Miscounting Human Trafficking and Slavery (Oct. 8, 2014)

ANNUAL REVIEW OF SOCIOLOGY , 2015

The article begins with a discussion of definitional issues regarding human trafficking and modern slavery and then briefly critiques some popular claims regarding each problem. Examples of macro-level research are critically evaluated,followed by a review of micro-level studies that illustrate tremendous variation and complexity in structural arrangements and individuals’ lived experiences. These studies suggest that in this field micro-level research has at least three advantages over grand, macro-level meta-analyses—advantages that are quantitative (i.e., estimating the magnitude of the problem within a measurable universe), qualitative (i.e., documenting complexities in lived experiences), and well suited to formulating contextually appropriate policy and enforcement responses.

Gender and Development, 2002

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International Migration, 2010

In this article I point to some common pitfalls and particular challenges in research on human trafficking. I start out by presenting some of the challenges in identifying observable populations and behaviours, arguing that primary data collection in the trafficking field should focus on former victims, and not current victims or persons at risk. Thereafter I discuss some of the factors that have inhibited the development and use of explicit operational definitions of trafficking. Third, I present some of the challenges in identification of trafficking victims, when the victims themselves do not want to identify with the trafficking label. Finally, the usefulness of different research strategies in the trafficking fields for the current knowledgeneeds is discussed.

Crime, Law and Social Change

When it comes to human trafficking, hype often outweighs evidence. All too often, the discourse on traffickingincreasingly absorbed under discussions of so-called 'modern slavery' toois dominated by simplistic treatments of a complex problem, sweeping claims and dubious statistics [1-3]. Such an approach might help to win attention, investment and support for an anti-trafficking agenda in the short term, but ultimately risks causing credibility problems for the entire field and contributing to ineffective, even harmful, interventions [see, e.g., 2, 4-6]. From the 1990s onwards, levels of interest and investment in counter-trafficking expanded rapidly [3, 7, 8]. In tandem, the literature on trafficking has proliferated [9, 10]. Yet, actual empirical (data-driven) research remains relatively rare [11-14]. Of course, non-empirical approaches have value toofor example in challenging how we conceptualise trafficking or highlighting tensions in governments' or businesses' commitments to anti-trafficking measures. Nevertheless, empirical research is clearly crucial to advance understanding of the trafficking phenomenon and shape nuanced, evidence-informed policy and practice. Even where empirical research exists, its quality can be highly variable, with many publications (even peer-reviewed ones) found to fall short of even rudimentary scientific standards [13, 15]. Additionally, there is a particular dearth of rigorous, independent evaluations of interventions [7, 13]despite the many millions of dollars spent thus far on anti-trafficking efforts worldwide [12, 16]. Before proceeding, it is worth acknowledging some fundamental tensions in researching human trafficking. First, trafficking is not a neatly delineated phenomenon that can be consistently identified and readily counted [1, 2]. Instead, it is a relatively fuzzy social construct that exists upon what is increasingly recognised as a 'continuum of exploitation' running from decent conditions through to severe abuses [17]. Second,

is a helpful analysis of the state of trafficking for sexual exploitation in Central America and the Caribbean. The book makes two things clear: how far researchers have been able to come given the scarcity of reliable data; and how much work remains to be done before a clear picture of the nature and magnitude of trafficking and the best means for its eradication is obtained.

The WEA Global Issues Series, 2013

“Everyone knows what slavery is, from school, from television documentaries, or from the movies. The abolition of slavery belongs to the triumphs of history. It is an integral component of the path to human rights, democracy, and a free society. And it belongs to history. That is, however, a huge mistake. This is due to the fact today there are more slaves now than in any other prior century. And most of them have been treated and moved around like goods on the global market. While classical slavery was abolished in the Western World by the first great human rights campaign in history, modern day slaves lack an advocate such as one finds in the debate over global warming. For that reason I am thankful to my readers that they are taking time to inform themselves essentially ‘in a nutshell’ about one of the worst present day atrocities that exists. The victims will also be thankful, because only through the aid of a large groundswell on the part of civil society can the battle against human trafficking again be placed among the highest priorities on the political agenda.”

There is a growing scholarly interest in human trafficking, particularly the trafficking of women and girls for the purposes of coerced sex work. However, the field is hindered by both inconsistent definitions of sex trafficking (some of which categorizes all sex work as trafficking) and unreliable methods for estimating the numbers of people who are trafficked. Further, there is a dearth of empirical data on the different types of exploitation involved in trafficking that would allow for an understanding of how trafficking may be part of a larger system of global labor exploitation. In this article we review the different ways that trafficking has been defined, how researchers have estimated the number of people who are trafficked, and the different underlying dynamics of trafficking identified in both scholarly and policy literatures. Using an epistemological framework from forced migration studies, we then suggest improved methods for defining and estimating sex trafficking.

There is a growing scholarly interest in human trafficking, particularly the trafficking of women and girls for the purposes of coerced sex work. However, the field is hindered by both inconsistent definitions of sex trafficking (some of which categorizes all sex work as trafficking) and unreliable methods for estimating the numbers of people who are trafficked. Further, there is a dearth of empirical data on the different types of exploitation involved in trafficking that would allow for an understanding of how trafficking may be part of a larger system of global labor exploitation. In this article we review the different ways that trafficking has been defined, how researchers have estimated the number of people who are trafficked, and the different underlying dynamics of trafficking identified in both scholarly and policy literatures. Using an epistemological framework from forced migration studies, we then suggest improved methods for defining and estimating sex trafficking.

ANNALS of Amer. Academy of Polit & Soc Science, volume 653, 2014

"This article evaluates four popular claims regarding human trafficking’s international magnitude, trends, and seriousness relative to other illicit global activities. I find that the claims are neither evidence-based nor verifiable. Second, an argument is made for carefully conducted microlevel research on trafficking. Several such studies are described, including the contributions to this volume of The ANNALS. I argue for microlevel research, which has advantages over grand, macrolevel claims—advantages that are both quantitative (i.e., identifying the magnitude of trafficking within a measurable context) and qualitative (i.e., documenting complexities in lived experiences)—and is better suited to formulating contextually appropriate policy and enforcement responses."