Salieri's "Così fan tutte"
Author(s): Bruce Alan Brown and John A. Rice
Source: Cambridge Opera Journal, Vol. 8, No. 1 (Mar., 1996), pp. 17-43
Published by: Cambridge University Press
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/823700 .
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Press
Cambridge
Journal,
8, 1, 17-43 ? 1996Cambridge
Opera
University
Salieri'sCos fantutte
BRUCE
ALAN BROWN
and JOHN A. RICE
The severalcontradictory,
and even apologetic,explanationsthatwere put forward
ossiaLa scotadegliamantiin the years
concerningthe originsof Mozart's Cosifantutte,
in
its
1790
reflect
both
the dearth of hard information
following
premiere
the
to
and
the
commission
unease with which the postMozart,
concerning
era
this
most
of
comic operas. One of the
Josephinian
greeted
unsettling
composer's firstbiographers,Franz Xaver Nemetschek,wrote:
In theyear1789 in themonthof DecemberMozartwrotetheItaliancomicopera Cosifan
or 'The School forLovers';people areuniversally
amazedthatthisgreatgeniuscould
tutte,
condescendto wastehis heavenlysweetmelodieson such a miserableand clumsytext.It
was not in his powerto refusethecommission,
to him.1
and thetextwas givenexpressly
Constanze Mozart's second husband, Georg Nikolaus von Nissen, repeated
Nemetschek's assertionin his biographyof the composer,2and in 1837 the theatre
criticFriedrichHeinse sketchedin furtherdetails,claimingthat
... Mozartwas in factexpresslycommissionedbyJosephII to compose preciselythis
libretto.Accordingto a rumour,an incidentthathad actuallyhappenedat thattimein
Viennabetweentwoofficers
and theirlovers,whichwas similarto theplotof thelibretto,
offeredthe emperorthe occasion of honouringhis courtpoet Guemara [sic.;Heinse
confusesDa Pontewithone of hissuccessors,Giovannide Gamerra]withthecommission
to makethispiece of gossipintoa Dramagiocoso
da mettersi
inmusica.3
This seems unlikely.The attentionthat the emperor devoted to opera declined
markedlyin the final two years of his life, as his health failed, and his military
campaign against the Turks absorbed what little of his energies remained.
See Nemetschek,
desk. k. Kapellmeisters
aus
Amadeus
Wolfgang
Mozart,
Lebensbeschreibung
(Prague,1808;rpt.Leipzig,1978),43: 'In demJahre1789im MonatDecember
Orginalquellen
schriebMozartdas italienische
komischeSingspiel,
oderdie SchulederLiebenden;
Cosifantutte,
manwundertsichallgemein,
wie dergroBeGeistsichherablassen
konnte,an ein so elendes
Machwerk
von Textseinehimmlisch
siuBenMelodienzu verschwenden.
Es standnichtin seiner
und derTextwardihmausdriicklich
Gewalt,den Auftrag
abzulehnen,
(All
aufgetragen.'
translations
arethoseof theauthorsunlessotherwise
noted.)The overlyprecisedateof
December1789 perhapsreflects
Nemetschek's
awarenessof theearliestmentionof theopera
an entry
in his thematic
allermeinerWerke')
byMozarthimself,
catalogue('VerzeichnifuB
duringthatmonthfortherejectedaria'Rivolgetea luilo sguardo'forGuilelmo.
2
nachOriginalbriefen,
GeorgNikolausvon Nissen,Anhangu W.A. Mogarts
Biographie,
allesiiberihnGeschriebenen,
mitvielen
neuen
Musikbliittern
und
Steindricken,
Sammlungen
Beylagen,
einem
ed. ConstanzeMozartNissen (Leipzig,1828; rpt.Hildesheim,1964), 92-3.
Facsimile,
3 Friedrich
nebstdramaturgischen
BlOttern.
1. Teil(Leipzig,1837),
Heinse,Reise-undLebens-Ski,Zen
der
derAkademie
183ff.,
quotedin KurtKramer,'Da Pontes"Cosi fantutte"',Nachrichten
in Gdttingen,
1. Philologisch-historische
Klasse,Jhrg.1973,No. 1 (Gottingen,
Wissenschaften
mitder Composition
1973), 1-27 (4): '... Mozartnamlichvon JosephII. ausdrucklich
wordenist.Einem Geriichtnach hatteeine zwischenzwei
geradediesesLibrettosbeauftragt
Offizieren
und derenGeliebtendamalsin Wienwirklich
dem Intrecciodes
vorgefallene,
TextbuchesahnlicheStadtgeschichte
dem KaiserVeranlassung
geboten,seinenHofpoeten
Guemaramitder Kommissionzu beehren,aus dieserKlatschereiein Drama giocoso da
in musicazu machen.'
mettersi
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18
BruceAlan Brownand JohnA. Rice
Furthermore,the emperor'sopinion as of 1788 was thatMozart's music was 'too
difficultfor the voice'.4
We are not on any firmergroundwithrespectto Da Ponte's own accountsof the
versionof his
da Ponte(a preliminary
theLifeofLorenEo
opera'sgenesis.In hisExtractfrom
memoirs),publishedin 1819, the poet includedwhat is clearlya fabricatedletterin
whichMozart,reporting
to his collaboratoron thetriumphant
premiereof Don Giovanni
in Prague,asks him to 'Prepareanother
Da Ponte adds:
MoZart'.
opera
foryourfriend
I was so happyof theopportunity,
thatalthoughI had on handat thattime[October1787]
I didnotneglectmyfavourite
twootherdramas,nevertheless
Mozart,andin lessthanthree
monthsI gave a tragicomicdrama,entitledAssur,king of Ormus, to Salieri,... an
heroicomicto Martini,
calledL'Arboredi Diana, and a comicoperato Mozart,withthetitle
in Vienna,in Prague,in Dresden,and for
of La scola degliAmanti,whichwas represented
severalyearsin Paris,withunboundedapplause.5
His claims withregardto the opera's success in Dresden and Paris are exaggerated,
to say theleast.And not onlyis the sequence of worksherewrong (L'arborediDiana
had in factpreceded Don Giovanni),but this explanationis also at variancewith the
one Da Ponte offersin his Italian Memorie.
There La scoladegliamanti- Da Ponte's
title
for
Cosi
is
said
to
have
resulted
fromhis liaison with the singer
preferred
Adriana Ferraresedel Bene - the firstFiordiligi,who had only arrivedin Vienna in
the latterpart of 1788:
... to mymisfortune,
who without
therearrived[inVienna]a singer,
havinganygreatclaims
to beauty,
me first
of allbyhervoice;later,as sheshowedgreatpropensity
towards
delighted
inlovewithher.... For herI wroteIlpastorfido
andLa cifra
withmusic
me,I endedbyfalling
bySalieri,twooperasthatmarkedno epochin theannalsof his musicalglory,thoughthey
werein manypartsverybeautiful;
and La scoladegliamanti,withmusicbyMozart,a drama
whichholdsthirdplace amongthesistersbornof thatmostcelebrated
father
of harmony.6
In neitheraccount does Da Ponte offerany words on the actual content of the
libretto.This standsin contrastto the relativeabundance of self-serving
analysisand
anecdotal detail concerningLe no.gedi Figaro,Don Giovanni,
and manyother of his
libretti,in both the Extractand the Memorie.
The literarysaturationof the librettoof Cosifan tutte
is so pronounced as to make
Heinse's notion of an originin a Viennese Stadtgeschichte,
and Da Ponte's claims
regardinghis muse Ferrarese,almost beside the point. A textthatdraws as heavily
as does Cosi upon mythology(via Ovid and Boccaccio) and Renaissance pastoral
and epic poetry(by Sannazaro and Ariosto) would not seem especiallycongenialto
4
Letterof 16 May1788to CountFranzOrsini-Rosenberg,
quotedin RudolfPayervon
5 Thurn,Joseph
II. als Theaterdirektor
(Viennaand Leipzig,1920), 75.
Da Ponte,An Extract
withtheHistory
DramasWritten
fromtheLifeofLorenzoda Ponte,
ofSeveral
II Don Giovanni,
& La scoladegliamanti:
II Figaro,
others,
SettoMusicby
byHim,andamong
6
(NewYork,1819),19-20.
Mozart
Da Ponte,Memorie,
ed. CesarePagnini
(Milan,1960),135:'Permiadisgrazia
capit6una
midilett6
cantante,
che,senzaaveregranpregiodi bellezza,
priacol suo canto;indi,
mostrando
... Scrissi
granpropensione
perme,finiicoll'innamorarmene.
II
perlei
lpastorfido
e La cifra
conmusicadi Salieri,
chenonformaron
drammi
di
epocanellegloriemusicali
e La scoladegli
conmusicadi Mozzart,
amanti,
quello,sebbeneinvariepartibellissime;
chetieneil terzoloco trale sorellenateda quelceleberrimo
dramma
padredell'armonia.'
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Salieri'sCos fantutte
19
Mozart, who had once declared that a comic opera was no place for anything
'learned'.7But in Vienna at thistime therewas anothercomposer of opera buffaAntonio Salieri - who, by virtueof his keen literaryinterests,was a more logical
recipientof a text such as Cosifan tutte.Evidence that he was in fact intimately
involved in the genesis of what would become Mozart's finalopera buffahas long
lain close at hand, thoughwithoutattractingthe attentionit deserved.
1
One eyewitnessto the creation of Cosifan tuttewas the young composer Joseph
Eybler, who helped coach the temperamentalleading ladies while Mozart hastily
finishedthe scoring.8Another witness was none other than Constanze Mozart.
During the summerof 1829 the music publisherVincentNovello and his wifeMary,
both ardentlovers of Mozart's music,travelledto Salzburgto offerassistanceto the
composer's elderlyand indigentsister;while there,and in Vienna, theyinterviewed
Mozart's widow and as many others as theycould findwho had known Mozart,
withthe intentionof writinga biographybased on the materialsgathered.Although
the Novellos' plan fora Mozart biographywas neverrealised,theirsurvivingtravel
diariesrepresentan importantsource of informationabout Mozart and his circle.9
Constanze Nissen (or 'Constance de Nissen Veuve Mozart', as she signedher name
into their autograph album),10 resident in Salzburg since 1820, spoke with the
Letterof 16 June1781 to Leopold Mozart,in MoZartBriefe
ed. Wilhelm
undAufgeichnungen,
A. Bauer,Otto ErichDeutsch andJosephHeinz Eibl, 7 vols. (Kassel, 1962-75), III, 132.
Prominent
of Cosi'sliterary
contentare ErnstGombrich,'Cosifantutte
amongexplorations
andCourtauld
17 (1954), 372-4; the
(ProcrisIncluded)',Journal
Institutes,
oftheWarburg
discussionof the operain CharlesRosen's TheClassicalStle (New York,1971), 314-17; the
above-citedarticleby KurtKramer;AndrewSteptoe,'The Sourcesof Cosifantutte:
A
62 (1981), 281-94 (laterincorporated
intoChapter6 of The
Reappraisal',Music& Letters,
PonteOperas:TheCultural
andMusicalBackground
toLe nozzediFigaro,Don Giovanni,
MoZart-Da
andCosifantutte
Librettisti
e libretti
traSette
e
[Oxford,1988]); Daniela Goldin,La verafenice:
Ottocento
(Turin,1985), 116-29; Chapters13 and 14 of Daniel Heartz,MoZart's
Operas,
ed.,
withcontributing
essays,by Thomas Bauman(Berkeleyand Los Angeles,1990); and the as
yetunpublishedstudyby ElizabethM. Dunstan,'Da Ponte and Ariosto'.See also Bruce
Alan Brown,W A. MoZart.Cosifantutte
(Cambridge,1995), 57-81.
8 Friedrich
zur Recensionvon Eyblers
Rochlitz,'Nachschrift
musikalische
Requiem',
Allgemeine
28: 21 (24 May 1826), cols. 337-40 (338-9): 'Denn als Mozartdie Oper Cosifan
Zeitung,
tutte
noch nichtfertig
schrieb,und mitdem Instrumentiren
war,gleichwohldie Zeit drangte:
so ersuchteer mich,die Gesang-proben
zu haltenund besondersdie beydenSingerinnen,
Ferareseund Villeneuve,einzustudiren;
wo ich Gelegenheit
vollauffand,das Theaterleben,
mitseinenUnruhen,Kabalen u. dgl.m. kennenzu lernen...' (For whenMozartwas
the opera Cosifantutte,
and was not yetfinished
withthe scoring,and timewas
writing
and particularly
short,he askedme to conductthevocal rehearsals,
to coach the singers
Ferareseund Villeneuve,wherebyI had morethanenoughopportunity
to become
and withits disturbances,
acquaintedwithlifein thetheatre,
cabals,and so forth...).
& Mary
DiariesofVincent
9 Vincentand MaryNovello,A MozartPilgrimage.
BeingtheTravel
Novelloin theYear1829,ed. RosemaryHughesand NerinaMedicidi Marignano(London,
1955).
10 See PamelaWeston,'VincentNovello's
and Commentary',
in
AutographAlbum:Inventory
Music& Letters,
75 (1994), 365-80 (367). Westonnotes (374) thatConstanzeMozart
Nissen conversedwiththeNovellos mainlyin French.
7
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20
BruceAlan Brownand JohnA. Rice
Novellos on several occasions duringtheirstay from 12 to 17 July.Many of her
statements,as paraphrasedby the Novellos, can be verifiedby othersources; others
have the ringof truth.
Among the many subjects upon which the Novellos' conversationswith the
widow Mozart touched was Salieri's attitudetowards Mozart, which prompted
Constanze to speak of Cosifantutte.
MaryNovello paraphrasedConstanze's remarks
as follows:'July15th. Salieri's enmityarose fromMozart's settingthe Cosifantutte
which he had originallycommenced and given up as unworthy[of] musical invention.'l1The 'of' herewas suppliededitorially,
when the Novellos' diarieswere finally
publishedin 1955, and probablyreflectsthe manyopprobriouscommentsthathave
been levelled againstthe opera's librettofromMozart's time onward. But Vincent
Novello's more ample paraphraseof Constanze's commentstends to confirmthat
not his collaborator's:
was withhis own efforts,
Salieri'sdissatisfaction
Salieri firsttried to set this opera but failed,and the great success of Mozart in
whathe could makenothingof is supposedto have excitedhis envyand
accomplishing
been the firstoriginof his enmityand malicetowardsMozart...
and
have
hatred,
NeitherMozart's nor Salieri'sbiographershave taken much notice of Constanze's
declaration,despite its resonance with Mozart's mentionof 'Salieri's cabals, which
however have all come to naught',in a letterinvitinghis Masonic brotherMichael
Puchbergto a rehearsalof Cosi.2 This scholarlyscepticismmaybe due partlyto the
factthat- if one believes Mozart - Salieribegan to act maliciouslytowardsMozart
as earlyas 1783 (the episode surroundingthe replacementarias thatMozart wrote
and partlybecause physicalevidence supporting
for Anfossi's II curioso
indiscreto)13
Constanze's statementhas been lacking.But such evidence has recentlycome to
lightin the formof a musical manuscriptin Salieri'shand thatrecordshis attempt
to set the librettothatDa Ponte entitledLa scoladegliamantibut thatlater,as set by
Mozart, came to be known as Cosifan tutte.
The card catalogue of the Musiksammlungin the OsterreichischeNationalbibliothek in Vienna documents the library'sextensive collection of Salieri's music
manuscripts,includingmany autographs.Under the subheading'Terzette' is a card
thatrecordsthe textincipitsof two such pieces: 'E la fededelle femine'(sic) and 'La
mia Dorabella', with the furtherannotation'Cosi fan tutte'.14The manuscriptto
which thiscard refers,S.m. 4531, is in Salieri'shand throughout.That it has failedto
1
12
13
14
127.
Novello,A MozartPilgrimage,
H. C. RobbinsLandon,forinstance,quoteswithoutcommenttheremarksof Mary
on the originsof Cosifantutte,
in Mozart:TheGolden
Novello,alongwithotherstatements
to Puchberg,
Years,1781-1791(London and New York,1989), 174. Mozart'sinvitation
fromthe end of December1789,is wordedas follows:'Donnerstagaberlade ich Sie (aber
nurSie allein)um 10 Uhr Vormittag
zu mirein,zu einerkleinenOper= Probe;- nurSie
und Haydnlade ich dazu. - Miindlichwerdeich IhnenCabalenvon Salierierziihlen,
die
aberalle schonzu Wassergewordensind-' (MogartBriefe,
IV, 100).
See Mozart'sletterto his fatherof 2 July1783,in Mozart:Briefe,
III, 276-7.
The manuscript
to theMusiksammlung
fromthe formerHofkapellein
was transferred
to Dr
1929,at whichtimeit was givena standardlibrary
binding.The authorsare grateful
RitaSteblinof Viennaforcheckingthe accuracyof our transcription
of the cataloguecard,
and forsupplying
information
on thelibrary's
acquisitionof themanuscript.
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Salieri'sCosifantutte
21
ofAntonioSalieri's
fromtheautograph
Plate1. The first
pageof 'E la fededellefemmine'
S.m.
tutte
(A-Wn,
4531)
Cosifan
but thatstudentsof Salieri's
attracttheattentionof Mozart scholarsis not surprising;
music have not noticed it calls for some explanation.Those who have browsed
throughthe catalogue of the Musiksammlung'sholdingsof Salieri'soperaticmusic
have naturallyfocused on completedworks,not the manyindividualnumbers,or
has
collectionsof these,whichare cataloguedseparately.Only RudolphAngermiiller
list
includes
several
secular
vocal
works.
His
to
list
Salieri's
attempted
complete
terzettiin the archive of the Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde,the other great
repositoryof Salieri'sautographmanuscripts,5but not 'E la fededelle fem[m]ine'or
'La mia Dorabella'. Nor do thesenumbersappearin hislistof 'Varia',whichincludes
some fragments
and beginningsof operas thatwere neverbroughtto completion.
S.m. 4531 consistsof eightoblong folios,withSalieri'ssignature- 'd'Ant. Salieri'
- at the upper rightof folio 1' (see Plate 1).16 The terzettiare bound in reverse
order,compared to thatin Mozart's Cosi. 'E la fede delle fem[m]ine'is writtenon
folios 1 to 4r, and 'La mia Dorabella' occupies folios 5r to 8v; on folio4v (the back
of the leaf on which 'E la fede' concludes) thereis a short recitativebeginning
15
16
unter
SeinLeben
Werke
Salieri:
undseine
Antonio
besonderer
wveltlichen
Rudolph
Angermiiller,
vol.I.
Thissameformofsignature
is to be foundon otherofSalieri's
scores,
autograph
ormiscellaneous
thoseofdetached
particularly
pieces- e.g.,thearia'Sentol'amicospeme'
thecomposer's
collection
ofnumbers
from
fromthedisorderly
1782;
Semiramide
(Munich,
A-Wn,Mus.Hs. 16605).The fullscoreofLa locandiera
(Vienna,1773;A-Wn,Mus.Hs.
in thisfashion.
16179)is alsosignedbySalieri
3 vols.(Munich,
seiner
Opern,
1971-4),
'grojYen'
Ber6cksichtigung
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BruceAlan Brownand JohnA. Rice
22
NB. Si canliprimail RecidLch'bscilto nell'
raciata.
44n-f-aa
idulima
Corno
ind
VV
II
D
24YY
Ob:
I
AM l=
I
-J
Vq!~
d'Ant.Salieri
"n
.
1,=2
I
,
II
I
"~
r .
Df
=.
I
'
I
1
h
I
I
I
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I
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I i~,
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Ve
Vr - - - * I
Fag.
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-
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Guilclmo
Unpox andante.
r
IJ D r
'pIf
)A,l,gonsoPI'
-
la
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fe
-
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fe - mi-ne
co- me
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tI
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--
(?JJ
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-r
-
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Fe - ni -
ce:
che vi
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-
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i
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-
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1 A
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Ex. 1 AntonioSalieri,'E la fededelle femmine'(transcription,
in shortscore)
'Terminiamo una volta' and, afterthe recitative,the instructions'segue subito - E
la fede delle ferine' (see Plate 3, below). Reinforcingthis instructionis another
note in Salieri'shand at the top of folio 1r:'NB. Si cantiprimail Recit0ch'e scritto
nell' [cancelled:]altrafacciata[added later:]ultimafacciata'.At present,the firstfour
folios comprisea bifoliumflankedby two loose sheets;whetherthe latteroriginally
formed another bifolium is impossible to say without dismantlingthe modern
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
23
Salieri's Cosifan tutte
4_-
- LFe-ni
La
Fc-nice-
Do-ra - be
belI. - la.
cee D-
'
(
if, T, pP '
La Fe-ni
NonI
sa.
A:'J
i
Ar $'
*jjtr.r r
1,r
ri rei F
i
$'
A
-
I
p
cec Fior-di - li - gi.
Non e
-
quel quel
LP
'
r
inF
p
r
In,
la,
non
none
$^
Ex. 1 (cont'd)
binding. The torso of 'La mia Dorabella' fills two nested bifolia. 'E la fede' is
complete,and in fullscore,withan accompanimentof strings,oboes, bassoons and
horns in D. For 'La mia Dorabella' only the vocal parts have been entered,up to
bar 65, at the end of folio 8v,at which point the manuscriptbreaks off;presumably
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All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Bruce Alan Brown and John A. Rice
24
oftas 2
a* ensd alleaelais
V
22
-
I-I
-
kL
bk
*L25
I
k
-:71
La Fe-.
L F-ni- ce Fio-di-
L Fe -
di - ce;
i - a,
o
_j^g
doe
;..
'JTIf_h_
-"
'''
I '_
P
-
si
su
b
nes-ma
C---.
--
7
+'~
do- ve
a,
'
t
r
*ended aftercacdlhaioa of bar27a
j
ni -
ps p-
~1
p
cea
Y
Do-ra-li-
r
ce.
p
- ce Fior-di-li- gi.
ni
.??f
s i1
do- ve
nes-sun
-, /._
3 J
I.hnbs
+obs.,
---o-
o
pip'
-----
ni
no,
-
-
sa,
Do-ra-li- ce.
Nr
P,
-
t
-
do - ve
bos.
P
I
I
-
_I
I
J
1
r-rrrr,
r
~
DL
a.
nos - m
vi
lv
-i.b
I
pPPD r
cee Fior-di-li - gi.
P
7
-
p-vp p
ce
naa
a+oba.,
tri.g,
srings,
bsn.
f
.
ni -
Fior-di-li - gi la
La Fe-
sia
JB
lla
^ pp.II
P \ IJ v E~1
sa,
sia
La Fe-
^
JJ
Y v1
SJj|I
?
j
r
P
t
F
r.r
r
1
/
v
iRi
fI
Ex. 1 (cont'd)
this is all that survives of what was once a complete draft.There are marginal
indicationsforan orchestraof strings,oboes and horns in B b, but Salieriwrote out
onlythe firsttwo bars of the firstviolin part,and less than a bar of the bass (b. 51).
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Salieri'sCosifantutte
25
Saliericomposedthetwo numberson at leasttwo different
kindsof paper,one
of whichMozartis knownalso to have used. 'La mia Dorabella' is on paper
thatAlan Tyson designatedas no. 100 in his catalogueof
showinga watermark
in Mozart'sautographscores;thiswas thesecondof thetwo typesof
watermarks
and in severalotherworks
paper used by Mozart for most of Cosifan tutte,
from
1789
until
before
his
death.17
Salieriused the same paper
composed
shortly
also in partsof the autographscore of La cifra,
firstperformed
on 11 December
1789 (A-Wn,Mus. Hs. 16514). The appearanceof Watermark
no. 100 in the
score
of
Salieri's
terzetti
does
not
in
itself
the
autograph
pinpoint date of their
but
that
their
was
to La cifra
and
composition, suggests
origin roughly
contemporary
to Mozart'sCosi.
MozartcompletedCosishortlybeforeits premiereon 26 January1790; in his
thematic
cataloguehe datedtheopera'imJenner'.His entryfromDecember1789
thearia'Rivolgetea luilo sguardo'as havingoriginally
been 'meantfor
describing
the opera Cosi fan tutte,for Benucci', is clearlyfrom a late stage of the
titleof theoperahad already
compositional
process- bywhichtimethedefinitive
been decidedupon.It is unlikely
thatSalieriwouldhavebeguncomposingLa scola
degliamantiafterthe completionof La cfra(premieredon 11 December 1789),
because by thenMozartwas certainly
faralong withhis settingof the libretto.
that
Salieri
was
Assuming
busy with La cfraat least fromthe beginningof
Novemberuntilthepremiere,
and thatDa Pontedidin factwritehislibretto
with
Ferraresein mind,Salieriprobablybeganand thenbrokeoffthe compositionof
La scoladegliamanti
sometimebetweenhis mistress's
Viennesedebut(13 October
and
November
1789.
As
shall
be
seen
the periodduring
1788)
early
presently,
whichSalieriworkedon theprojectmayactuallyhave been considerably
shorter
thanthis.
Thereare good reasonsforsupposingthatDa Ponte mighthave intendedthe
librettoof La scoladegliamanti
forSalieriratherthanforMozart.Foremostamong
themis the close accord betweenthe natureof the textand Salieri'sliterary
andinterests.
In hismemoirs,
thelibrettist
describesSalierias 'cultivated,
knowledge
and learned,thougha composer,and extremely
enamouredof literati'.18
Such
unusualin a composer,was theresultof a carefulprogramme
erudition,
of training
in
(supervisedby Salieri'smentorFlorianGassmann),whichincludedinstruction
Latinand in Italianpoetry;theyoungSalieriwas also in frequent
contactwiththe
17
18
The paper of watermark
no. 100 correspondsto 'Type II' in Tyson's analysisof
used in Cosi,in Mozart:Studies
Scores
paper-types
oftheAutograph
(Cambridge,Mass., and
London, 1987), 180-3. The firstcompletedand datedworkthatMozartwroteon this
K. 580 (17 September1789). See
paperwas the aria 'Schon lachtder holde Friihling',
Alan Tyson,Dokumentation
derautographen
in Mozart,Neue
Uberlieferung:
Wasserteichen-Katalog,
X: 33/2 (Kassel, 1992), 47-8. Survivingexamplesof thispaper
Werke,
Ausgabesaimtlicher
amongMozart'sautographsare all ruledwithtwelvestaves,whereasthe score of Salieri's
piece has onlyten;as Tyson suggestselsewhere(227), Mozartmayhave maintaineda
stockof unruledpaper,portionsof whichhe took to a musicshop forrulingfromtime
to time.
Da Ponte,Memorie,
91: 'colto,dotto,sebbenemaestrodi cappella,ed amantissimo
de'
letterati'.
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26
BruceAlan BrownandJohnA. Rice
imperial poet Metastasio and other Italian librettistsresidentin Vienna. Among
Salieri'sItalian operas - both serious and comic - works derivedfromor parodying
higherformsof literaturefigureprominently.His 1789 settingof Ilpastorfido,Da
Ponte's operaticadaptationof Guarini's pastoralepic, has alreadybeen mentioned.
Salieri'sfirstwork forthe stage,Le donneletterate
of 1770, was also overtlyliteraryin
content,with a cast that included choruses of 'Letterati'and scholars in doctoral
robes. The work's librettist,
Giovanni Gastone Boccherini,collaboratedwithSalieri
two years later to produce La secchiarapita(The stolen bucket), aftera 'poema
eroicomico' by the late Renaissance writer Alessandro Tassoni. Boccherini's
libretto,like its model, mocked the style of epics by poets such as Homer and
Ariosto;extendingthisparodyin a more musical direction,Boccherinialso included
humorous imitationsof favouriteMetastasianarias. Several otherlibrettiofferedto
Salierifairlybristlewithliteraryreferences- Da Ponte's II riccod'ungiorno
(1784), for
instance,withits 'sentenza' quoted fromCato (1.2), and GiambattistaCasti's Prima
la musicaepoi leparole(1786), which alludes to two charactersfromAriosto's Orlando
furioso(in Scene 5).
This much is suggestiveof a composer eager to associate himselfwithlibrettiof
some literaryostentation,in a genre where this was not always expected. In the
realm of serious opera, too, Salieri was anxious that posterityregardhim as well
versed in the highergenresof literature,
which librettists
regularlymined forsource
material.As he did withmanyof his operaticworks,late in lifeSalieriread through
and annotated his autograph score to Armida (1771, on a libretto by Marco
Coltellini),explaininghis compositional goals and methods:
Alreadyat that[young]age I had acquiredthehabit,in settingto musicpoetrytakenfrom
or fromsome othersource,of readingthepoem or storyfromwhichthepoet had
history
drawnhis subjectduringtheentiretimeI was composing.Readingthosecantosof Tasso's
Gerusalemme
liberata
thatinvolveRinaldoon the island of Armidagave me the idea of
fortheoverture
ofthisopera,as a preface[antisoggetto]
.. .19
composinga sortofpantomime
One supposes thatin embarkingon a settingof La scoladegliamantiSalieriread (or
reread) that other great Renaissance epic, Orlandofurioso,which was one of the
principalsources for Da Ponte's libretto.
Anotherfeatureof Da Ponte's librettothatpoints to Salieriis its originaltitle,La
scoladegliamanti.Da Ponte never departed fromcallingthe opera by this title,even
when referring,
manyyearslater,to Mozart's setting.Da Ponte may have intended
not only the libretto'soriginaltitle (with its distinctivespelling 'scola') but also
several aspects of the plot as referencesto the opera with which Joseph's comic
troupe introduceditselfin 1783: Salieri'sLa scolade'gelosi,on a textby Da Ponte's
19
A-Wn,Mus. Hs. 16517: 'Gia d'allora[i.e.,'in frescaet'] pigliaiil costume,mettendoin
musicapoesia tiratadalla storiao d'altrafonte,di legger,per tuttoil tempoche componevo,
il Poema e la storiada cui il Poeta avea tiratoil suo soggetto.La letturadei Cantinella
Gerusalemmeliberatadel Tasso che riguardano
Rinaldonell'Isolad'Armida,mi han fatto
venirl'idea di comporper sinfoniadi quest'operauna speciedi Pantomima,come un
antisoggetto.'
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Salieri'sCos fantutte
27
friendand mentorCaterino Mazzola.20 In this opera, the attemptsof the amorous
Count to seduce the middle-classErnestinainflamethe jealousyof both his wifethe
Countess and Ernestina'shusband Blasio. The lieutenant,the teacherof thisschool,
advises Blasio and the Countess to make their spouses jealous. He is a man of
experience,playinga role analogous to thatof Don Alfonso in La scoladegliamanti.
Like Alfonso, he coveys his knowledge of women in the formof a maxim:
Chi vuol nellafemmina
Trovarfedelta,
La lasci padrona
Di sua liberta.
who
wishes
to
find
in a woman shouldallow her to remainmistressof her
(He
fidelity
liberty.)
The lieutenant'smaxim appears - always in G major and accompanied by two
horns - at the beginningand end of his aria 'Chi vuol nella femmina',and again,
quoted by the servantLumaca, in the finaleof Act II.
Don Alfonso gives a similarlyepigrammaticlesson on the fidelityof women in
the opening scene of La scoladegliamanti,in the terzetto'E la fede delle femmine',
whichtakesits firstquatrain(withone crucialalterationin the firstline) froman aria
in Metastasio's Demetrioof 1731 (III.3):
E fededegliamanti
Come l'arabafenice:
Che vi sia, ciascunlo dice;
Dove sia, nessunlo sa.
(The faithof loversis liketheArabianphoenix;everyonesaysit exists,butno one knows
whereto findit.)
Althoughthe phoenix-metaphor(or simile) was ubiquitous in Classical and Italian
literature- appearing,for example, in the frameto a tale in Orlandofuriosoupon
which Da Ponte drew in composing La scola degliamanti,both Goldoni and Da
Ponte had earlierquoted or paraphrasedthis specificMetastasianversion,with the
expectation that their audiences would recognise it.21 Salieri had shown himself
partialto Metastasian quotation and parody earlierin his career as well, with La
secchiarapitaof 1772. Even in the single German Singspiel
he wrote for Joseph's
of 1781, Salieri managed to create opporNationaltheater,Der Rauchfangkehrer
tunities for settings of Metastasian verses from both Attilio Regoloand Didone
Mazzola's and Salieri'sopera had firstbeen performed
in Venice duringCarnival1779.
French'ecole' plays(i.e., withthiswordin theirtitles)faroutnumberItalian'scuola' (or
WhenDa PontewroteLa scoladegliamanti
'scola') libretti.
onlya handfulof such operas
had been performed;
see Claudio Sartori,I libretti
italiania stampadalleorigini
al 1800,7 vols
(Cuneo, 1990-94), V, 160-6. These worksincluded,as it happens,an opera entitledLa
scoladegliamanti
by GiuseppePalombowhich,withmusicby Giacomo Tritto,was givenin
Naples in 1783 and in Palermoin 1784.
2Goldoni quoted thequatrainin La scuolamodema
of 1748; see Heartz,Mozart'sOperas,
229.
Da Ponte'searliestuse of thismaximwas in his firstlibrettoforVienna- and forSalieri,II
ricco
d'ungiomoof 1784 (II.9, Giacintoto Emilia): 'Siete savissima,/Ciascun
lo dice,/Siete
l'arabica/RaraFenice.'
20
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28
BruceAlan Brownand JohnA. Rice
abbandonata.22
(One assumesthatSalieri'ssuggestion
laybehindhislibrettist
Joseph
the
an Italianchimneysweep,
character
of
title
ploy making
LeopoldAuenbrugger's
singingteacher,and formerstudentof Metastasio's'caro gemello',the castrato
Mozartknewand respectedMetastasio'sworks(as is clearfromthe
Farinelli).23
butthereis no examplein hiscomicoperas,
Idomeneo),
correspondence
surrounding
of
overt
to
Cosi
fantutte,
quotationor parodyof his ariatexts,as thereis in
prior
Salieri'sceuvre.
If thelibrettoforLa scoladegliamanti
showsaffinities
to textspreviously
set by
in itsfinalformas Cosifantutte
Salieri,and to thetitleof one of themin particular,
it also containspointedreferences,
both textualand musical,to his own and
The mostobviousofthesereferences
is the
Mozart'searlieroperaLe nogediFigaro.
mottoof the title,takenfromthe lines 'Cosi fantuttele belle,/Nonc'e alcuna
novita'whichBasilio singsin No. 7 of Figaro,commenting
on CountAlmaviva's
in
from
of
Cherubino
Susanna's
chambers.
Evidence
Mozart'sautograph
discovery
scoreof Cosisuggeststhattheopera's'lesson'(No. 30), whichendswiththewords
'Cosi fantutte'sungbyAlfonsoto a deceptivecadenceand repeatedbytheofficers
latein the
to an emphaticfullcadence,was incorporated
intoLa scoladegliamanti
at
Mozart's
We
cannot
know,
compositional
process,perhaps
given
suggestion.24
the fragmentary
natureof Salieri'ssetting,
whetherthe librettoalreadycontained
thesewordsat thetimehe receivedit.ButMozartgavethemottogreatprominence
itwas also probablyalso Mozartwho
byusingitas a frameforhisopera'sOverture;
chose themottoas theopera'sprimary
tide,movingDa Ponte'soriginaltitleto a
advertised
it as
subsidiary
position.The posterforthe opera's firstperformance
in
'COSI FAN TUTTE,/O SIA:/LA SCOLA DEGLI AMANTI' (thealternative
letters
smaller
title
thanthoseof themaintitle).WiththischangeMozart(presumably)
obscuredthe
libretto's
references
to La scolade'gelosi
and puthis personalstampon thelibretto
witha tite recallingone of his own operasratherthanone of Salieri's.
2
The Nationalbibliothek
manuscript
suggeststhatSalieristartedLa scoladegliamanti
at thebeginning,
as was his usualpractice.Salierirecordedin an autobiographical
sketchhowhe wentaboutthecomposition
ofhisfirst
comicopera,Le donne
letterate,
in 1769. Havingfirstdevelopeda tonalplan fortheentireopera,he writes,
I feltan irresistible
often
urgeto set to musictheopera'sintrodu!ione
[theensemble,
withwhichoperebuffe
oftheperiodgenerally
I
tried
to
as
multipartite,
opened].
imagine
as possiblethepersonalities
ofthecharacters
andthesituations
inwhichtheyfound
vividly
andright
motif
thatseemedtometocarry
andunify
themselves,
awayI foundanorchestral
thepiece'svocalline,whichwasfragmentary
onaccount
ofthetext.I nowimagined
myself
in theparterre,
I triedthem
myideasbeingperformed;
hearing
theyseemedin character;
22
23
24
The piecesin questionare thearia'Se pii feliceoggetto'fromthe first-named
opera,and the
recitative
no' fromthesecond.
'Basta,vinceste:eccotiil foglio'and aria'Ah non lasciarmi,
See VolkmarBraunbehrens,
Master:TheRealStory
trans.EvelineL.
Maligned
Salieri,
ofAntonio
Kanes (New York,1992), 75, 273.
See Tyson,MoyartStudies
Scores,
190, 197.
oftheAutograph
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Salieri'sCosifan tutte
29
withthem,I continuedfurther.
So, in halfan hour,a sketch
again,and sinceI was satisfied
of theintrodu!ione
was down on paper.Who was happierthanI!25
Salieriwas confrontednot
Twentyyearslater,in embarkingupon La scoladegliamanti,
with an introduione
with
a
but
with
threeterzettiin rapid
librettobeginning
per se,
succession (assumingthatthe thirdalreadyexistedpriorto Mozart's involvementin
the project). But as these numberswere all small in scale, and for the same three
characters,togetherwith theirinterveningrecitativestheycan be considered as a
modifiedintroduzione.
The two terzettiof S.m. 4531 are in keysa thirdapart ('La mia
Dorabella' in B b, ' la fede' in D); in Mozart's later settingall three pieces are
related by thirds,descending through the opera's tonic triad, G-E-C. Salieri
composed the numbers'vocal frameworkfirst;thisis evidenteven in the completed
piece, from the differingshades of inks used, and also from the absence of
instrumental
partsin two bars (25a and 27a) thatSaliericancelledwhile revisinghis
initialdraft.Such a procedureseems also to be impliedin the account of composing
the introdu!ione
for Le donneletterate:
firstthe vocal line, then an orchestralmotifto
and
it.
Salieri's
'carry
unify'
biographerIgnaz von Mosel is even more explicitin
the
he
had
describing
way
composed Axur 'scene by scene, as Da Ponte brought
them to him, sometimeswith just the vocal part and bass, and sent them to the
copyistso thatthe singersmightlearnthemwithoutdelay.'26When EmperorJoseph,
unaware of this procedure,wished to hear somethingof the work-in-progress,
the
were
fetched
from
the
and
found
to
contain
original manuscripts
copyist
'just
the vocal parts'; 'the other staves (apart froma few ritornelli,
or here and therean
indicationof the accompaniment)forthe instrumentshad been leftempty'.27
The presentbindingof S.m. 4531 has obliteratedanyphysicalclues as to the order
in whichSalierisketchedthe two terzetti.But theone he proceeded to finishwas that
most likelyto arouse his literaryinterests:the second terzetto,with the quotation
fromMetastasio.This is not the onlyliterary
referencein the terzettoas set by Salieri.
At the midpoint in the piece, Ferrando and Guilelmo again tryto defend their
beloveds' honour, but can only partly utter their names - 'Dorabel...'/
'Fiordili. . .' - before the philosopher cuts them offwith a returnof his original
25
See Ignaz von Mosel, ueberdasLebenunddieWerke
desAntonSalieri(Vienna,1827), 32: '....
befielmichein unwiderstehliches
die Introduction
der Oper in Musikzu setzen.
Verlangen,
Ich suchtemirdaherden Characterund die Situationder Personenrechtlebhaftvor Augen
zu stellen,und plo6tzlich
fandich eine Bewegungdes Orchesters,
die mirden,dem Texte
nach zerstuckten
Gesangdes Tonstiickesangemessenzu tragenund zu verbindenschien.
Ich versetztemichnunim Geistein das Parterre,
h6rtemeineIdeen ausfuhren;
sie schienen
mircharacteristisch;
ich schriebsie auf,priiftesie nochmal,und da ich damitzufrieden
war,
fuhrich wiederfort.So standin einerhalbenStundeder Entwurfder Introduction
aufdem
Notenblatte.
Werwarvergniigter
als ich!' Salieri'saccountis discussedand quotedat
greaterlengthby Heartzin Mozart'sOperas,139, 154-5.
130: 'schrieber Scene furScene,wie Da Ponte sie ihmbrachte,einstweilen
26 Mosel, Salieri,
blos die Singstimmen
mitdem Basse, und schicktesie zum Copisten,damitdie Sangersie
einstudieren
konnten.'
unverzuglich
27
130: 'Diese [themusicians]bemerketen
Mosel, Salieri,
bald,daB in den eingelangten
blos die Singstimmen
Notenblattern
vorhanden,die ibrigenLinienaber (einigeRitornelle,
oder hierund dorteineAndeutungdes Accompagnements
ausgenommen)furdie
Instrumente
leergelassenwaren.'
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30
BruceAlan BrownandJohnA. Rice
of the originalFiordiligi'sname
melody.This is a comic echo of the dismemberment
in Canto 42 of Ariosto's Orlando
as her dyinghusband Brandimartetellshis
furioso,
friendOrlando:
... fa che ti raccordi
di me ne l'oraziontue gratea Dio;
ne men ti raccomandola mia Fiordi...Ma dirnon pote:- ... ligi-, e qui finio.
me in yourprayersto God; no less do I recommendto you
(... endeavourto remember
Fiordi...
but
he
could
not say- ... ligi-, and herehe ended.)
my
As Ariosto's Fiordiligihad done withrespectto her husband,in Da Ponte's libretto
Fiordiligisets offto join her fianceon the battlefield- with the differencethatshe
betrayshim before even managingto depart.In the definitiveversion of the opera
the game withFiordiligi'sname occurs not here,but shortlybeforethe denouement,
where the effectis both more noticeable and more comical. As Guilelmo asks the
whereabouts of the fianceewho has just betrayedhim, thereis this exchange:
FERRANDO:
Chi? la tua Fiordiligi?
GUILELMO:
La mia Fior... fiordi diavolo,che strozzi
Lei primae dopo me!
(FERRANDO: Who? yourFiordiligi
[literally:
lily-flower]?/GUILELMO:
MyFior... fiordi diavoli
she
be
and
then
me!)28
first,
[devil-flower],
may
strangled
The Ariostan allusion in 'E la fede' was probably an idea originatingwith the
composer, ratherthan somethingalreadypresentin Da Ponte's draftlibretto,since
the men's exclamations 'Dorabel.. .'/'Fiordili...' clumsilydisrupt the prevailing
ottonario
metre. In both Ariosto's epic and in Da Ponte's final text to Cosi, the
of Fiordiligi'sname is fitcomfortablywithinendecasillabo
verses.
fragmentation
The point of thisreferenceto the originalFiordiligi,whereverit occurred,was to
bringto the spectators'attentionDa Ponte's considerabledebt to Ariosto,in terms
of his opera's themes, its characters' names, even actual locutions (e.g., in
Fiordiligi'sfirstaria, 'Come scoglio immoto resta',and in Guilelmo's aria 'Donne
mie,la fatea tanti').29Not only Fiordiligi'sname, but also Dorabella's derivesfrom
Dorabella, writesElizabeth Dunstan, is 'a composite name deriving
Orlandofurioso.
fromthe two ladies who framethe storyin Canto 28. Rodomonte is in love with
one afterthe other:his fianceeDoralice betrayshim forMandricardoand Isabella
28
29
thatthisallusionwas consciouslyintendedcan be foundin a muchlater
Confirmation
addressedto theAmericanconsulin Florence.
poem (c. 1821) by Da Ponte,a capitolo
of his studentsof Italianliterature,
Da Ponte describesAriostoin
Depictingtherecitation
termsthatrecallBrandimarte's
dyingutterance:
Piangervedrestegiovanie vecchioni
al piantodi Francescoe d'Ugolino[,]
fremer
con Monti,ridercon Goldoni;
a mentedeclamarMirrao il Mattino;
e al suon celestedel cantordi Fiordiligigridar:- Per Dio, questo e divino!- ...
(Personalcommunication
fromElizabethM. Dunstan,6 July1994.)
As Dunstanhas pointedout (see n. 7), Fiordiligi's
ariaderivesfroma passagein 44: 61,
Guilelmo'sfromthe openingof Canto 28.
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Salieri'sCosifantutte
31
of AntonioSalieri'sCosi
Plate2. The firstpage of 'La mia Dorabella'fromtheautograph
tutte
S.m.
4531)
fan
(A-Wn,
confirmation
escapes his embracesby cleverlycontrivedsuicide.'30There is striking
of thisin Salieri'sabortedsetting,as twicewithinhis draftof 'E la fede' Salierislips
and writes'Doralice' instead of Dorabella (see bars 26 and 28, in Ex. 1, above).
The manuscriptof Salieri's attemptedsettingof La scola degliamantiis also
illuminatingwith regard to the heroes' names. In examining both Mozart's
autographscore to Cosifan tutteand the librettoprintedfor the firstproduction,
Alan Tyson noticed thatFerrando'sfellowofficeris in factnevercalled Guglielmo,
but rather'Guilelmo' (or 'Guillelmo').3' This Latinateformpersistsin severalearly
librettiand published scores, only graduallygivingway to the more usual spelling
'Guglielmo'. The marginalindicationsforboth terzettiin S.m. 4531 unambiguously
give 'Guilelmo', confirmingTyson's suspicions that this was what Da Ponte
intended. Salieri seems to have had second thoughts as to Ferrando's name,
however, crossing it out on the firstpage of 'E la fede' and replacingit with
'Feramondo' - the name of the protagonistin Da Ponte's and Martiny Soler's II
burberodi buoncuore(after Goldoni), an opera already in the repertoryof the
Viennese troupe.In view of Salieri'shabitswithregardto his manuscripts,we must
entertainthepossibilitythathe made thischange manyyearslater,perhapsin a vain
attemptto disguisethe work's relationto Mozart's opera.
Turningnow to the draftof 'La mia Dorabella' (see Plate 2 and Ex. 2), we are
confrontedwitha piece in a much earlierstage of the compositionalprocess,with
30
31
Dunstan,'Da Ponteand Ariosto',8.
See Tyson,
185-6.
Studies
oftheAutograph
Scores,
Mozartt
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BruceAlan BrownandJohnA. Rice
32
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I
I
I
~ 1fr F!ir,r ,ir - r
I
I
I
I
u -gua-lein
I
I
La
=
I
I
r p1 +
fe;
i[Gui]:
I
I
I
la
cre - do
I
I
cos -
I
I
I
I
i
i
iI
r r
r
par- lo..
m
ta - li
I
li
in shortscore)
Ex. 2 AntonioSalieri,'La mia Dorabella' (transcription,
many corrections plainly visible - even in the two-bar violin flourish at the
beginning. Motivic resemblances are few; presumably,more would have been
supplied by the orchestralmaterial.The voices have onlyjust come togetherforthe
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33
Salieri'sCosifantutte
*origially:
-YwEr--t-f-rTr
rr r
I7Ir
9:3b
33
r r rilrt r
*
nh
~ pir r r'Ir
F ? r irrr, V!ir r r
KD
i|
p:L^
No, de-to ci a - ve - le che in- fi-dees-ser
fi - nis- ca
6- Ih
41
no
-
iI
i
-"~ r ,pir-.ir
ti - gi
J
ve - te o - nes -
-
I
i
I It
.
~ !if r' lr r
I
9s
pon-no.
r !
J
do - ve - te
Pro-var -cel
I
iI
sea
i
qui.
It
prr.j.ij t I - plr
g
pippljrT^
Tai pro- ve
la - scia-mo....
j
p-y ir
-r
No
o,
le vo - glia-so,
i
i!
r-
(
ir rr r r
I
spa- da,
rom-
fuo- ri
o
la
i
i
*originally:
:o ir
r r
e
|f
t
1
i
\y
r
t,mr rr
:Trrr1'I
iI
iII
i
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
piam l'a - mis-- ta.
y\>: b*iT^T
??
0
paz-zo
I I
)9:
!pr
de - si - re!
'Ir yD7
r rr pr r
cer- car di
sco - pri - re
I
I
I
t
quel mal, che tro - va - to
I
mes-
I
I
,i irr rr r, SIr1
r r r1
r
i^
I ? rprir
i '~ r 1'
Jirr r r ir
irFi
r r rIy<
r'rtr
Ip
F r-i+r
flb
-"
Sul vi - vo mi
9: r f
chi-ni
ci
^
fa!
0
toc- ca
chi la - scia di
ir r- 4 pir
rr , i
Ir']
paz-zo
de - si - re!
boc-ca
r
cer-car di sco - pri-re
sor - ti - reun ac - cen-to
Ir.rrJ
quel mal che tro - va-to,
sor - ti- reun ac -
IJJri
mes-chi-ni, mes-
inMS
ofthisphrase
indistinct
version
* original
Ex. 2 (cont'd)
firsttime as the manuscriptbreaks off.Essentiallyall of the texthas been used up
by this point, and littlecan have followed but cadentialperorations.
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34
BruceAlan BrownandJohnA. Rice
Plate3. The recitative
'Terminiamo
unavolta'fromtheautograph
ofAntonioSalieri'sCosi
tutte
S.m.
fan
(A-Wn,
4531)
The recitativeon folio 4v was writtenafterNo. 2 ('E la fede') had been at least
from
drafted,if not necessarilyorchestrated.Its textis shorterand quite different
that set by Mozart, not least in being forAlfonso alone:
Terminiamo
una volta
O amiciquesteciarle.
Che ognundi voi la fedeltade
vanti
Della sua caraamata,
Trovo naturalissimo:
Ma perme rimarro
sempre
Nel direostinatissimo:
once and forall;I findit onlynaturalthateach of you
(Friends,letus stopthischattering
vauntsthe fidelity
of his dear beloved;but as forme, I will alwaysremainobstinatein
saying:)
The last line sets up the Metastasianquotationeven more directlythanin the final
version. But technically,this textis unimpressive:witness the ratherfacilerhyme
and the superfluoussyllablethatspoils the settenario
'naturalissimo'/'ostinatissimo',
metreof the penultimateline.32Other differences
of literarystyleand dramaturgy
will occupy us shortly.Salieri'ssettingof thesewords is unremarkable,
exceptin the
way it connectsharmonicallyto the precedingand followingnumbers(see Plate 3).
32
The word'sempre'was possiblyadded by Salieri;withoutit,thelineis a propersettenario
tronco.
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Cosfantutte
Salieri's
35
The openingE-major chord is rudelyeffective
in 'terminating'
the B b-major
is mitigated
by the
disputesof No. 1, thoughthe abruptnessof the transition
melodichalf-step
acrossthegap in Alfonso'sline.The third-relation
intoNo. 2 is
mildbycomparison(withtwocommontones),functioning
muchas does thecolon
thatspansthesyntactical
between
the
two
texts.
gap
3
Salieri'sdecisionto leaveLa scoladegliamanti
When
incompleteis uncharacteristic.
he brokeoffthecomposition
ofL'isolacapricciosa
in 1779becauseofthedeathofthe
who had commissioned
until1793,when
it, the opera lay unfinished
impresario
Saliericompletedit;theworkwas presented
twoyearslateras I mondoallarovescia.33
In 1780 he begana settingof Metastasio'sSemiramide
forNaples butleftthescore
that
he
fall
out
of favourwith his patron,
uncompletedwhen, fearing
might
he
asked
to
be
excused
from
his
contract
and hurriedback to
EmperorJoseph,
Vienna.But twoyearslaterwhenhe was commissioned
to writean operaseriafor
to finishand presentSemiramide.34
Salieri's
Munich,he took the opportunity
to
that
he
had
aside
in
to
stands
contrast
tendency
eventually salvageprojects
put
Mozart'sseveraloperaticfalse-starts,
whichduringthe 1780s includedL'oca del
and a settingof a Germantranslation
of Goldoni'sII servitore
Cairo,Lo sposodeluso
di duepadroni.35
The Novellos' recordsof ConstanzeNissen's commentsdo not suggestthat
SalierifoundDa Ponte'slibrettoto La scoladegli
amanti
wantingin anyrespect.His
decisionto abandonLa scoladegli
amanti
had
less
to do withthequalityof
probably
thelibretto
thanwithhis stateof mindin 1788 and 1789- yearsmarkedbyartistic
a low levelof creativeenergy,
andvarying
indecisiveness,
degreesof dependenceon
earliermusic.The first
monthsof 1788had represented
a peakin Salieri'scareer.In
Axurred'Ormus
was performed
forthe
January
(by Da Ponte,afterBeaumarchais)
firsttimein celebration
of themarriage
of Archduke(and laterEmperor)Francis
and Elizabethof Wiirttemberg.
AxurbecameJoseph'sfavourite
opera,performed
oftenduringthenexttwoyears;itwas probablyno accidentthatwithina fewweeks
of thepremiere
Salieriattainedthemostprestigious
musicalpositioninVienna,that
of Hofkapellmeister.
intervention
was
Joseph's
doublynecessaryforthisappointment,becausein orderto makeit he also had to pensionoffthecurrent
occupant
of the post,the aged GiuseppeBonno. Normallythe Hofkapellmeister
held this
for
but
for
the
sake
of
his
overruled
tradition.
life,
position
protegeSalieri,Joseph
Salieri'stwinachievements
of 1788werefollowedbyseveraldisappointments.
One
ofthesewas thesouring
ofthecomposer'salmostbrotherly
withDa Ponte
friendship
earlyin 1789,on accountof disputesconnectedwiththelibrettist's
pasticcioL'ape
musicale.
Performed
forthebenefitof theparticipating
singersduringlateFebruary
33
34
35
Mosel, Salieri,
66-7, 144.
Ibid., 67-9, 74.
WhetherMozartactuallybegansettingthistextwe do not know;certainly
thepreparation
of thelibrettowas well underwayby the timehe abandonedtheproject.See his letterof 5
in MoZartBriefe,
February1783 to his father,
III, 255.
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36
BruceAlan BrownandJohnA. Rice
and earlyMarch,thisunusualworkincludedan arrayof ariasand ensembles(changed
each night)fromoperas recentlyperformedby the troupe,integratedinto a plot that
was, as Da Ponte describesit,'a ratherwittyand agreeablesatireof the public,of the
impresari,of the singers,the poets, the composers,finallyof myself'.The mannerin
which Da Ponte put the work togetherwas a sure recipe fortrouble:
Havingcomposedthisoperawithouttheaid of a composer,and chosenforitthosesingers
of thepublicand of the
who, on accountof theirtalents,had a rightto themunificence
sovereign,all the otherswho saw themselvesexcludedbecame enraged,as much at my
forwhomI had imaginedthisspectacle,as at me. The worstoffended
of all was
mistress,
the good maestroSalieri,a man whom I loved and esteemedboth out of gratitude
and
withwhomI passedmanylearnedly
inclination,
happyhours,andwho forsixyearsin a row
... had been moremybrotherthanmyfriend.His excessiveaffection
forla Cavalieri(let
us name her),a womanwho had enoughmeritnot to need to raiseherselfby meansof
and myequallyimmoderate
affection
forla Ferraresi(let us namehertoo), was
intrigues,
thesorrymotiveforbreaking
a bond of friendship
thatshouldhavelasteduntodeath. .36
The rage of these two musthave been all the greateron account of the considerable
sums earned by Da Ponte and his mistressin benefitperformancesof the pasticcio
on the 4th and 6th of March, respectively.Here then are two factors directly
relevantto thegenesis of the opera thatbecame Cosifantutte:
the two friends'shared
literaryrecreations('molte ore dottamentefelici'),and Da Ponte's favouringof his
mistressover Salieri's candidate for leading roles.37It is difficultto imagine their
collaboration on La scola degliamantisurvivingsuch a rupture,and even more
difficultto imagine it being initiatedafterthis time. Of necessitymaestro
di cappella
Salieri and theatre-poetDa Ponte continued to deal with each other in the
Burgtheater,but the only work of theirs to reach the stage subsequent to the
Cavalieri debacle, the above-mentionedLa cifra,was an adaptation.38Da Ponte's
resentmentwas such thathe named Salierias his 'primaryenemy'in a memorandum
he wrote followinghis dismissal by Emperor Leopold in 1791, includingin his
indictmentthe fact that Salieri had 'made sing in the capacityof prima donna la
Cavalieri,whom I had proposed to dismiss'. In the same memorandum,Louise
Villeneuve - the firstDorabella - is called the 'third minister'of Da Ponte's
36
136:'Avendoio composto
Da Ponte,Memorie,
senzasoccorsodi compositore,
e
quell'opera
cheaveanoun diritto
allamunificenza
delpubblicoe delsovrano
presivi
quellitracantanti,
tutti
ch'esclusi
divenner
furenti
tantocontra
la miaamica,
vidersi,
peri lorotalenti,
glialtri,
checontrame.Quegli,chesopratutti
si
quellospettacolo,
percuiio aveaimmaginato
risenti
fuil bravomaestro
unuomoch'ioamaie stimai
e pergratitudine
e per
Salieri;
concuipassaimolteoredottamente
e cheperseiannicontinui
... era
inclinazione,
felici,
mio.I1suo troppoaffetto
stato,piuicheamico,fratello
perla Cavallieri
(nominiamola),
donnacheavevaabbastanza
di merito
e il
pernonaverbisognod'alzarsi
perviad'intrighi,
anchequesta),fuil dolente
motivodi
mio,parimente
soverchio,
(nominiam
perla Ferraresi
unnodod'amicizia,
chedoveadurarcollavita.. .'.
rompere
37 Franziska
knownbythestage-name
Catarina
hadcreated
theroleof
Kavalier,
Cavalieri,
Constanze
inMozart'sDie EnOfhrung
ausdem
Serail.
38 In December
to ingratiate
himself
withthe
1790,a timewhenDa Pontewasstilltrying
theatrical
he claimed
to be collaborating
withSalierion an operato be calledII
direction,
butno traceofsucha workremains;
seeVienna,Staatsarchiv,
Vertrauliche
filarmonico,
Karton40,Nr.2 ('Cose dell'Ab. da Ponte'),'Memoria
da mepresentata
alla
Akten,
Direzioneil mesedi Xbredell'anno
1790',fol.23v.
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Salieri'sCosifantutte
37
destruction,her motivation also being exclusion from Da Ponte's lucrative
pasticcio.39
Of the four operas completed by Salieri duringthe last two years of Joseph's
and La cifra,
were
reign,only threereached the stage,and two of these,II talismano
based on earlierworks. Only Ilpastorfidowas a settingof a newlywrittenlibretto,
but even for this opera Salieri borrowed the overture,fromPrimala musicae poi le
parole.Salieri's other opera fromthis period, Cublai,grankan de' Tartar (begun in
Paris in 1786, and presumablyintended for performancefollowinghis returnto
Vienna the following year), was never given, probably because it could be
interpretedas a satire of the Russian imperial court.40That a composer as well
connected as Salieri,at the heightof his career,should complete an opera thatwent
In composing Cublai,Salieriwould seem temporarily
unperformedis extraordinary.
to have lost his judgement as to what was or was not acceptable to the
administration
of the Burgtheater.His sense of the public's tasteseems also to have
falteredaround this time, for IIpastor fido failed to please the Viennese. Salieri
withdrewit aftera few performances,revisedit and presentedit again; but again it
failed.41
In both II talismano
and La cifraSalieridid somethinghe had rarelydone before:
he presentedold music as if it were new. Three of Salieri's older opere buffefor
Vienna had been revivedduringthe 1780s.42But Salieridid not pretendthatthese
were new works,and he did not receive a separatefee forany of them,as faras we
and La cifraas new works,and receivedthe fee
know.43SalieripresentedII talismano
normallypaid to composers fornew operas, in spite of the factthatboth are based
on earlierscores. II talismano
has its originsin a collaborativesetting(for Milan, in
of
a
libretto
by Goldoni, in which Salieri had set Act I and Giacomo Rust
1779)
II
Acts
and III. Da Ponte, preparingGoldoni's librettofor Salieri in 1788, made
very few changes in Act I, probably because this allowed Salieri to reuse his old
music. La cifrais a reworkingand expansion of La damapastorella,
which had been
for
the
first
and
the
time
in
Rome
performed
apparently only
duringCarnival 1780.
In composing La cifraSalierireached back also to Der Rauchfangkehrer,
fromwhich
'Cose dell'Ab. da Ponte',fol.19r:'Per farcantarela Cavalierida primaDonna, ch'io aveva
Da Ponte states(fol. 19v): 'Costei
propostodi pensionare'.Regarding'La Willeneuve',
dimentic6tuttele beneficenzee cortesiedella mia amiciziaperchenon l'ho fattaentrare
nell'Ape musicale'
favoursand courtesiesbecause I did not
(She forgotall myfriendly
includeherin L'ape musicale).
This documentis quotedalso by Otto Michtner,
in 'Der Fall
Abbe Da Ponte',Mitteilungen
desOsterreichischen
19 (1966), 170-209 (199).
Staatsarchivs,
40
See Braunbehrens,
158-60.
Maligned
Master,
41
was performed
threetimesin February1789,thenthreemoretimesin October
Ilpastorfido
and November.That Salierirevisedthe operais knownfrompaymentrecordscitedby
DexterEdge in 'Mozart'sFee forCosifantutte',
116
oftheRoyalMusicalAssociation,
Journal
(1991), 211-35 (212, n. 4).
42 La locandiera
of
(firstperformed
1773) was restagedin 1782,and fortheinauguration
La scolade'gelosi
withseveralnew
Joseph'snew buffotroupein 1783 Salierirefurbished
arias;La fieradi Veneia (1772) was revivedin 1785.
43 See Edge, 'Mozart'sFee forCosifantutte',
222. However,the fee of 450 guldenthatSalieri
receivedin May 1790,'formodifications
beyondhis obligationmade over severalyearsto
variousoperas',mayhave been intendedas remuneration
forthe changesthathe made in
his earlieroperasin preparation
fortheirperformance
byJoseph'stroupe;see Edge, 235.
39
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BruceAlanBrownandJohnA. Rice
38
second theme),and to an earlier
he took the overture(thoughwitha different
aria'Non
L'amore
innocente
which
(1770),
providedtheconcertante
pastoralopera,
vo gia che vi suonino'.
of his mentorGluck - to
This increasingtendencyof Salieri's- reminiscent
in
is
of
an
earlier
his
own
works
view
ironic,
episodeinvolvingEmperor
plunder
to Viennain 1780 afterhis Italiansojourn,Joseph
Joseph.When Salierireturned
orderedhim to compose a Singspielforhis Germantroupe.Salierisuggesteda
in Italy.' "No translation",
answered
ofone oftheoperashe hadwritten
translation
"an originalSingspiel!"'44EightyearslaterJosephwas in no
themonarch,smiling,
He was absentfromViennaformuchof 1788,
positionto makesuchdistinctions.
leading his army against the Turks, and seriouslyill besides. Under these
he had no patiencefortheexcessive(as he thought)salarydemands
circumstances,
director
andinJulyhe wroteto theatre
of hisItaliansingers,
Rosenbergofhisplans
Da
and
Ponte
to dismissthetroupe.45
Rosenberg
(amongothers)persuadedhimto
reconsider,and the troupestayed;but the emperorhenceforth
displayedlittle
in
to an operaticenvironment
interestin opera. All thismusthave contributed
whichSalieriwas not encouragedto do his best.His attemptto set La scoladegli
amanti
was probablyaffected
by thisclimate,but the experienceof failureon this
as itcoincidedwith
have
Salieri'sself-doubt,
particularly
aggravated
projectmayalso
and creativefriendship
withDa Ponte.
theloss of an important
4
Salieri'smisfortune
was Mozart'sgood luck.As Da Pontewrotemanyyearslater,
and second
'Mozartmusthavebeenpleasedwith[myverses],becauseafterthefirst
of mydramas,he was happyto have the third'.46
Indeed,Mozart,in precarious
whetheror
financial
musthavewelcomedthechanceto setthelibretto,
condition,
not he was the firstto whomDa Ponte offered
it.47Leopold Mozart'sprediction
thatitwouldcosthis son 'muchrunning
withregardto Le nozZediFigaro- namely,
and arguing,
untilhe getsthelibrettoso arrangedas he wishesfor
back and forth,
his purpose'- can probablybe appliedto Cosias well.48Comparisonof Salieri's
- incomplete
ofLa scoladegli
amanti
setting
thoughitis - to Mozart'srevealsseveral
in
the
final
form
of
the
libretto,
manyof themforthebetter.In addition
changes
of thegamewithFiordiligi's
to theaforementioned
name,thereare
postponement
in theversionsforSalieriand forMozartof thefirstrecitative
notabledifferences
in ways
text.The latter(givenbelow) is not onlylongerbut also moretheatrical,
in its drafting.
thatpointto Mozart'sactiveinvolvement
72.
See Mosel, Salieri,
81.
von Thurn,Joseph
II. als Theaterdirektor,
Payer
46
44
45
47
48
Da Ponte, Extract,32.
as the
Da Ponte could not offerhis textto Martiny Soler,anotherfavourite
collaborator,
latterwas by thistimeestablishedat theRussiancourtin St Petersburg.
Letter(to his daughter)of 11 November1785,in MoZartBriefe,
III, 444: 'das wirdihm
wie
eben vielesLauffenund disputieren
bekommt,
kosten,bis er das Buch so eingerichtet
in Heartz,Mozart's
ers zu seinerAbsichtzu habenwiinschet.. .'; quoted and translated
Operas,136.
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Salieri'sCosifantutte
FER.: Fuor la spada!Scegliete
Qual di noi pituvi piace.
ALF.:
Io son uomo di pace,
FER.:
Cessate di scherzar,o giuro al cielo! ...
Ed io, giuro alla terra,
E duellinon fo,se non a mensa.
FER.: O battervi,
o dirsubito
Perched'infedelta
le nostreamanti
Sospettatecapaci!
ALF.: Cara semplicita,
quantomi piaci!
ALF.:
Non scherzo,amicimiei.
Solo sapervorrei
Che razza d'animali
Son questevostrebelle,
Se han come tuttinoi carne,ossa e
pelle,
Se mangiancome noi, se veston
gonne?
39
Draw yoursword!And choose
whichever
of us youprefer.
I'm a peaceableman,
and don'tfightduels,exceptat table.
Eitherfight,
or sayat once
think
our lovers
whyyou
are capableof infidelity!
Sweetsimplicity,
how delightful
youare!
Stop joking,or I swear,byheaven!...
And I swearby theearth,
thatI'm not joking.
myfriends,
I onlywishto know
whatkindof creatures
are thesebeautiesof yours,
if theyare of flesh,bonesand skin,like
us,
if theyeat as we do, if theywearskirts,
in theend,if they'regoddesses,or
women...
Son donne,
{FER.:
They'rewomen,
but ... such ... suchwomen...
{GuI.: Ma ... son tali... son tali...
E in donnepretendete
ALF.:
And in womenyouwouldexpect
Di trovarfedelta?
to findfidelity?
How delightful
Quanto mi piacimai,semplicita!
you everare,simplicity!
All threesingersnow participate,instead of just Alfonso, and this last characteris
more sharplydelineated,with humour thathelps prepare the 'scherzando' delivery
of the numberthatfollows (his disclaimer'Non scherzo, amici miei' notwithstanding). The threatenedswordplayat the beginning(shruggedoffby Alfonso) has spilt
over fromthe opening terzetto,and is comicallyreminiscentof the veryreal duel
between the Commendatoreand Don Giovanni, at the same point in the action in
thatopera. Near the end of the recitativethe officerssing a due- a parodisticidea
more likelyto have come fromthe composer than the librettist.In between there
are pointed oppositions of 'cielo' and 'terra','dee' and 'donne' - dualitiesthatwill
constantlybe invoked throughoutthe restof the opera. The line concerning'care,
ossa e pelle' is closelyparaphrasedfroma tale in Boccaccio's Decameron
(II. 9) that
is an ancestor to this opera's plot; while it is hardlylikelythat this was Mozart's
suggestion,Da Ponte maywell have added theline in response to a requestforsome
preparationfor the Metastasian quotation in the followingnumber.Also carefully
planted are Alfonso's two exclamationsof delightat the officers''semplicita',with
a symmetricalexchange of clauses that hints at the many textual and musical
exchanges to come.49 In short: the featuresmost characteristicof Da Ponte's
collaborationswithMozart became partof thistextonlyafterSalieri'sabandonment
of the project.
Alfin,se dee, se donne son ...
49
See especially the duets Nos. 4 and 7, in both of which the participantstrade offin
singing
difficult
passaggiagainst a long sustained note.
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-
BruceAlan BrownandJohnA. Rice
40
Alego
If n
p gir
r J j jr
y '-1 D r D
8
Femnando
La nia
Do - r - bel - i
a-pa - ce
pr p Viri D
a-pe - c
on b,
anon:
fe- del
quar-to
I
12
iCf IJ
f
J
i'glFr
r
r
bel - I
il cie - 1o_
i.hi _f
la,
r
,
_ -_
r
fe- del__ quan- to bel
-
L
a_
JlJ
il de -o
la
fl.
'La mia Dorabella',Ferrando'sfirststatement
Ex. 3 Mozart,Cosifantutte,
In contrast to this recitative,in the firsttwo terzettiSalieri and Mozart set
essentiallythe same texts. Of course, it is hardly fair to compare a finished
compositionwith a mere vocal skeleton (as in No. 1), or even two finishedpieces
(as with No. 2), when one composer has had the opportunityto polish his work
duringrehearsalsand performances,and the otherhas not. But even if we confine
our comparison to those aspects that are complete in both composers' pieces,
several notable differencesin approach emerge.While both Salieri's and Mozart's
melodies for 'La mia Dorabella' initiallyfeaturedotted rhythms(Mozart's being
assimilatedinto the prevailingtripletsof the accompaniment),Salieridrops his after
Ferrando's firstphrase; see Examples 2 (above) and 3. Mozart's more persistent
dotted rhythms,togetherwith the sing-songmelodic profile,suggestthe taunting
attitudeof the officerstowards Alfonso, as well as theirown rivalry.In the latter
respectit is an advantagethatMozart's Guilelmo singsa versionof the same melody
(with its second half in the dominant), whereas Salieri's sings completelynew
material.And withcannydramaticcalculation,Mozart has Alfonso starthis firstline
with different
material,but end it with the same sort of tripletphrase with which
both officershad cadenced - in effect,preachingreconciliationwith his melody as
well as with his words ('Ma tali litigi/finiscano
qua').
Salieri's firstterzettois conceived on a smallerscale than Mozart's, lacking the
substantialopening ritornellothatMozart used to introducethe charactersand set
the scene.50Salieri is also more sparingin his repetitionsof text phrases, relying
rathermore on fermatasfor emphasis. Mozart repeats text throughout,eitherin
melodic sequences (e.g., 'O fuorila spada'), or in antecedent/consequentphrases.
An interestingpoint of comparisonis the textbeginning'Sul vivo mi tocca'. Salieri
sets the officers'complainthomophonically,as Alfonso repeats his previous lines,
how the officershave ceased to listento theirfriend.Mozart conveysthe
illustrating
same situationby interlarding
the characters'lines. Even afterall threeare singing
together,Mozart staggersthe declamationso as to renderthe textat least somewhat
comprehensible(see Ex. 4).
In Salieri'ssettingof 'E la fede delle femmine',Alfonso's amiable,boundingtune
in 6/8 seems as elusive as the Arabian phoenix of which he sings. His melody,the
periodicityof which is nicelydisruptedin orderto emphasise the repeatedquestion
'dove sia?', bears a resemblanceto thatof an aria in Martin'sI burbero
di buoncuore,
50
ThiswasMozart'snormal
at thebeginning
ofan operabuffa,
andalsolaterin
procedure
thedrama,
whenintroducing
characters
in a setpiece;seeJamesWebster,
'The Analysis
of
Mozart'sArias',in Cliff
Studies
Eisen,ed.,Mozart
(Oxford,1991),101-99(124-5).
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41
Salieri's Cosifan tutte
I
39
FerindoJ
-dt.
0
Guilel-mo
Sul vi -
r
DonAlfonsoa,o
yW
i
r
-P
paz - zo
vo
t' P
p nA
de- i - re,
o
o
_-T
-st.
I
Sul vi -
--p
mi toc-ca,
toc-ca
chi h- sci
di
cer-cardi
n D^
boc-
sco-pri-e
D P P *DP p D
loc-ca
chi la scia
di
boc-ca
p r
quelmalche
ac- cen-to
1
mi
I
wl vi -
chetor -
-
r
chetor -
-
vo mi
ir~n?r J>^
to,
me-schi -
tro-va-to
D p1?r
sor-ti - reun
vo
de - i - re,
i ID
-I
vo mi
toc-ca,
saor-ti-reun c - cen-to
D
rpi
paz - z
3--XPDI P p r| p i pp^p r
43
+p
r
l vi -
Er
to,
- to
che or
tor
e
ni, me-schi-ni ci
r
a,
fa,
X
chetor- to
e
fa,
Ex. 4 Mozart, Cosifan tutte,
No. 1, bb. 39-47
Andantino
p
Ex. 5 Martiny Soler,II burbero
di buoncuore,
'Son trent'anni
of
ch'io portolivrea'(beginning
vocal line)
see Examples 1 (above) and 5. The violins bear
though probablyunintentionally;
the main burdenof conveyingthe officers'irritation,
at theirentrancein bar 11, with
dotted figuresthatnervouslydecorate the vocal lines. Mozart, in contrast,sets the
Metastasianaxiom in an offhandmanner,more declamatorythan sung, and in cut
time. A major differenceis the inseparabilityof vocal and instrumentalparts in
Mozart's setting.As Alfonso repeats 'Che vi sia ciascun lo dice', his motifechoes
in the firstviolin,fluteand bassoon duringhis rests,and even afterhe has moved
on to his next line, 'dove sia', anthropomorphically
illustratingthe sense of his
words (see Ex. 6). During the reprise of this material Mozart never actually
combines the officers'voices withAlfonso's,as had Salieri(at the end), but he does
have the formerrepeatedlyinterpolate their beloveds' names into the latter's
dismissalof the 'phoenix' of womanlyfidelity.
The men's anger spills over into the
recititative
without
the
of
ensuing
impediment a ritornello- in contrastto Salieri's
with
its
four-bar
setting,
postlude. It is indeed unfortunatethatSalieri'smanuscript
breaks offjust before this keyrecitative,since one would like to know whetherthe
text alreadyincluded the opening lines of the definitiveversion:
FERRANDO:Scioccherie di poeti!
GUILELMO:Scempiagini di vecchi!
Poetic nonsense!/GuILELMO:Old men's foolishness!)
(FERRANDO:
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BruceAlan BrownandJohnA. Rice
42
Do
-fo.so
cb
Ij.d
r ir r rr r
vi
cia - aca
si
~g.
I&&^~~~~~~~~~~~
k
10
do
_
j -jj_
,
II
I,
r
I
I,
T
di - c,
I
-
*'
n.i
AVl,
-
ve
r---r
cia - am
ir
l_
r
-
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
di- cb..
al*IMM
WI
r - - --
usi - .a...
J j jj
r-i C-,r
11
-_
1 -rpTR}.
1-LJ I
I
j
r'
do
5
-JJ j4j j
d
-
ve
f4
=
=
r
- a...
j-. ; J
_
Ex. 6 Mozart,Cosifantutte,
No. 2, bb. 5-13 (shortscore)
which bear so directlyon how these characters,and the audience, are to take this
quotation fromMetastasio.
5
Fragmentary
thoughit is, Salieri'sattemptedsettingof La scoladegliamantisheds light
on a difficult
timein Salieri'scareer,and allows us to dispel some of themore fanciful
notions concerning the manner by which Mozart came to set this text. The
successful1789 revivalof Le no.ze di Figaromay indeed have spurredthe theatrical
directionto requesta new opera fromMozart, but the librettothatwas offeredhim
was hardlynew itself.The knowledgethat he was not the originalrecipientof the
librettolends supportto Tyson's theoryconcerningthe change of main titlefromLa
scoladegliamantito Cosifan tutte,
and suggeststhatotherresonanceswithLe no,Zedi
Figarowere likewiseadded at Mozart's insistence.This new informationfitsinto a
largercontextof rivalrybetweenthesetwo composers,whichincludesalso therecent
discoverythatthe commission forthe Prague coronationopera forLeopold II, La
di Tito,was initiallyofferedto Salieri,who reluctantlyrefusedit.51 Finally,
clemenZa
Salieri'sscore affordsa touchstoneby which to gauge Mozart's specificmusical and
dramaturgicalchoices - a reminderthat the seeminglyperfectbalance of wit and
sonic delightin thisscene was not preordained,but the resultof carefulcalculation.
Whetheror not Mozart knew Salieri's music for the firstscene of the opera (as
we have seen, it is conceivable thatcopyistshad alreadybegun to provide parts for
the singers),he must certainlyhave been aware thathis colleague had commenced
a setting.Da Ponte mighthave preferredto keep silent about having previously
offeredhis librettoto anothercomposer, one imagines,in order to spare Mozart's
feelings.But news of Mozart's work on Figarohad travelledas far as Paris long
beforehis score was complete,and we must suppose thatSalieri'ssettingof La scola
51
See JohnA. Rice, WI.A. MozartLa clemenZa
di Tito(Cambridge,1991), 7, 45.
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Salieri'sCosifantutte
43
was no secreteither.52
(Indeed,ConstanzeMozarthad learntof it,at
degliamanti
some point.) Before any composerbegan seriouswork on the score for the
the approvalof the director,Count Rosenberg(or the emperor),
Burgtheater,
- as Mozarthimselfinformed
in 1781,53and
wouldhave been necessary
his father
as Salieridiscoveredthroughbitterexperience,
in the case of Cublai,grankan de'
Tartari.
In lendingcredenceto Da Ponte'saccountof hisbreakwithSalieri- an account
supportedbythelibrettist's
personalpapers,we are compelledto doubthis claims
of havingreceiveda requestfora new operain Octoberof 1787 fromhis 'friend
witha newlibrettocalled
Mozart',and of havingspeedilyrewardedthis'favourite'
La scoladegliamanti.
To some extent,thispictureof amicability
was a construction
of a laterperiod,and an attempt
to paperovera messybeginning
to an operamade
famousbyDa Ponte'scomposerof secondchoice.Muchremainsuncertain
in this
the
to
which
Mozart
was
aware
of
Da
Ponte's
with
on
Salieri
story: degree
dealings
thisproject,theextentof otherchangesin thelibretto,
and thenatureof Salieri's
- and ofVilleneuve's
- cabals.Butmorethananything
else,one wouldliketo know
the reactionof the composerwho demonstrably
hadbeen Da Ponte's 'favourite'
and 'friend',Salieri,as he heard,in the theatre,
Mozart'smusic- to whatshould
have been his opera.54
52
53
54
See Heartz,Mozart'sOperas,138.
Letterof 16 June1781: '. . . dennwennich wirklichschonein buch haitte,
so wirde ich
doch noch keinefederansetzen,weil dergrafRosenbergnichthierist- wennder aufdie
letztdas Buch nichtgut finde,so hatteich die Ehre gehabtumsonstzu schreiben'(... for
even if I actuallyhad a librettoalready,I wouldn'tset pen to paperyet,sinceCount
I would have had the
Rosenbergisn'there- ifin the end he didn'tapproveof thelibretto,
honourof writing[an opera]in vain); MoZartBriefe,
III, 132.
PartofJohnRice's researchforthisarticlewas made possibleby a fellowship
fromthe
Alexandervon Humboldt-Stiftung.
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