in Sussex, of which category
Clarke has written: ‘What we are witnessing… is the transformation of the medieval
castle into the Tudor mansion (1984: 116).
Matthew Johnson has recently suggested that the defence/symbolism dichotomy in
castle studies is essentially misguided and that we need to move beyond it to a more
nuanced view of identity/masculinity: Bodiam again provides the example. Colin Platt’s
response to this, that matters of defence should not be overlooked in ‘the social turmoil
of Richard II’s reign and … the long history of French raids on the South Coast’ (2007:
86) can in fact be accommodated within such a perspective, as can his assertion that
Bodiam formed a defence system with Scotney, Penshurst and Hever in Kent (ibid.: with
further bibliography for this debate, but see also Creighton and Liddiard 2008). Perhaps
it is indeed now time to situate Bodiam more within in its local and regional context,
rather than purely considering it at national and international level: unpublished work by
Casper Johnson and David Martin would contribute here (Matthew Johnson, pers.
comm.).
Crenellated manors (e.g. Westenhanger Castle - Martin and Martin 2001) and large
halls are further examples of elite residence designed for defence and display by the
major gentry from an early period. Regional comparison of these as well as
ecclesiastical palaces (e.g. the Archbishop’s palace at Charing - Pearson 2001) would
tell us much about this tier of society and its early influence. Developments during the
period in defensive walls and structures associated with private and ecclesiastical
houses as well as towns (e.g. Canterbury, Chichester) can also be seen as affording
protection from within the region as much as without.
The image of a regional infrastructure of martial necessity and elite display therefore
begins to emerge, as the sheer density of defensive structures of all types mapped in the
Sussex Atlas alone demonstrates (Jones 1999: 51); Jones has gone on to postulate
some interesting patterning of ‘spheres of influence’ in the development of the Sussex
‘system’ over time (2003: 174-6). The chronological development of such patterns
across the region and their correlation with other aspects of the medieval society in the
South-East remain areas for further study. Along with the continued possibility of
discovering new castle sites (as at Hartfield and Rudgewick in Sussex for example: ibid.:
177), elucidating finer details of castle chronology and clarifying the structural details of
castles that no longer survive (e.g. Abinger in Surrey: see Brandon and Short 1990: 47,
Plate 2.5), excavated features might offer important insights into castle life.
Unfortunately, as Gerrard and others have observed, coverage of castle sites from the
point of view of excavation and associated specialist analyses of material culture, diet,
etc. is still patchy, and is likely to remain so if digging is not closely related to research
questions (Gerrard 2003: 191; excavations at Lewes Castle in the 1980s [Drewett 1992)]
give a good idea of the potential of a more research led impetus on castle sites, as well
as demonstrating the importance of full publication of results).
Environmental and zooarchaeological analyses (where good data are obtainable)
offer the opportunity to investigate aspects of castle culture in new detail. Evidence of
agricultural activity has been uncovered at Westenhanger Castle (Stevens 2006a), for
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example, where some assemblages dominated by oats and rye differed somewhat from
the others, reflecting the usual medieval suite of cereals dominated by free-threshing
wheat and barley, and where the weed seeds indicate the exploitation of a range of soil
types from dry and sandy to heavy clay. Zooarchaeological research on castle and high
status assemblages has been crucial for identifying consumption patterns and the rise
and fall of faunal status symbols from the Saxon to Postmedieval period (Albarella and
Davis 1996; Sykes 2004, 2006; Albarella and Thomas 2002; Serjeantson 2006). These
syntheses have pointed to ways in which the elite distanced themselves from the nonelite groups through diet, and through a relatively greater consumption of beef and in
particular pork (and venison), for example. The study of the large Guildford assemblage
is a good example (Sykes et al. 2005).
In comparison with material culture and environmental information derived from
excavation, and combined with documentary study, analysis of building layouts and
access (Mathieu 1999) will enable consideration of more complex social and experiential
(Johnson 2002) questions about castle communities, along the lines of Gilchrist’s
investigation of gender roles for example (1999a: 109-45; also Richardson 2003), or in
terms of vertical social status. Understanding of castle culture at this level of detail would
allow further comparison with groups beyond castle walls, and indeed with their
hinterlands in urban and rural contexts (see Creighton 2005; Creighton and Liddiard
[2008] propose a research agenda for castles combining excavation and landscape
studies and non-intrusive fieldwork), but only if similarly detailed and comprehensive
data were equally available from other walks of life.
There might also be many more ephemeral features/structures in the landscape
associated with defence themes, as Andrew Saunders recently pointed out (2007),
including siege works, ditched defences and so on; HERs for the counties in the study
area actually include a number of examples of battlefields, archery butts, earth banks
(some possibly defensive) etc., and PAS data and HERs often include ‘stray’ military
equipment and weaponry, perhaps in some cases indicating the presence of unknown
battlefields, or unknown defended sites. Yet arrowheads, for example, can reflect either
martial activity or hunting (Jessop 1996), and it is very noticeable that these finds are
just a small subgroup of a much broader corpus of portable objects represented in PAS
and HER databases, all of which might be more broadly associated with ‘travel’ in the
region. Objects with martial or hunting associations within this evidence type should also
be seen in the context of public display and social status as much as personal ‘defence’.
Moated sites
‘Moated sites’ constitute an analytical category created by archaeologists, and it is
unclear how useful such a generalised term can be as a way of classifying what are in
fact a range of sites (consider the ‘fishpond’ which ran along two sides of the Hextalls
manor, Bletchingley, for example, which may well have been considered a ‘moat’ by
some: see Poulton 1998). Very little can be said with any confidence about the
undoubtedly varied development, function and social and cultural implications of these
sites.
In terms of relative chronology, Jones thinks it ‘probable’ that the Sussex examples at
least follow a pattern ’demonstrated’ by studies elsewhere and that ‘most were
constructed between 1150 and 1500 with a period of rapid expansion between 1200 and
1325’ (1999: 51). This may be a model to test and fine-tune on a regional scale, but
sufficient data are simply not currently available and no definitive regional gazetteer
exists (ibid.; see also Bird [2006: 56] for Surrey; there is nothing on ‘moated sites’ in
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Ward’s ‘Castles and Other Defensive Sites’ in An Historical Atlas of Kent [2004]).
Actually it is far from clear whether the following figures (those currently available) are in
any way representative of the true number of sites in the region that could be fitted within
this broad category, and there is little doubt that a systematic search would reveal many
more (Mark Gardiner pers. comm.).
Brandon and Short (1990: 113) cited figures published by Aberg (1978: 3, Table 1;
also cited by Clarke 1984:54) of 93 moated sites for Kent and 190 for Sussex as a
whole; Surrey is allocated 123 in Aberg’s list (ibid.). Most HER searches in the region
still show markedly less moated sites per county, giving a further clue to the
incompleteness of these databases. Forms, functions, numbers and mapping of Surrey
examples have been more convincingly addressed by Turner (1987: 230-4 and 244-6),
who estimates ‘approximately 150’ (ibid.: 230). Jones actually puts the figure for Sussex
at ‘over 235… although no definitive study has been undertaken…’ (1999: 51),
suggesting that geology, ‘in particular the Wealden clay…’ might be a major factor for
such a large number in that county (cf. Turner 1987: 230-1, and Figure 9.5). If this is the
case for Sussex and Surrey it is surely interesting that Kent should have so many less
moated sites. Site-specific publications in the region include sites at Glottenham,
Hawksden and Bodiam (Martin 1989, 1990) in Sussex, at Boys Hall (Booth and Everson
1995) and at Parsonage Farm near Ashford (see Glass 1999: 213-14; and the CTRL
archive) and Edenbridge Manor House (Brady and Biddulph 2007) in Kent, and at South
Park Farm, Grayswood (Graham and Graham 2000) and Downside Farm, Cobham
(Graham et al. 2005) in Surrey.
The purpose of ‘moated sites’ in the region and beyond remains a subject of debate
which would benefit from the accruing of more detailed evidence. Among other things,
insecurity, climate deterioration (see Clarke 1984 on this and other views) and
‘geographical suitability’ (Barber 2008a: 66) can be taken into account in terms of their
development and distribution. Certainly, albeit with an apparently limited dataset,
Roberts and Wrathmell’s map of moated sites in the region (2003) would appear to show
moats were mainly constructed in areas where the water table could be more easily
reached: the Weald and Greensand areas of the region, with some outliers in coastal
fringe and marshland locations (2002: Figure 2.12). Beyond practical considerations,
however, the social and cultural aspects of these sites are of particular interest (Clarke
1984: 57-8). As Jones (1999: 51) suggests:
‘… it seems that moated sites soon attained a social and symbolic cachet, being
associated with aristocratic, ecclesiastic and other manorial dwellings, which led to
their adoption by those in the lower echelons of society.’
This phenomenon is perhaps particularly interesting therefore in terms of the rise of the
minor gentry, especially in the Weald. Nationally, the close connection between many
such sites and other rural settlements has been emphasised by Clarke (1984: 61-2), and
is a further aspect in need of study, as well as a reminder that single classes of
monument are not necessarily a meaningful research end in themselves (ibid.).
Much interdisciplinary research into ‘moated sites’ is required, preferably targeting sites
for which there is good documentary evidence. The research questions on which
excavation should be based are primarily the need to define variant and probably not
mutually exclusive functions and relative chronologies, and to obtain comparative
material culture and environmental data (often particularly well preserved at some of
these sites). One interesting example of interdisciplinary work is the moat at Parsonage
Farm, Kent, where animal bones (see below), pollen (Scaife 2006), geoarchaeology
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(Corcoran 2006), diatoms (Cameron 2006), plant remains (Davis 2006a) and wood
(Smith 2006) studies have shown (in addition to the economic status) episodes of
stagnation and free flowing water, the latter indicating that the moat had been kept clean
during one period, a characteristic not typical of moats. The studies also showed that the
moat was bordered by managed woodland of alder, oak, hazel, elm, ash, lime and
hornbeam.
There are unfortunately still few animal bone assemblages from such sites.
Interestingly, however, a brief report on three moated sites in northeast Sussex (Anon in
Martin 1989) lists ox and pig (generally indicating high status) as being “plentiful” and
rabbit was also noted. Following its introduction rabbit would have been a luxury food
also (see Curl and Sykes 2010).
Clearly focussed interdisciplinary study could lead to more opportunities for
comparison, and therefore more than just general statements about the cultural and
historical significance of this still rather vaguely classified site type.
Vernacular buildings
Another vital and better understood class of evidence for the medieval period in the
region is provided by the very large number of surviving timber-framed buildings, and in
particular open halls, including aisled halls, Wealdens, and other forms. Some would
argue that standing buildings are the most important medieval inheritance of the SouthEast, and yet often the most underrated. Sarah Pearson (1994) surveyed 380 houses
from 60 parishes of Kent (representing only 19% of the county’s parishes and 24% of its
total area), and, with chosen examples from other areas of Kent along with those known
from other investigators, was able to compare around 500 examples (ibid.: 6-8; Pearson
actually estimated a total of some 2500 such buildings for Kent alone: ibid.: 146).
Brandon and Short rather misleadingly refer to all of these buildings as ‘Wealden’ (1990:
110), but the term actually refers to a subtype. Moreover, the statement that the
distribution of halls extends ‘from their heartland in the Maidstone and Cranbrook
districts into the bordering areas of Surrey and Sussex…’ (ibid.) in truth only reflects
current patterns of survival. The form seems originally to have had an urban origin
(Pearson 2005), and to have ‘spread’ southwards into the Weald (Sarah Pearson, pers.
comm.).
The typology of the layouts and structural engineering of halls and other timber
framed buildings, along with architectural embellishments such as ornate mouldings, is a
complex area of study (see Grenville 1997). At present in the South-East synthesis is
only county based, despite the undoubtedly regional distribution of the buildings
themselves (see for example; Turner 1987: 253-60; Pearson 1994; Martin and Martin
1999; Gray 2001; Hughes 2004). Indeed, the regional distribution is actually interesting
in itself from the point of view of regionality, as are some typological similarities with
European traditions (see Munby et al. 1983 for some inroads into this subject both
regionally and internationally).
Absolute chronology derived from dendrochronological analysis of surviving timbers
(see Bridge 1988; Laxton and Litton 1989) provides much potential for better
understanding of the relative chronology of this building type region-wide. A certain
amount of tree-ring dating has already been undertaken; the Vernacular Architecture
Group’s growing list of tree-ring dates for buildings currently comprises: East and West
Sussex: 40, Surrey: 91 and Kent: 94: most but not all medieval (Sarah Pearson pers.
comm.). PPG15 related work has produced some more information, and, hopefully, will
continue to add new data, as HERs and the on-line Environmental Archaeology Bulletin
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attest. Further important work has been contributed by the Domestic Buildings Research
Group for Surrey (Bird 2006: 56), which is ongoing, as is the Rape of Hastings
Architectural Survey in East Sussex. The majority of surviving hall houses are later
(although see Austin 2003 for a rare and important early example at Newbury Farm,
Tonge in Kent), and many were built for clothiers, some of Flemish origin, yeoman
farmers (see Brandon and Short 1990: 110-12) and wealthy peasants (Pearson 1994:
146): in other words, the upwardly mobile. In this respect, it is interesting to note David
Martin’s suggestion that the size, and therefore increased chances of survival, of hall
houses might be indexed to the scale of their associated landholdings: ‘Few medieval
houses survive for holdings of less than 50 acres, which suggests that they were of
flimsier construction and not replaced…’ (cited in Brandon and Short 1990: 110). Landed
wealth was more widely dispersed in terms of social background after the enormous
social and economic problems and plague epidemics of the mid-14th century. It is surely
significant that it is after this time that ‘Houses whose builders were quite certainly not of
gentry status’ begin to be built, many of which survive (Pearson 1994: 146, discussing
certain houses of the central low Weald).
The potential for studying the use of space, and therefore the socially symbolic and
ideologically significant layouts of medieval domestic buildings, is considerable, and a
useful introductory discussion of the development of such ‘archaeological research
agendas’ including spatial analysis, structuralist approaches and considerations of
habitus and structuration theory (approaches initiated by Bourdieu 1977 and Giddens
1984 respectively), is provided by Grenville (1997: 13-22; see also Johnson 1993, 1996).
Interdisciplinary work should explore further the social and cultural developments
these buildings represent. Buried archaeological evidence, as well as uncovering the
remains of previously unknown halls for comparison (e.g. Gardiner et al. 1991; Howe
2004), will also provide comparative material culture, and, in the right locations,
environmental and zoological data (cf. the ‘Marlipins’ project in an urban context, at
Shoreham: Thomas 2005). Zooarchaeological evidence has been obtained from the
animal remains at Hextalls, Bletchingley in Surrey (first half of the 16th century), for
example, where the analysis of bodypart distributions shows variation in waste on site
reflecting the diet and status of the inhabitants (Bourdillon 1998). Similarly the
assemblage at Parsonage Farm, Kent (CTRL report) yielded a typical medieval
assemblage, focussed on older cattle and sheep, but with possible high status markers
(juvenile pigs, meat bearing bones of deer and a range of wildfowl) which support
information from the material culture. Many of the wild species are known to have been
managed in parks (e.g. fallow deer, rabbit, game birds); a further note on suggestions of
‘elite’ signification through hunting is made in the section on landscape, below).
Coupled with documentary and cartographic evidence, there is surely much to be
achieved via research projects that would target good building evidence (preferably with
absolute dating) for research excavation and specialist analyses to provide data for
comparative study. Much more evidence of the material culture and diet of the
inhabitants of the hall houses would provide a better understanding of how they at least
benefited from the opportunities produced in the aftermath of the 14th century: for many
others it had been disastrous.
Villages and other rural settlements
The complex settlement pattern of the South-East and the Weald in particular relates to
what has been dubbed the ‘woodland’ or ‘ancient’ landscape zone rather than the
‘Midland model’ of nucleated settlements and open field systems (see Williamson and
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Bellamy 1987: 10ff). Generally speaking, settlements that can be called ‘villages’ in the
Middle Ages tended to be found in greater numbers in predominantly arable rather than
pastoral areas, which would mean that they would most likely be found in this region in
coastal Sussex and coastal and eastern Kent (Mark Gardiner, pers. comm.). This
accords with patterns of nucleation and deserted villages reported by Roberts and
Wrathmell (2002: cf. Figures 15 and 21). In predominantly pastoral zones, particularly in
Surrey and Kent, and especially in the assarted areas of the Weald where the initial
impetus for settlement was via systems of transhumance from without, there developed
a much more dispersed settlement pattern (ibid.).
Surrey and Kent were therefore mainly characterised by dispersed patterns of small
hamlets and isolated farms in the medieval period (Everitt 1986: 41; Turner 1987: 246).
In Kent this has been seen as directly related to the particularly diverse manorial
systems, land management and peasant status that developed in the county, at least
beyond the large monastic estates (Brandon and Short 1990: 56-62; Sweetinburgh
2004a: 48; Lawson 2004a: 50); manorial records and deeds have yet to be fully tapped
in this area (Sheila Sweetinburgh, pers. comm.). This formation of the rural landscape is
also an important area of research in relation to transition from the early to late medieval
periods, and is also significant for the study of parish churches. In fact, dispersed
settlement patterning might account for the ‘isolated church syndrome’ in Kent especially
(John Williams, pers. comm.). While dispersed settlements are particularly difficult to
investigate archaeologically, a scheme of interdisciplinary village based projects (as
Turner suggests: 2004: 143), including field walking, might begin to characterise the
medieval rural landscape around current villages more clearly (cf. Shapwick in the
1990s; see Stamper 1999: 257; see also Lewis 2007a, 2007b).
Brandon and Short’s investigation (1990) centred on deserted medieval villages and
was clearly focussed on certain areas of Sussex, although deserted medieval villages
are also known from the downland, coastal fringes and heathland of Kent and Surrey
respectively (Beresford and Hurst 1971, see Roberts and Wrathmell 2003: Figure 21).
Citing Alciston in Sussex as a particular example, Brandon and Short (1990: see Figure
3.1) argued that the widespread desertion of villages resulted mainly from a combination
of population decline and new opportunities (for a few) for land exploitation in the 15th
century, especially on the downland, where many demesne fields were enclosed and
given over to pasture (ibid.: 103-6). Actually, the relationship between open field farming
and farming in severalty on the Sussex coastal plain, Downs and Weald can be shown
to be more complex (see Gardiner 1999). The impact of elite emparking of land should
also be taken into account (cf. maps in Gardiner 1999 and Pennington and Platt 1999).
The Weald in particular needs to be more convincingly understood in these as well as
other respects. Gardiner (1990: especially 47-50) begins to address this (see also
Gardiner 1996 for a documentary based approach to local historical geography in the
Weald, and Gardiner 1998a for application of interdisciplinary approaches to lost
Wealden settlements). The fact that a number of the ‘deserted medieval settlements’
mapped in An Historical Atlas of Sussex are Wealden, along with some at the greensand
junction with the Weald and the Rother Valley (Pennington and Platt 1999), would seem
to suggest at least some potential locations for deserted villages in equivalent areas in
Surrey and Kent by way of comparison; again, targeted village-based studies would
appear to be a useful way forward. Gardiner (1997) has also traced the establishment of
a type of market settlement in Sussex and Kent in the 13th and 14th centuries.
Moreover, the term ‘settlements’ would include deserted farmsteads, of which there may
be many as yet unmapped (Mark Gardiner, pers. comm.).
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Along with much change in overall settlement distributions and layouts, there is
considerable evidence of change and development within settlements to consider. In
1984, Clarke presented a typology of buildings based on social structure, from small
cots, the very basic one or two room dwellings of the poorest cottars and bordars, to the
longhouses of villeins with more cultivation rights as well as access to or ownership of
ploughs, and animals, to the several building layouts of the farms of the richest peasants
with rights to cultivate more land etc.
Farms indeed often seem to have amalgamated adjacent deserted crofts and tofts as
they became available later in the period for the socio-economic and demographic
reasons already discussed. This could be demonstrated at one of the few excavated
deserted medieval village sites in the region: Hangleton in East Sussex. Here four earlier
crofts became part of one farm complex by the 15th century (Clarke 1984: 43, Figure 16;
see Holden 1963). Evidence from what appeared to be one of the simple peasant cots
excavated at Hangleton was used for reconstruction of this type of building at the Weald
and Downland Museum (see Clarke 1984: 39, Figure 39), although this example might
actually have been a separate kitchen for a larger establishment (Mark Gardiner, pers.
comm.). In fact, the entire chronology of these various building types and the general
typology of the later medieval domestic plan in England have recently been redefined by
Gardiner (2000). The longhouse, for example, is now ‘identified as a regional variant’
(ibid.: 159) rather than a formative stage in a general developmental model, and is
actually not found in the South-East.
The broad tripartite social division used as a rough index to housing outlined by
Clarke on a national scale (1984: 33) also cannot account for a more complicated southeast regional picture presented by the documentary evidence (see Brandon and Short
1990: 56-62). In Kent, gavelkinders enjoyed more freedoms from service to the lords
through ‘a multitude of private money arrangements…A full explanation for the relative
freedom and individualism that prevailed amongst the Kentish peasantry is not yet
forthcoming’ (ibid.: 57). Such factors seem indeed to contribute to the more widespread
pattern of dispersed settlement in the region, especially in Kent and Surrey. General
models of housing and landholding over time should therefore not be assumed or
projected onto the evidence, and a good deal more investigation via field study and
excavation throughout the region is required in order to approach the characterisation
and comparison of particular establishments.
There is likely to be a great deal more information below the surface that will help in
this regard. For example, the site of a late medieval farm with two buildings and a
cobbled courtyard fronting on to the modern road was excavated in 2000 by the
Canterbury Archaeological Trust at Bogshole Lane, near Herne Bay (Richard Helm pers.
comm.; cf. Perkins et al. 1998; Saunders 1997; Stevens 2007 for further examples of
rural sites discovered because of proposed development). Reports of some sites, and
potentially significant ones, have taken many years to reach publication (e.g. Philp 2006;
Baker and Herbert 2008), and many may never be published because of lack of funding.
The Bogshole Lane site seems to correlate with Clarke’s model of farms with partly
cobbled surfaces associated with easy access for livestock to and from the road (cf.
Structure 9 at Hangleton: Clarke 1984: 42, Figure 16). The recently excavated ‘Thanet
Earth’ site in Kent has revealed an entirely new medieval settlement area, including
cellared buildings and ribbon development along a road (John Rady pers. comm.). Only
by large-scale open area excavation can such entirely new evidence be located and
characterised, but it should be reiterated that work on latter day villages in relation to
medieval settlement has much potential for uncovering earlier settlement (as has been
demonstrated in Surrey for example: see Turner 2004: 136-7).
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Equally, the study of house layouts in the village and farmstead setting in terms of the
social and cultural division of space (more likely to be based on excavated evidence) is
just as important as it is for the houses of the better off (see section 4 above), with which
they should be compared. We might also be looking in this dataset for evidence of
agency and even resistance to social control on the part of the less well-off: evidence
from excavation might present a different view from more official accounts derived from
documentary sources.
Along with comparison of material culture and buildings from all such sites, there is
much need to continue encouraging environmental analyses to compare agricultural
regimes, animal husbandry and diet over time and space. Such evidence has been
accumulating since the 1980s. Studies of molluscs in dry valleys in the South Downs
show that cultivation occurs near the settlement in Kiln Coombe (Bell 1983) and
Hangleton Bottom, Brighton East Sussex (Wilkinson 2002) but that at Toadeshale
Bottom East and West, Brighton, the arable environment extended beyond the
immediate catchment of farming villages (Wilkinson 2002). More generally, continuing
the trend set in the Saxon period, most assemblages are fairly similar (Giorgi 2006); they
are dominated by free-threshing wheat either bread wheat or less often rivet wheat
(Robinson 1999) and barley. Rye is now also often recovered, most notably at Pevensey
(Robinson 1999) and Westenhanger Castle (Stevens 2006a) and also oats, as at
Seaford, East Sussex (Hinton 2004). The assemblages also contain beans, peas, lentils,
flax, plums (Davis 2006a, 2006b; Stevens 2006a) and vetch for fodder (Campbell 2006).
The odd assemblage includes emmer, as at Saltwwod Tunnel (Stevens 2006b) and
Ebbsfleet Peninsula, Sandwich Bay (Scaife 1995); this could represent a local revival of
the use of emmer in medieval times or a taphonomic problem, and merits further
investigation and dating. At many sites, weed seed assemblages indicate that a range of
soil types are used; alongside the other plant remains they also provide information on
stages of crop processing. A number of sunken featured buildings dating to the 11th to
14th century, with internal circular structures consisting of flint cobble bases, have been
found across northern Kent and the Isle of Thanet (see Andrews et al. 2009: 249-251 for
discussion). At Fulston Manor and Star Lane, samples yielded high numbers of charred
plant remains. Single samples were also recovered from outside the domed oven but
within the sunken featured building at Leyborne. It is thought that these structures are
more likely to be related to baking, or possibly brewing, than grain drying given the
design of the structures. Whole grain might be used in ovens to prevent the loaves
sticking to the oven floors or bars or whole grain may be thrown into the oven to test
temperature.
Examples of animal bones studies include that of Bullock Down, Kilne Combe,
Eastbourne (Drewett 1982), but there are relatively few animal bone data for rural
settlements, and where present they are very limited, impeding a good understanding of
regional and local patterns of rural production and urban supply. Some broad syntheses
have been undertaken, however. The synthesis of animal bone data from England by
Sykes (2006) shows that rural sites (nine assemblages) always yield a higher proportion
of sheep dominated assemblages than urban sites (i.e. cattle are relatively more
common in urban versus rural sites) from the mid 5th to 16th c. and that cattle
dominated assemblages rise in both rural and urban sites in the 12th–14th and 14th–
16th centuries, perhaps reflecting the increased focus on cattle dairying or beef
production (documentary evidence can also be brought to bear in comparison, see for
example Campbell 2010).
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Towns
There was a considerable increase in the development of new urban centres and the
expansion of those founded in the Anglo-Saxon period in the region in the later medieval
period. It has been noted (see Brandon and Short 1990: 85-92; Williams, this volume)
that the presence of important royal, lordly and ecclesiastical establishments and,
increasingly, markets, often provided a focus either for new foundations or continued
progression of existing centres. This would certainly include Canterbury, Chichester,
Guildford, Rochester, Lewes, Hastings, Tonbridge, Reigate, Bletchingley, Farnham
(castles and seigneurial residence), Battle, Chertsey, West Malling (monastic houses),
Charing, Mayfield, Farnham (archbishop’s palaces) and Wadhurst, Horsham and
Ticehurst (markets), for example. Other towns were initiated by the growth in certain
industries and trades; links with London are important here, especially for Surrey towns,
but also for Faversham in Kent, for example. The cloth industry can be seen as the
stimulus for Tenterden and Cranbrook, and for further growth of Godalming and
Guildford. Robertsbridge is a good example of the development (and deliberate founding
by the local abbot) of a town at a significant river crossing in the transport network
(Brandon and Short 1990: 91). For the historic county of Surrey at this period we also
have the extraordinary town of Southwark, which, through its close association with
London, was a centre for a very interesting mix of industry (including the ‘leisure
industry’), prisons and ‘the sumptuous town houses of great churchmen’ (ibid.: 92).
The Cinque Ports system, focussed on the Kent and Sussex coasts with members
inland (see Brandon and Short 1990: 81-5; Bleach and Gardiner 1999; Lawson 2004b)
was a further administrative impetus for town development, and government response to
the climate and coastal deterioration resulted, for example, in the town of Winchelsea,
founded by Edward I in 1288 as a replacement for Old Winchelsea (ibid.: 90; see Martin
2003; Martin and Martin 2004). Further towns developed on the Sussex coast beyond
the Cinque Ports area, such as the major ports at Seaford, New Shoreham,
Littlehampton and Arundel, along with numerous small ports and landing places (Bleach
and Gardiner 1999), and market foci also spurred town development across the region
(ibid.; see also Lawson 2004b and Andrews 2004 for example).
Large amounts of new archaeological data from medieval urban contexts have been
added in the last 20 years or so, including evidence for smaller towns (e.g. Russell 1990;
Stevens 1990; Pine 2003; Clough 2004; Stevens 2004; Wragg et al. 2005; Edwards
2007), but there has been little synthesis (although see Dyer 2003, for a national
review), and individual towns have still only been very partially excavated. On a broader
scale, as Gerrard points out, developer funding has resulted in ‘more archaeological
investigation in larger historic towns than …in smaller towns…’ and higher relative levels
of development have meant that ‘more archaeological work is undertaken in the SouthEast than it is in the North-East of England’ (2003: 207). This might be seen as being of
particular benefit to the South-East region, but there is a need to make the information
recovered from this work more easily available. To demonstrate the scale of the issue, a
list of short summaries of individual medieval ‘sites’ (including small and large scale
excavations and watching briefs as well as building recording) in the Canterbury and
Chichester District Urban Archaeological Databases (as of September 2007) stretches to
400 and 300 pages respectively (Richard Cross and James Kenny, pers. comm.).
Recently Sarah Pearson (2007) has reiterated the problems that beset building
recording in towns, and Paul Bennett (2007) has drawn attention to an increasing trend
towards piling and raft methods of building in Canterbury and elsewhere, resulting in the
accompanying archaeological work being considerably more difficult both to undertake
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and interpret. Even without considering data that may not have been included in HER
databases over the years, much work is plainly still required in order to bring all the
relevant information together and analyse it.
Luke Barber cites Midhurst in West Sussex as a town that has been well served by
recent synthesis of small-scale work (2008a: 65; see Magilton 2001; see also Gardiner
[1995] on Seaford; and Andrews [2004] on Kingston, Surrey), and Winchelsea, until
recently, was indeed ‘special’ in the detailed interdisciplinary treatment it had received
(Martin 2003: 179). The Martins’ work at Winchelsea, hailed as a model for future
research methods, combines building survey with excavated evidence, the result of
which is vital detail of the colourful and fluctuating fortunes of a particular urban
settlement, with all sorts of implications for the regional picture of medieval society and
beyond. Consider, for example, the importance of the town for overseas trade, especially
in terms of wine for conspicuous consumption by members of the elite and the ‘upwardly
mobile’ of the region. Storage of this primarily Bordeaux derived commodity was the
primary function of the town’s many vaulted undercrofts, 32 of which are still accessible
(Martin 1999: 44). On the other hand, the town was in the front line during the 100 years
war, and was sacked a number of times by the French during the 14th century (ibid.),
and, at least in 1360, many inhabitants were killed. These tribulations, along with the
Black Death, resulted in considerable abandonment of town tenements and shrinkage of
the settlement overall; the title of chief Sussex port passed to Chichester in 1378 (ibid.:
cf. maps 1 and 2).
More such studies are needed for comparison, and recent publications on Lydd
(Barber and Priestly-Bell 2008), New Romney (Draper and Meddens 2009), and
Sandwich (Clarke et al. 2010) are most welcome. In reference to Chichester, Luke
Barber points out that ‘there is a huge body of data on the medieval period which…has
yet to be drawn together to address the wider issues of urbanism…’ (Barber 2008b:
111), and this statement is equally applicable to Canterbury (although Lyle [2002: 62-95]
contributes) as well as Guildford, and indeed many towns of the region. Large numbers
of artefacts from the urban centres of the period are also being amassed through
development-led work, but even classification is falling behind rates of collection: in this
area Luke Barber has recently called for the development of an up-to-date ceramic
sequence for medieval Chichester (2008b: 110).
Environmental evidence is also being collected and a systematic approach to data
already collected, as well as targeting of future resources, is clearly necessary in a
research area which has so much potential for better understanding of the diet and
conditions of town dwellers. For instance, at St Gregory’s, Canterbury, faecal material
was recovered from a 11th century cesspit that showed that cereals (recovered as bran),
eggs, fish, blackberry, wild strawberry, peas and beans were commonly consumed.
There was also rarer evidence of ingestion of figs, poppy seeds, hops and plums. The
inhabitants were infested with parasitic worms (see Allison and Hall 2001; Hall 1996).
Environmental analyses from Townwall Street, Dover provide another excellent example
of the sorts of insights such information can provide, especially concerning the lives of
the poorest strata of town society, who might well be missing from the picture given by
documentary and standing building evidence alone. The evidence from Townwall Street
related in particular to fishing and preparation of the catch for export, as well as malting
etc. (Parfitt et al. 2006; Nicholson 2006). As Enid Allison pointed out at the SERF
seminar on the medieval period (2007), interesting details associated with apparently
opportunist supplementing of diet also emerged from this sample, including the capturing
and butchery of sea birds (Ellison 2006; cf. Ropetackle, Shoreham-by-Sea, Sussex;
Jaques 2004) and even a dolphin (see Gardiner 1998b for wider discussion of sea
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mammal exploitation of the period). Plant remains from Town Wall Street (Campbell
2006) included sprouted barley, some rye including straw which may have come from
thatch, species of the mustard family (representing mustard or some sort of cabbage)
and legumes including broad beans. Another good example comes from a 12th century
pottery kiln and well lined with hazel wickerwork at Pound Lane, Canterbury. This
yielded both bread wheat and rivet wheat, barley, oats, rye and weed seeds which
provided evidence for late stages of crop processing having taken place nearby
(Carruthers 1990: 1997).
Many more studies of animal bone assemblages are available for towns than for rural
settlements. The range of species reflects increasing urbanisation throughout the
medieval period, this diversification beginning, according to Sykes (2006), in the 9th
century. Cattle are predominant in urban assemblages such as Townwall street, Dover
(Bendrey 2007; Nicholson 2007), sites at Canterbury (Driver 1990; King 1982;
Serjeantson 2001), The Marlipins, Shoreham-by-Sea, Sussex (Sykes 2005), St. John’s
Vicarage and Old Malden, Kingston-upon-Thames (Hamilton-Dyer 2001). In most of
those sites, butchery marks suggest that home butchery was mainly practised, rather
than large scale intensive processing, although whole carcasses/animals were brought
into town; this is also the case at Seaford (Gardiner 1995), Ropetackle, Shoreham-bySea (Stevens forthcoming) and Tanyard Lane, Steyning, Sussex (O’Connor 1979).
The study of the development of medieval town life is clearly a complex
multidisciplinary subject in itself (see for example Schofield and Vince 1994; Ottaway
1996; Schofield 1999). A research framework for the future should also be concerned
with deconstructing the various social and also experiential aspects of urban centres,
including the ‘structural’ and ideological, rather than merely treating conurbations as
administrative and economically driven nodes of settlement (e.g. Galloway 2005).
Schofield (1999: 222ff; 1992) outlines some of the general subject areas we might wish
to investigate in towns in the region, for example, and Lilley (2005) deals with all aspects
of urban design including symbolism and experiential matters (see also Giles and Dyer
2005a, 2005b on relationships between town and country, and especially Giles (2005)
on comparisons of public space, and Rawcliffe (2005), an important insight into
suburban spatial and social liminality; see Sweetinburgh’s (2010) essay on temporal and
spatial symbolism in towns of medieval Kent). Moreover, towns in the region need to be
situated within a broader European context (e.g. Schofield and Vince 2005). A
combination of synthetic study of standing buildings, buried archaeological and
environmental evidence and documentary sources is necessary in order to approach
such questions, and to compare the conditions and experiences of different groups in
the same urban contexts.
As well as differences in social status (including artisan status), towns are often
where we find evidence of minority groups. Documentary sources are our primary
sources for the Jewish communities early in the period, for example. Some details even
of individual lives are available, like the enclave centred on Jewry Lane, Canterbury,
where ‘Jacob’s stone house on the east corner of Stour Street, with the synagogue
behind, was rented from Christchurch Priory’ (Lyle 2002: 71). Documents also record a
thriving Jewish presence at Guildford (Brandon and Short 1990: 88) and a private place
of worship was apparently found preserved beneath a shop there in the mid-1990s. A
brief report on this ‘synagogue’ appeared in the Independent newspaper for January 16,
1996 (Keys 1996), but no reference to it could be found in the Surrey HER searches
carried out for this project. Much more targeted work making use of various data types
(including comparative building records, artefact studies and environmental analyses)
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would need to be carried out in order to explore such important questions of minority and
ethnicity in the region at this time.
The ecclesiastical context
The ecclesiastical infrastructure took many forms in town and country, and remains a
component of the built environment of the region, with cathedrals at Canterbury,
Chichester and Rochester, and the many parish churches. Indeed, churches are surely
the most common and obvious evidence of the medieval period for most inhabitants of
the region today, and were
‘… the focal point for ritual and social life in a medieval community. They were used
as a place of worship and regular meeting, for religious and seasonal festivals,
baptism of infants, marriages and burial of the dead’ (Gilchrist 1999b: 228).
They were also the stage for display and public munificence by local elites (see Brandon
and Short 1990: 119-21: Weekes 2007a: 4), and, it can be argued, the ‘front line’ linking
parochial networks to the central diocesan organisation.
The transition from Anglo-Saxon to Norman church building has already been noted,
and this also applies to the cathedral church at Canterbury, where the 11th century
Saxon apse and its relationship with Lanfranc’s new nave (1070s) was observed during
excavations in 1993 (Blockley et al. 1997; see Lyle 2002: plate 8). Chichester Cathedral
represents a new site for the South Saxon see, moved from Selsey in about 1075
(Brandon and Short 1990: 88-9). Critical episodes in the creation of these great buildings
throughout the period are of worldwide significance, the integration of Romanesque and
Gothic styles over time a clear association with a broader European context of art and
architecture. Major contributions to Canterbury cathedral include Lanfranc’s nave (1070),
Anselm’s Romanesque tower (1130), Yevele’s perpendicular nave (1390s) and Wastell’s
(1504) Bell Harry tower, for example (see Lyle 2002: plates 8, 9 and 27). Canterbury and
other towns can also be seen as complex ecclesiastical landscapes in themselves, from
their high status centres to their more marginal and therefore liminal suburbs (see
Rawcliffe 2005, also Schofield and Vince on urban parish churches, cited below).
In the study of parish churches the work of recording and analysis of typology and
relative chronology (e.g. Tatton-Brown 2006) is ongoing (see Brandon and Short 1990:
44-6). Beyond this, new questions, including changes in technology and ritual (liturgy,
the use of space, burial: Gerrard 2003: 189; see Blair and Pyrah 1996) and the church
as social and ideological space (Gerrard 2003: 226; see Graves 1989) are significant
avenues for research. Church archaeologists would today also look beyond the church
centres themselves (buildings, interiors, frescoes, windows, fittings, interior and exterior
buried evidence, artefacts) and into the wider landscape, at chantry houses and chapels,
for example, and at holy wells (Gerrard 2003: 220 cites Rosser 1996; see also, however,
Clarke 1984: 65-6).
Moreover, research extends to considerations of how a church was experienced
through everyday life; Schofield and Vince for example raise questions of private and
public space and control of access to churches in the urban setting (1994: 158-9). Here
we begin to move into the ‘social life of buildings’ (Gilchrist 1999b: 242-3), or rather, the
study of buildings as expressions and representations of social life: the setting for
negotiation and construction of ideologies. This in turn relates to the articulation of
various physical and social structures in the landscape, such as the significance of
spatial associations between manor, church and settlement (Gilchrist [1999b: 231] cites
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Morris 1989: see also Stamper [1999] for a more holistic approach to social factors and
rural landscape).
Much church archaeology, driven by particular applications for faculties for change to
buildings and churchyards, is piecemeal and very limited in scope, however, and while it
can provide important information it is often difficult to interpret. Here once again there is
a need for more synthetic studies.
Large numbers of monasteries of various orders were also founded in the region (see
Knowles and Hadcock 1971: 52-462, although even this is not definitive, at least in terms
of hospitals, as it was primarily derived from the Victoria County History: Sweetingburgh
2004d: 19-20). Beyond these implanted communities with their variations on general
themes of layout and building functions there are numerous alien houses, hospitals,
almshouses, granges, colleges and also establishments of the orders of Knights
Templars and Knights Hospitallers to consider (ibid.: see Sweetinburgh 2004b, 2004c;
Taylor 1999, 2003; Turner 1987: 235-43 for useful overviews of the monastic
establishments in Kent, Sussex and Surrey respectively). Brandon and Short’s regional
distribution map of all such institutions (over 160 religious foundations of various sorts)
shows some focus in the towns and country of the Sussex coastal plain, north and east
Kent and nearer the Thames and London in Surrey, with less dense but quite even
coverage of the Weald and Downs (1990: 39, Figure 2.3). As well as being communities
to be investigated in themselves, these establishments exerted a major influence on the
region through land management via manorial holdings, which could vary according to
the rules of each order; Cistercian practice, for example, first introduced at Waverley in
Surrey in 1128, required that monks and lay brothers should farm lands themselves
rather than deriving rents and services as absent landlords (Harvey 1984: 5).
Several large-scale urban excavations of monastic buildings and features show the
potential of this archaeology, as with friaries at Guildford (Poulton and Woods 1984; see
Schofield and Vince 1994: 170-1, Figure 6.13), and Lewes (Gardiner et al.1996), and St.
Gregory’s Priory (Hicks and Hicks 2001) at Canterbury. Good evidence for the diet and
farming activities of monks in the late 15th century has been found in highly organic
deposits from St John’s Hospital, Canterbury, representing the diet and activities of an
enclosed monastic and hospital establishment (Carrot et al. 1994). The analysis of the
animal bones assemblage from St Gregory’s (Serjantson 2001), gives details of the
meat, fowl and fish diet of the monks, the preparation of food and the disposal of food
waste as well as status variation within the priory. The more recent large-scale
Whitefriars excavations have made it possible to reconstruct a complex site narrative in
terms of building layout and function, and to recover a superb assemblage of artefacts
(often from secure contexts) along with environmental data and documentary evidence
(Mark Houliston 2007; Sheila Sweetinburgh pers. comm.).
More comparative evidence is needed in order to analyse the diversity of material
culture and diet within monastic establishments, between different establishments and in
comparison with other social groups and settings over time, or to pursue questions about
gendered and otherwise ideological qualities of space and material culture in the
monastic setting, for example (see Gilchrist 1994).
In terms of the wider landscape and indeed the region as a whole as an ecclesiastical
setting, pilgrimage, an important strand of medieval action and experience, was more
widespread and complex than the most obvious focus on the shrine of St. Thomas
Becket at Canterbury. Other foci included lesser places of pilgrimage and wayside
shrines, as well as more ephemeral episodes of cult (see Webb 2004). PAS finds are
already contributing important new data in this area, specifically with finds of small tin
badges, and ampullae for carrying holy water, for example.
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Industry and trade
In 1984 Helen Clarke called for much more archaeological interest in crafts and
industries: ‘…the life-blood of medieval England…poorly served by the archaeologist,
who has until recently shown a peculiar lack of interest in this most important aspect of
medieval life’ (1984: 129). Certainly this is a potentially rich area of study; ‘medieval
industry’ might include the procurement, processing and trade in stone, tin, lead and
pewter, copper alloys, gold, silver and precious stones, iron, ceramics (a broad range in
itself), leather, textiles, antler, bone and horn and wood, for example (see Blair and
Ramsay 1991). Brandon and Short’s work (1990), did not place as much emphasis on
textile, ceramics, iron, glass and salt production (and trade) as it did on agriculture of the
period, tending to discuss these industries more collectively at a summary level, and
especially in terms of small-scale secondary occupation of assart farmers as part of the
Wealden economy (e.g. 1990: 53-4: this is actually the only indexed mention of the
pottery industry therein). Moreover, neither An Historical Atlas of Kent (ed. Lawson and
Killingray 2004) nor An Historical Atlas of Sussex (ed. Leslie and Short 1999) has a
dedicated section on industry, and the subject is not covered in The Archaeology of
Sussex to AD 2000 (ed. Rudling 2003). Surrey has been better served in general
synthesis (see below). Documentary evidence for the economy of later medieval Kent
has recently been reviewed in some detail (see Campbell 2010; Draper 2010; Mate
2010a, 2010b)
The ‘nouveaux riches’ who capitalised on opportunities for increased landholdings in
the latter part of the period were also, along with agents of the Church and the Crown,
exercising some control over means of production and trade. To understand this
situation, however, we need to go further than the statement that ‘Much local
craftsmanship probably catered purely for the growing neighbourhood but the textile and
iron industries seem to have supplied larger markets…’ (Brandon and Short 1990: 54).
In fact, in the Weald, especially by 1524-5, ‘tax returns are indicating forms of wealth
supplementary to the yield of the land which were being derived from the cloth and iron
making and glass industries…’ (ibid.:129; see 127-31). The historical evidence reflecting
increased wealth from industry analysed by Brandon and Short still requires a good deal
more study and contextualisation through comparative archaeological synthesis,
environmental analyses and archaeological science.
The latter comment also applies to the study of the development of agriculture, as
noted in previous sections (rural life, towns, ecclesiastical context) where a number of
sites with environmental analyses provide information about the products of agriculture
which were becoming increasingly diversified in the medieval period (Stevens 2008). As
a by-product of agriculture, malting is another industry which has been tentatively
identified at Townwall Street, Dover (Campbell 2006), in a bakery/brewhouse where
barley and oats had sprouted potentially producing malt. It is particularly interesting that
malted darnel was also found and it was thought that its inclusion was intentional in
order to produce a stronger brew than usual. Another industry derived from plants was
rope manufacture, interpreted from the pollen evidence of hemp retting at Muddymore
Pit, Dungeness, Kent (Schofield and Waller 2005).
The wool industry was of primary importance in the medieval period, with sheep being
frequently the more commonly represented taxon on medieval rural sites. In most rural
and urban assemblages, sheep are generally mature animals, over three years though a
proportion is younger in some cases. On high status sites, there seems to be a slightly
higher proportion of lamb. This indicates how, as stated by Bendrey (2006) for Townwall
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Street, Dover, urban consumption was directly influenced by wider agricultural and
economic strategies (in this case the wool trade, though cattle would have provided
relatively more beef on urban sites, e.g. Sykes 2006). Concentrations of horncores from
Eden Walk, Kingston (Serjeantson 1984), medieval horses from Kingston upon Thames
(Serjeantson et al. 1992), Townwall Street, Dover (Bendrey 2006), St Mary of Ospringe,
Maison Dieu, Kent (Grant 1980), Linacre Gardens, Canterbury (Driver 1990), Phoenix
Brewery, Hastings (Clements 1990), and Mersham, Kent (CTRL 2006) provide evidence
for other animal based industries.
Fishing is an important industry that would benefit from more environmental analyses.
Major syntheses of fish data have advanced our understanding of the development of
marine fisheries and their contribution to medieval economies (Barrett et al. 2004a,
2004b), but few assemblages from the south-east were available for these studies. With
improved recovery techniques and an increasing number of assemblages as at
Townwall Street, Dover, these models can be tested and refined at a regional and even
local level. This could include study of both inshore and offshore fisheries and could
explore the social distinction between consumption of fresh and preserved fish: herring
and salted cod indicating poorer status and fresh fish and freshwater fish indicating
higher status. After the import of wine, fishing was a vital component of the Winchelsea
economy (Martin 1999: 44), and documentary evidence highlights the significance of the
herring fishery at Sandwich (Brandon and Short 1990: 38), which also had its merchants
and trade (as illustrated by archaeological evidence in the form of the Sandwich Ship:
Milne 2004; see also Barber and Priestly-Bell 2008 on Lydd, Gardiner 2001 on Sussex;
for more detail on the medieval maritime context, which constitutes an important
research area in itself, see Milne, this volume, which also deals with shipbuilding: on the
latter see also Draper and Meddens 2009 [New Romney] and Draper 2010
[documentary evidence of Kent shipbuilding], for example).
Faunal evidence is in general understudied on a regional scale, although much
published and archive evidence is already available (Symmonds 2008 and above);
standing buildings associated with agriculture and stock management also survive (see
Austin 1997; Aldsworth 2007).
The material culture associated with some of the most widespread land-based
industry and craft activity in the region, being made of organic materials, relies on
waterlogged conditions for survival. This would apply to material associated with the
production of textiles, leather (although tanning pits might provide archaeological
contexts), and the working of bone, horn and wood (see Clarke 1984: 129-44 - carpentry
is better represented in the standing buildings of course). It is to be hoped that more
finds in future will augment the present corpus of loom weights, bone needles, tenter
hooks, leather shoes and fittings, bone combs etc. Archaeological finds can also inform
us about working practices that are not accounted for in the documentary sources (e.g.
Clarke 1984: 141, paragraph 1).
The need to move beyond very localised study in order to understand various
industries in their wider context is a vital consideration in researching manufacturing and
processing industries in the region (see for example Ridgeway 2000; Bone and Bone
2004; Semple 2007; also Crocker 2004). The regional implications of the Weald are
again important here (Gardiner 1990), and study of the iron industry provides an
excellent example. Key works like that of Straker (1931) and Cleere and Crossley
(1995), as well as the activities of The Wealden Iron Research Group, have achieved a
regional scope in the study of one of the South-East’s medieval industries at least.
Indeed, with the Weald as a regional rather than county based focus for the various
bloomeries and smelting sites associated with the industry, it is quite arbitrary to be
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restricted by county boundaries in published syntheses, as Hodgkinson (2004) on Surrey
examples in fact points out. Much is still to be done, and Jeremy Hodgkinson has
promoted this area as a most significant one for the regional research framework (2007),
especially through the use of Light Detection and Ranging (LIDAR) techniques on
wooded areas. Archaeological scientific techniques also contribute to the study of this
and other industries (thermo-remnant magnetism dating of tile kilns, for example, as at
Farnham: see Youngs et al. 1986: 165), but again, more and better data are required to
allow regional comparison at this level of detail.
The medieval Wealden glass industry was much more localised, being centred
around a few parishes in the vicinity of Chiddingfold in Surrey, and on the Surrey/Sussex
border in the first half of the 13th century (see Kenyon 1967; Crocker 2004: 214ff), but
still of national importance. In fact, over half of the 80 glasshouses in Britain in the period
1250-1600 were located in this small area (Crocker 2004: 214). Archaeological science
(comparative study of glass composition) will again hopefully contribute much in future if
medieval sites can be targeted in sufficient numbers and detail (Dungworth 2007).
Turner recognised in 1987 that the manufacture of pottery was the industry that had
received most archaeological attention in Surrey, with excavations of kiln sites in various
urban and rural locations to be cross-referenced with stratified finds from sites (1987:
247; see also Crocker 2004: 215-16 on this and other Surrey industries). Such
information could be used to trace the different distributions of the contemporary (ca.
1275–1325) Kingston-type ware, focussed on London, and Coarse Border ware,
scattered widely through the Hampshire and Berkshire region, noting the different usage
and markets involved. Later, Cheam ware appears to have replaced the Kingston-type
ware as ‘a sign of metropolitan fashion’ (Schofield and Vince 1994: 142; see Pearce and
Vince 1988; Schofield and Vince 1994: 142-4; Andrews 2004: 175-6). Earlier county
based surveys for Kent and Sussex (Barton 1979; Streeten 1980, 1982), as well as
regional syntheses (Streeten 1981) lay the foundations for prospective work that would
take account of large quantities of new data now available. The location of pottery
industries at the margins of the Weald with proximity to raw materials and local and
external markets is of particular interest (Gardiner 1990: 49; see Streeten 1981, and, for
example, Aldsworth and Down 1990).
While individual and well excavated sites have been published, such as the
workshops at Pound Lane, Canterbury (Cotter 1997), a comprehensive form and fabric
type series for the region is still non-existent, rendering broader distribution surveys
largely untenable at present. The latter problem persists for the study of various periods
in the region, and results from a variety of different archaeological units each pursuing
their own cataloguing systems over time (John Cotter, pers. comm.). In fact, in the face
of much new developer funded work, systems of categorization also need to be revisited
even at a local scale (e.g. for Chichester material: Barber 2008b: 110). Regional and
local type series for non-ceramic small finds are similarly wanting, and archaeological
science techniques such as microscopic and chemical analyses, as advocated by
Justine Bayley (2008), although using pre-medieval examples, should be an increasing
factor in the study of industry and craft, from iron working through to the manufacture of
metal dress accessories, for example.
Yet, while a better technological and chronological understanding of the processes
and working practices of crafts and industry are key areas for further research in
themselves, this research should also be attempting to reconstruct the social context
and experiences of the workers involved. Many may have been migrants (e.g. tilers, at
least at first: see Stopford 1993); others were certainly immigrants, such as the royally
invited Flemish clothiers associated with some of the finest Wealden Hall houses
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(Brandon and Short 1990: 109), or the French potter who apparently worked at Pound
Lane, Canterbury (see Lyle 2002: 72-3, Figure 46, and Cotter 1997). There is a further
need to place industrial workshops and centres in a wider landscape, social and
experiential setting, and in particular to investigate archaeologically their hinterlands and
support networks, especially in terms of labour. More work is again needed to synthesise
the currently narrowly focussed evidence produced by excavations initiated by
development (e.g. Cooke 2001), as also recently emphasised by Jeremy Hodgkinson
(2007: with reference to post-medieval archaeology but relevant here). Hodgkinson
suggests that, as well as helping to understand the working of whole industrial sites,
broader survey might even uncover evidence of shanty towns inhabited by a more
itinerant workforce. Such conditions should be considered in the broader social and
economic debate concerning factors such as settlement desertion and urbanisation.
Once chronologically and spatially contextualised, in terms of production, trade and
consumption, pottery and other artefacts might also be considered a ‘text’ to be used in
the comparative study of social and cultural identities, for example via structuralist and/or
phenomenological approaches (see Gerrard 2003: 195, 223-5). This again could form
part of ongoing interdisciplinary research in the region. Brandon and Short provide an
excellent example for further study: that of Robert de Etchingham’s 14th century moated
manor house at Glottenham (1990: 20; see Martin 1989). The use of polychrome jugs
from Saintonge in South-West France at this time, directly associated with the import of
wine, is potentially full of social symbolism (Weekes 2007a: 5), and might even represent
a more widely accessible form of conspicuous consumption represented by the much
more occasional sherds recovered from farmsteads in east Kent, for example (Helm
forthcoming: see also Martin 2003: 184-5, on the material culture associated with
‘Blackfriars Barn’, Winchelsea). Conspicuous consumption of goods derived from long
distance trade may also be inferred from the presence in plant assemblages of some
exotic food such as figs, opium poppy (Allison and Hall 2001; Hall 1996) and black
pepper, fig and grape (Carrot et al. 1994).
The preceding discussion of pottery manufacture and trade further highlights the fact
that, as well as considering trade networks within the region, all the aforementioned
industries and their associated patterns of consumption need to be more broadly
contextualised in terms of London and Europe (see for example Campbell et al. 1993;
Galloway et al. 1996 and Gardiner 2000 respectively). Indeed, the proximity of these
major markets can be considered one of the most significant aspects of the medieval
historic environment of the South-East (Mark Gardiner pers. comm.); both were major
(and changeable) influences on the flow of goods and services into and out of the
region, as well as stimulating industrial and commercial activity.
An increase in the local networks of markets in the period, which would have included
various entertainments as well as being fora for buying and selling, is attested more
obviously in documentary sources and has been extensively covered by historians (see
Mate 1996; McLain 1997; Bleach and Gardiner 1999; Lawson 2004a). Town layouts are
also indicative of this trading function (Ottoway 1996: 171-2), as well as surviving street
names of course. Numismatic evidence is yet another significant area of data, with
further symbolic significance of coins often being indicated by find context (e.g. Bagwell
Purefoy 2008, and funerary evidence, below).
Another noticeably economic feature of the landscape would have been large
numbers of new mills (water and wind powered), bridges (see Spain 2004; Lawson
2004: 50, for example) and roads.
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Communications and landscape
The medieval road/track way ‘system’ was vital to the exploitation and development of
the Weald initially through transhumance (Everitt 1986: 32-9). As has been outlined
throughout this chapter, diverse manorial exploitation and assarting led to a dispersed
settlement pattern of farmsteads and hamlets in much of the region, with some openfield systems in areas more suitable for agriculture on a large scale. The distinctive grain
of this landscape is clearly visible on modern maps with extant roads marking the
alignment of drove ways into the Weald as well as (although endangered in the last
century or so) ancient field boundaries. To these landscape features can be added
ecclesiastical, industrial and economic infrastructures and a developing network of small
towns.
While some of the route ways between these settlements and centres ‘hardened’ into
a post-medieval and modern road network; others did not. Turner’s points about Surrey
over-land communications are applicable to the region generally:
‘medieval roads and routes are hard to map and harder to date because they were
seldom formally engineered and frequently indirect. Most of them have been overlaid by
modern roads and some have declined into green lanes or have been ploughed away…’
(1987: 248).
While Roman roads such as Watling Street and Stane Street were evidently
maintained throughout the medieval period, at least in terms of their general alignments,
more detailed evidence of the medieval chronology of these structures is difficult to
obtain, and exactly the same would apply to roads that reflect early medieval drove ways
into the Weald. For all extant roads such as these, more concerted study would require
extensive field survey and targeted excavation, as map regression analyses are
obviously limited by a general lack of medieval maps (and the stylisation of those that do
exist). There were also many field boundaries, park pales and lynchets in the Weald
(Gardiner 1990: 49) and beyond that require chronological characterisation as well as
mapping. Historic Landscape Characterisation (HLC) is contributing enormously in this
area (see Bannister 2004, and this volume), and should ideally be integrated with HERs
(perhaps forming a template for an overhaul of the HER databases).
‘Landscape’, however, implies not only concrete evidence of topography, roads and
land use from the economic perspective of exploitation, but also ideological components
of space and place, whether specific, ‘local’ or ‘regional’ (see Bannister, this volume, and
Johnson 2007; also generally the Medieval Settlement Research Group Annual Report
2007: S. Turner [ed] 2007: 6-31). The interaction of people with their physical
environment in terms of perception is another potentially fruitful area for the study of
medieval society and culture in South-East England, and travel through the region is
another way of viewing the significance of its historic environment and landscape, as Joe
Flatman (2007) has suggested. Finds reported to the PAS provide much more evidence
of on-land medieval travel in the region, in that these in fact represent much of the
portable material culture of the period that was worn or carried by travellers. A wide
variety of reasons for travel (and associated loss) are represented here by large
numbers of coins, horse fittings, belt sliders, finger rings, keys, arrows, papal bullae,
ampullae etc. It is not unfeasible that these data may in fact help in locating routeways
(Andrew Richardson, pers. comm.) as well as unknown settlements, but they also hint at
other matters, such as the need for personal security on the road.
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Developments of Romney and Walland marshes at this time were also significant in
forming the modern landscape and have been the subject of much scholarly interest,
with the Romney Marsh Research Trust a driving force (see Draper 2004, as well as
Rippon 2002, Gardiner 2002, Allen 2002, Eddison 2002 and Sweetinburgh 2002, with
further bibliographies, for example; see also Barber and Priestly-Bell 2008 on Lydd).
Huge changes to the coastal landscape were also brought about by the silting of
estuaries on the one hand (e.g. the fortunes of Sandwich: see also Bellamy and Milne
2003 on archaeological evidence for Small Hythe’s medieval shipyard facilities: the site
is now some 12.5km from the sea) and the encroachment of the sea on the other
(Winchelsea, Hythe, etc.: for more detail on coastal change and the maritime
environment in general, see Milne, this volume). As Gustav Milne points out (this
volume), the mariners and coastal dwellers of the region were quite ‘marginal’ in
themselves in terms of their job description and indeed attitudes to the law of the land.
Moreover, the towns and trades of these ‘fringe’ areas were a settlement focus for what
Brandon and Short (1990) refer to as ‘aliens’, the lives and conditions of whom are of
equal or even special interest for more detailed comparative study.
For the elite, much of the region’s landscape was in fact a recreational as well as an
economic resource, as the many deer parks, forests, chases and lodges that have been
mapped (e.g. Brandon and Short 1990: 73, Figure 2.5) indicate (see Sykes 2007a,
2007b; Thomas 2007; Pluskowski 2007 on the economic, psychological and social
functions of animal parks). The study of hunting practice and rituals has proved very
effective for the investigation of chronological changes in social status
display/differentiation within Saxon and high medieval society (Sykes 2007b, 2007c;
Thomas 2007; Poole 2011).These same areas, demarcated for elite structuration, would
also have been seen by some of the under-privileged at least as a dangerous
opportunity for supplementing diet and/or income, of course, and can be seen as liminal
areas of social conflict on a local level (see for example Sykes 2007a; Pluskowski 2007,
on conflict and interaction). This is a reminder that any reconstruction of local and
regional perceptions of landscape should also include those places where deviance or
resistance was publicly discouraged (e.g. gallows, pillories, stocks, ducking stools etc.).
Above all, ‘landscape’, rather than focussing on particular contexts, is a topic that
invokes diverse relationships between contexts over time, such as: castle and town,
urban and rural, manor house and village (particularly various in a region that included
so many different manorial patterns), ecclesiastical and secular, and even life and death.
Funerary evidence
Brandon and Short (1990) do not mention this strand of evidence, and it has not tended
to be given as much emphasis as other evidence types in medieval archaeology (e.g.
Clarke 1984: 66-7; Gerrard 2003: 51, 160, 189, 220-1), although important work has
recently been carried out on a national scale (Gilchrist and Sloane 2005) which
demonstrates that funerary evidence for the period is a vital area for looking at issues
such as social class and cultural diversity, for two main reasons. Firstly, there is likely to
be important osteoarchaeological information relating to diet, disease etc., and secondly,
there are the funerary rites themselves to consider.
It should be noted for future research that at present comparison both of
osteoarchaeological data and of funerary rites is still largely single site based rather than
considering variability either locally or across the region. Mays and Anderson, in 1996
(especially 377 and Figure 10) estimated about 3300 burials from the medieval period in
East Sussex, Kent, Surrey and West Sussex, this figure excluding at least 4000
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individuals represented by charnel from St. Leonard’s Church, Hythe, Kent. The totals
must be much increased by now.
Many of the most extensive cemetery excavations have been in monastic settings, as
at Canterbury (Hicks and Hicks 2001), Rochester (Ward and Anderson 1990),
Chichester (Lee and Magilton 1989), Lewes (Gardiner et al. 1996; Lyne 1997; Barber
and Siburn 1998), Chertsey (Poulton 1988), Guildford (Poulton and Woods 1984),
Merton (Gilchrist and Sloane 2005; see Saxby and Miller 2007) and Southwark (Gilchrist
and Sloane 2005; Steele in prep). While the emphasis on monastic cemeteries means
that we are already seeing a biased and therefore basically unrepresentative sample of
society more generally, the sample does include many members of the lay community
as well as the ecclesiastical. There is clear evidence of differentiation in lifestyle (from
osteoarchaeological data) as well as funerary practices, such as spatial zoning of burial
on the basis of age or sex (Gilchrist 1999b: 233). In fact, there is a perhaps surprising
array of burial practices, from cemetery layouts to the various objects within the burials
including coins, lead, stone, wood and anthropomorphic coffins (cf. anthropomorphic
burial cuts), stone, wood, charcoal, ash (etc.) burial linings, unexplained group burials,
mass graves relating to the Black Death and so on (Gilchrist and Sloane 2005).
Gilchrist and Sloane’s analysis on a national scale is a superb example of how an
interdisciplinary approach to the medieval funerary process can reveal a great deal
about diversity in life and in death, and particularly in specialised funerary practice based
on social status, gender, mode of death, age at death, etc. There was room for personal
improvisation in the funerary context as well as more general rules; the fact that ‘[i]nfants
and children were buried with a considerable number of the objects that … were added
during the shrouding of the body’ represents, for Gilchrist and Sloane ‘agency of parents
or guardians’, for example (ibid.: 223). It is also interesting to note the apparent
persistence of superstition in funerals of an overtly Christian era, such as the placing of
pebbles in the mouth of the deceased (see Schofield and Vince 1994: Figure 6.5): how
widespread were such practices and what were their social and cultural implications?
The flourishing of the Doctrine of Purgatory during the period led to increasingly lavish
funerary monuments and an industry serving the construction of identities in funerary
contexts from cathedrals to parish churches (see Badham 2005).
Excavation of the (no longer extant) church of St. Giles at Winchelsea offers a further
glimpse of funerary practice beyond the monastic setting. Seventeen graves were
revealed (Martin 2003: 184-5; see Rudling and Browne 1993), and here again we have
interesting osteoarchaeological evidence of diversity in life as well as archaeological
evidence of ritual differentiation in death. Only one of the burials was obviously
elaborated (at least in a way that survived post-depositional processes): that of a male
aged between 25 and 35 years old, whose spine had been heavily distorted by vertebral
tuberculosis. The grave was stone lined and vaulted (ibid.: 184; see Figure 15.9); is this
perhaps particularly interesting symbolism in a town noted for the vaulted undercrofts of
the no doubt richer merchant class? The St. Giles burials also included a higher
proportion of females than is often the case for monastic cemeteries, and only two adults
that were obviously over 35 years of age at death. We need much more evidence of this
sort for wider comparison, yet many burials are likely to remain unexcavated in the
extant churchyards of the region, except perhaps when these ‘living monuments’ are
developed as sites (e.g. updating of church facilities, access, drainage etc.). Again,
small-scale ‘developer funded’ work is in need of synthesis and research direction, and
the parish council developers generally lack sufficient funds for the required
osteoarchaeological analyses.
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A regional approach to funerary and cemetery evidence should try to fill in gaps in our
knowledge of both ritual and demographics at a more localised scale, as well as
targeting those sites that could be compared with good assemblages from other social
settings, by way of contextual analysis. Along with funerary variation symbolising class,
gender and other social status, the funerals of minority and/or particularly marginalized
groups like Jews or lepers are a further area for more emphasis in future study. The
archaeological funerary record is an important source of information for such groups
(e.g. St James and St Mary Magdelene Leper Hospital in Chichester), and, as
Christopher Daniel has argued: ‘comparisons between main-stream Christian societies
and these liminal groups throw both into sharper contrast’ (1997: 205). Beyond funerals,
it should be noted that cemeteries were also a focus for markets and other activities of
the living (Schofield and Vince 1994: 156), and also that places for the living and the
dead actually had a surprising proximity in later medieval society in comparison with
dominant attitudes in the region today and with archaeological and ethnographic
examples relating to other periods and places (see Parker Pearson 1999).
Conclusions
The Reformation and Dissolution brought a clear change to an aspect of medieval
culture and society that can be seen as definitive: the Church. Much of the ecclesiastical
infrastructure of the region, as elsewhere in Britain, was dismantled or redistributed in a
process of iconoclasm and opportunism (Hutchinson 2007 and discussion; see Weekes
2007b: 6-8). The extent to which medieval material culture and the society using it
changed at this rather precise point in history is, however, another question, one which
archaeologists can and should address in considerably more detail.
Clearly the medieval period in the region was seminal in the development of a
landscape template for the post-medieval period in terms of towns, villages, dispersed
farms and hamlets, roads, field and park systems etc. It was surely also most influential
in the formation of the social structure of the early modern era and beyond. The Church
remained a powerful agent in town and country, and parish churches in particular
retained their more secular function alongside the spiritual as centres of communities in
a physical and ideological sense. They continued to be foci for the maintenance of the
old and new gentry via public munificence and display through contribution to church
fabric and fittings, ‘being seen’ at services and in parish administration for example. As
Stamper puts it, the parochial and manorial frameworks based on later medieval social
structure ‘survived little changed until the earlier nineteenth century and… remain the
subject of intensive enquiry by historians’ (1999: 249).
This would seem to be a most important legacy of the later medieval period in the
South-East as elsewhere, as it underpins the discussion of developing private property,
capitalism, industry, social structure, ideological frameworks etc. which are all central to
the study of the post-medieval period and industrial revolution. Archaeologists have
much to contribute to this research either side of the traditional chronological divide, and
to a better understanding of what it meant materially.
Jake Weekes
Canterbury Archaeological Trust
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Acknowledgements
I am indebted to Nicola Bannister, Luke Barber, Joe Flatman, Mark Gardiner, Matthew
Johnson, Sarah Pearson, Sheila Sweetinburgh and John Williams who all kindly
commented on the work in progress. Dominique de Moulins, Ruth Pelling and Polydora
Baker contributed useful examples and guidance concerning environmental and
zooarchaeological analyses. I remain responsible for any errors or omissions.
Research agenda
Introduction
Interdisciplinary research from a more ‘anthropological’ perspective would focus on
various aspects of medieval social structure and cultural identity in the region. Social
structures were obviously complex; the ideologies, lives and experiences of all sectors of
society, as reflected by settlements, buildings, material culture, diet, etiquette, funerary
customs etc., are of interest both in themselves and in comparison. Topics include:
The contrasting fortunes and lifestyles of royals and major and minor gentry,
yeomen, merchants and artisans (with consideration of guilds), the socially
mobile, the working classes (of various status, including serfdom: in rural and
increasingly in urban settings) and less mainstream groups such as diasporic
minorities and immigrant communities (e.g. Jews and ‘aliens’), migrant and
itinerant workers, members of religious communities, quarantined groups (e.g.
lepers) etc.
Comparisons between urban and rural life, coastal and in-land
Differing roles/experiences based on gender and age in all of the above
categories
The effect of agency on the part of individuals or groups
Areas of conflict where identities and social differentiation might be emphasised.
Ideologies and sub-ideologies might be investigated via considerations of specific
social and cultural contexts, for example:
Ritual and ceremony, which might be religious (including pilgrimage) and/or
related to funerary or other rites of passage
Festivals, fairs, sport and games
Public and private spheres and formal variation of behaviour according to such
contexts (as well as resistance)
Taboos: for example relating to diet, or access to and exclusion from certain
places
The phenomenology of material culture, buildings and landscape
The influence of travel and experience of other cultures
Expression and representation through, and influence of, the arts.
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Evidence types (and methodology)
Interdisciplinary approaches are plainly called for, but the sources used obviously need
to be appropriate to the questions asked.
Mechanisms might be devised/encouraged whereby colleagues from different
disciplines can formally work together on wide ranging projects, including via the
internet.
Documentary and other historical sources
Site level correlations between particular buildings and sites and documentary
evidence of occupiers should be sought, and data already collected reviewed
and synthesised in accordance with research questions
The formation of names at this period in line with the wider distribution of
ownership (albeit tenurial in terms of land at least): how does this correlate with
material culture?
The increase in documentary evidence along with gentrification in the period
presents an interesting opportunity to link professional historical and
archaeological research with much ongoing ‘amateur’ research into one-name
studies and family trees
Further investigation through combined aerial photography, map regression and
place-name analysis including elements denoting topographical features and
personal names
The use of literature and art depictions as part of interdisciplinary approaches
might provide important insights but these sources need to be approached with a
good understanding of their original functions and biases.
Archaeological, environmental and finds evidence
More ease of access to and research focussed and integrated dissemination of
‘grey’ literature, HERs, PAS data and reports of environmental analyses is
required, and more environmental analyses are needed generally
Agreed regional typologies for artefacts: for example, the region still lacks a
unified form and fabric type series for ceramics, for this and other periods
Buildings archaeology is a particular area of concern because there are few
dedicated researchers in this area and the skills base required for recording and
analysis needs augmenting
Adequate funding should be allocated for properly contextualising developer
funded sites within local, regional and national research themes; the current
emphasis is on recording, phasing, writing site narratives and archiving
In order to promote a concerted research effort involving all sectors of an
archaeological and historical community, there must be effective communication
systems in place: the internet has enormous potential for this, through data
sharing and publication
Ideally, a regional GIS combining geological, Historic Landscape, HER
(improved) and PAS data could be made available to researchers and be
contributed to by them on an ongoing basis.
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Systematic environmental sampling and analyses of waterlogged deposits and
organic rich deposits and sampling of good animal bone assemblages are
required applied in order to produce more comparative data from all site types
Improved dating in relation to finds, environmental and zooarchaeological
samples in order to fine-tune comparative analyses.
Castles, elite residence and defence
Regional surveys of castles, crenellated manors and episcopal palaces, including
comparison of buildings and other material culture and documentary evidence
Investigation of conquest period and early castles in order to develop
understanding of castle locations, relative chronology, morphology and function
as well as material culture and diet in comparison with contemporary groups
Interdisciplinary research of targeted sites (including open area excavation where
possible) in order to check earlier findings and fine-tune understanding of castle
developments over time and space
Comparison of castle life and communities over time and space in terms of
social, cultural and experiential factors within castles, relationships between
castles and castle hinterlands, and between defensive sites on local and regional
scales
Investigation of more ephemeral matters of ‘defence’ and martial display from the
distribution, chronology and use of earth built structures to PAS and HER
reported finds distributions and types, and museum collections, in terms of
national, regional, local and personal ‘defence’ and signification
Reassessment of how martial or ‘defence’ considerations articulate with other
symbolic aspects of castles, crenellated manors, town and monastic defences
etc., rather than dichotomising these into separate studies
Moats
As a starting point, a regional gazetteer of known and putative moated sites
Further research excavations on targeted moats in the region in order to
characterise their relative morphology, chronology and function, collecting
comparative material culture and environmental data
Regional comparison of moated sites in order to understand their cultural and
historical contexts and to explore these monuments and their related material
culture and environmental and zooarchaeological evidence as indicators of social
differentiation and change
Vernacular architecture
Regional survey and further development of building typology and comparison, in
line with continuing work on a comprehensive dendrochronological series
Targeted excavation along with further interdisciplinary work to increase
understanding of the material culture and environmental evidence associated
with these buildings (starting from consideration of evidence already collected via
PPG15 and PPG16)
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Comparative research into use of space in buildings and associated land in
social and cultural terms, again in light of documentary sources, material culture
and environmental evidence, particularly in respect of the development of new
landowning classes
Villages and other rural settlements
More understanding of the landscape of primarily dispersed rural settlement in
terms of development and maintenance over space and time
Systematic investigation of landscapes through on an off-site analysis of a range
of biological remains from waterlogged deposits and the proper retrieval of
molluscs and charred plant remains including charcoal from dry deposits
Investigation of variant patterns and development of rural settlement types on a
regional basis
Survey and comparison of deserted and shrunken villages
The incidence of Anglo-Saxon origin of many rural settlements along with the
impact (if any) of conquest (for example: any archaeological evidence of
destruction associated with Norman route?)
More detailed exploration of socio-economic reasons for different levels of
dispersion patterns, desertion, shrinkage or expansion of rural settlements in
various parts of the region over time using archaeological as well as
documentary evidence
Survey and comparison of individual settlement layouts in terms of relationships
with other features such as moats and manor houses as well as industry and
trade
The development of individual plots and house and building types over time
Consideration of space within buildings and settlements generally in terms of
their various functions and also as representations and expressions of social
differentiation, vertical and horizontal
Comparison of material culture and environmental evidence within and between
rural settlements, and in comparison with other settlement types
Interdisciplinary village based schemes involving both locals (many village or
small town focussed interest groups already exist in the region) and
professionals (this will contribute much to research as well as a sense of place
for those taking part); local concerns articulated with wider debates via a region
wide scheme of research, dissemination and education
Further investigation of agricultural practices (including animal husbandry) and
land use through more systematic sampling and analyses than hitherto
Towns
More interdisciplinary town based studies synthesising disparate data with
relevance to wider research questions on the period
Further comparisons between and within towns
More research projects looking at small towns in particular are needed (both
individual development and comparison)
Open area excavations (and detailed building surveys) to provide more evidence
for characterisation and contextualisation of features, buildings and deposits
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Comparison of public and private town buildings throughout the region, with,
where possible, associated material culture and environmental evidence as well
as detailed study of relevant documentary sources
More comparative studies of finds , environmental data and animal bone both
within and between towns, and in comparison with urban hinterlands and rural
contexts
Building studies considering aspects of symbolism, habitus, structuration, social
differentiation, etc., making use of all of the evidence categories in tandem and in
comparison
Social differentiation (vertical and horizontal) investigated further via comparison
of urban evidence within and between towns, in terms of social status and/or
minority groups
The ideological and experiential aspects of towns and their development, for
individual conurbations as well as comparatively
The ecclesiastical context
A general regional survey and gazetteer of all religious buildings, establishments,
shrines, pilgrimage routes and related find spots
More interdisciplinary studies of particular monasteries and associated
establishments, as well as comparison of buildings, layouts, material culture and
environmental evidence within and between different sites (to investigate social
hierarchies within establishments, differential of access to resources, and use of
space), and in comparison with other social contexts
Comparison of building layouts, differential access, material culture and
environmental and documentary evidence for the study of gender based and
other social differentiations in the monastic setting
Interdisciplinary studies of individual churches and regional synthesis, also taking
into account the increasing number of studies carried out in a development
control context (whether under a secular or ecclesiastical aegis), are to be
encouraged
The relationships between ecclesiastical centres and their hinterlands and wider
landscapes
This religious context as a critical area for the investigation of ideologies and subideologies: consideration of minority faiths, folk beliefs, superstitions and magic
and of course Christianity (itself a complex and changing mix of institution,
thought and experience)
Alongside their role as spiritual centres, the use of ecclesiastical contexts of
various sorts as fora for public expressions and constructions of social status via
conspicuous involvement in administration, ritual and public munificence, social
segregation etc.
Industry and trade
This area is still under-researched on a regional and synthetic level and is a
priority in itself: study should focus not merely on technical developments but on
social and cultural context, in tandem/comparison with other aspects of medieval
life in the region
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Researches into agriculture (including the development of related infrastructure,
e.g. mills), pastoralism and fishing require more data (environmental and
zooarchaeological analyses are particularly important in this area) and
interdisciplinary research
Investigation of production methods of craft and other industries
Research into the public and private organisation of space with regards to craft
and other industries.
The textiles industry in the region, a particularly appropriate subject for
interdisciplinary research, as material culture associated with this industry tends
to be less well preserved in the archaeological record
Research at a regional level into iron, glass, ceramics, extractive and processing
industries and trade, as well as secondary industries utilising raw materials:
interdisciplinary research including programmes of archaeological science such
as metallurgy and fabric analyses (i.e. regional type series) in order to trace
technical change and distributions of such materials
A broader understanding of industrial landscapes and of the lives and
experiences of workers as well as owners via documentary sources, survey,
excavation, material culture, environmental analyses etc., particularly in relation
to migrant and itinerant workers as well as diasporic sub-cultures and immigrants
Beyond economic matters of production and distribution, the research interest in
materials and particularly the artefacts produced by such industries extends to
the way in which they were used to form a socially and culturally symbolic
dialectic in public and private spheres, reflected in turn by levels and targeting of
production and distribution
The role of industry and trade in shaping settlement, including village
change/decline/formation and the development and maintenance of towns and
roads systems, as well as organisation of industrial and non-industrial space,
concepts of ‘place’ and ‘landscape’, and social differentiation
Communications and landscape
A better understanding through interdisciplinary research of the varied
chronology (development and maintenance) of the region’s medieval roads and
track ways, indexed not only to pastoral and commercial matters but other social
and cultural reasons for travel or sedentism (e.g. pilgrimage; kinship; territories)
A regional survey (especially in the Weald) of field systems, lynchets, park pales
etc. is required, in comparison with other aspects of rural settlement and
landscape, preferably through combination of HLC and HER data: the Weald in
particular would benefit from articulation of county-based information and
outlooks
Use of geoarchaeology for landscape investigation
Plotting of PAS data and other finds (e.g. hoards) in combination with the above
might provide more information about routeways, travel and other aspects of
landscape in the region (e.g. hunting/poaching/criminal activity)
Isolation and investigation of the places in the landscape with a more ‘liminal’
identity, such as land/sea margins, suburbs, etc. in order to study activity at the
margins of society, such as criminal activity, insurgence, public retribution,
prostitution, noxious industries, etc.
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Landscape studies provide the template to break out of overly specific research
topics and into a more contextual archaeology allowing comparison of various
conditions and spatial segregation in private and public contexts
Funerary evidence
Regional comparison of diet, disease, demographics, etc. from
osteoarchaeological data (recognising the bias of cemetery populations), a
strand of evidence for comparison with all those already considered above
More comparative evidence from non-monastic churchyards and charnel: there
might be significant levels of data already accumulating in grey literature
Evidence of differential funerary practice, giving insights into social and cultural
diversity in terms of ritual: this is another context to be compared with various
aspects of medieval culture and society in a contextual archaeology
Comparison of conditions in life and death (osteoarchaeological and funerary
study) between monastic sites and other cemeteries, within and between
cemetery sites, regionally, and between the South-East and other areas
Spatial patterning within churchyards and the ways in which they articulate and
even overlap with ‘lived spaces’, and the everyday activities of the living
From the landscape perspective, cemeteries are equally (and perhaps
especially) important to analyses of the structural and phenomenological
construction of ‘places’: they are fundamentally ideological
Conclusions
Detailed interdisciplinary and contextual study of the transition from medieval to
post-medieval, in order to generate a better understanding of the effect (or lack of
it) of dissolution and reformation across society.
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