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2018
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TDR: The Drama Review , 2012
With reference to the ongoing economic "crisis," several European and American scholars discuss the concept and politics of precarity. As their conversation shows, precarity is inextricable from our ever-shifting understandings of bodies, labor, politics, the public sphere, space, life, the human, and what it means to live with others. The Virtual Roundtable is edited by Jasbir Puar.
Critical South Asian Studies, 2023
The past is a place of discovery, but it is also a setting for the stories we tell. Our desire for narrative and development and completion provides us with the past that, while often complex and contradictory, must be made ultimately comprehensible.
The New Social Division, 2015
Focussing on the conceptual evolution of precarious labour over the past three decades, this essay provides a genealogy of the notion of precarity. On the eve of the fourth industrial revolution, when precarity has become the norm and fears of a jobless society have alimented a dystopian imaginary for the future, this historical reconstruction seeks to identify those elements that have shaped the material conditions of workers as well as influenced their capacity of endurance in times of growing uncertainty.
Mapping Precariousness, Labour Insecurity and Uncertain Livelihoods, 2017
(just to name some of EuroMayDay's hotspots). 3 At the origin of this dynamic was a creative collective of Milanese subvertisers which had started networking social spaces in the city in 2001-2003, and started to interact with the rest of Italy and Europe, in order to reinterpret, in terms of discourse and communication, the meaning and purpose of International Workers' Day, in the light of the radical transformations in the economy and the workplace that had taken place due to the combined effects of neoliberal deregulation and information revolution. Our first ally was the Roman autonomous movement, which to this day has produced an interesting string of theoretical reflections on the precarious question. 4 All this would have been unthinkable without the hopes and energies raised by the Seattle-Genoa movement. With respect to the successor that inherited some of its characteristics, the revolutionary movement of 2011, the global justice movement involved fewer people but greatly extended its reach across borders to create a strongly motivated transnational community of activists, united by anarcho/autonomous ideology and willing to create a common style of struggle and set of demands (no borders, no discriminations, yes minimum wage, yes basic income), all this on a European scale, in the momentous years when euro bills entered people's wallets and the EU enlarged to the East. Anti-globalization activists were fewer than those mobilized by indignado-style radical populism, but managed to cover a wider range of issues-they never stopped to mobilize onto the next cause: from zapatismo to veganism, from queer rights to bicycle activism, from food sovereignty to financial transactions, from state repression to climate justice, and finally from international solidarity to global precarity, there was no issue that the motley coalition of black, pink, red, green activists (and hacktivists!) left unturned. 5
Learning Disabilities Research & Practice
We examined the effectiveness of a researcher-provided reading intervention with 484 fourth graders with significant reading difficulties. Students were randomly assigned to one year of intervention, two years of intervention, or a business-as-usual comparison condition (BAU). Students assigned to two years of intervention demonstrated significantly greater gains in reading fluency compared to students who received one year of intervention and the BAU group. Students in both the one-and two-year groups demonstrated similar and significantly larger gains in word reading in comparison to the BAU group. There were no statistically significant differences between the three groups on standardized measures of reading comprehension. We discuss these results in the context of research with late elementary and secondary students targeting reading comprehension.
2018
Cristi Bodea's book entitled Hiatus. Problema fenomenologică a inconștientului (Hiatus. The Phenomenological Problem of the Unconscious), which stands as the edited version of the author's PhD dissertation, defended at the Babeș-Bolyai University in Cluj-Napoca, Romania, under the supervision of Professor Virgil Ciomoș, focuses on the relationship between Jacques Lacan's psychoanalytical approach and Marc Richir's phenomenology, pursuing the articulations of the theme of the unconscious in both theories. In the phenomenological attempt of exhaustively conquering subjectivity as the ultimate source of meaning, the problem of the unconscious stands as a recent milestone, for it unveils an additional layer of subjectivity which seems to complete the scheme envisioned by an entire phenomenological tradition. Psychoanalysis, on the other hand, was the one to discover, and, thereafter, to bring into discussion the unconscious as the core structure of subjectivity. Consequently, the inquiries of both contemporary phenomenology and
Precarity as part of neoliberal capitalism
A new historical moment?
Precarity is often used to describe the late-twentieth century transformation of work from stable, full-time jobs toward a flexible labour regime, commonly identified as the shift from Fordism to post-Fordism. The Fordist compact points to the compromise between capital, labour unions, and states that was negotiated after workers led mass actions to organise national unions early in the twentieth century. Unionised workers won collective bargaining agreements that pegged increased productivity to job security, wage hikes, and benefit packages. In industrialised regions, largely in the Global North, Fordism was consolidated through Keynesian economic policies and welfare-state programs that managed capital's national-scale expansion and extended social protections for citizen-workers. The trifold processes of globalization, deindustrialization, and financialization in North America, western Europe, and Japan, followed by parallel political economic developments in post-socialist countries, dismantled this hegemonic arrangement. Neoliberal states passed legislation that wore down labour and social protections, capital sought ever cheaper and more flexible work arrangements, and unions lost members and power and were increasingly unable to protect workers. Precarity thus references the decline of Fordism and the anxiety, insecurity, and feelings of un-belonging in its wake.
The timeline of Fordism/Keynsianism to Post-Fordism/neoliberalism is used to identify precarity as a novel condition, but this narrative can elide as much as it elucidates. The Fordist arrangement was always limited in its scope and partial in its impact. Even within the U.S. (arguably Fordism's ideal case), whole segments of the population were excluded from the hegemonic deal between capitalist corporations and large-scale unions. Federal labour law in the U.S. did not grant protections or guarantee the right to organise to domestic and farm workers, among others. Since these unprotected labourers were disproportionately women, African Americans, and immigrants, Fordist stability was largely the preserve of white men.
African American women domestic workers from the colonial to the contemporary era were not covered by paternalistic codes, state protections, or unions (Mullings 1986 their anxiety, and they amass overtime during periods of heavy production to safeguard against down times. Moreover, when their plant is in jeopardy or closes, autoworkers relocate to other facilities, sometimes multiple times over the course of their lives and far from their homes, thereby separating them from family and social networks, isolating them, and weakening the union's power (Kasmir 2014). These observations suggest that precarity is not only a late-twentieth century consequence of the neoliberal state polities that facilitated deregulated, mobile capital. There was insecurity too under Fordism, both for those left out of the Fordist compact and for those within it.
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