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Perren, Nicola
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice.
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Perren, Nicola (2021) Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice. Doctoral thesis, University of
Huddersfield.
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Nicola Perren
Activating the Amateur in a
Crafts Practice.
A thesis submitted to the University of Huddersfield in partial fulfilment
of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
The University of Huddersfield
April 2021
1
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Seven years, from proposal writing through to submission is a long,
long time. I have learnt a lot and developed a new strand to my
practice as a result, for which I am very happy. Right by my side and
supporting me through this experience are a few people whom I
cannot seem to be thankful enough for.
Dr Rowan Bailey has supervised this work throughout, always
supportive, insightful and smart. Pushing me when required and
listening to my challenges whenever needed. Thank you so much.
My two daughters, Tess & Katy have literally spent their own high
school, college and now University years being students alongside me,
you are both so wonderful – keep being you.
I could not have completed this work while maintaining a full-time post
without my husband Steve. Your support throughout this has been
immense, I really could not have asked for more. Thank you.
Finally, a further indecent amount of gratitude goes to my coproducers of this research, the members of the Meltham Quilting Bee.
Of note are Sue [also an excellent proof-reader] and Debbie who have
stitched alongside me from the 1st session and are awaiting a return
after Covid to recommence. Lois, while taking a break for one of the
quilts did return for the more focused quilting experience and Liz who
has joined the group at a later stage – bringing a new flavour to our
group. I thank you all and cannot wait to be back around the frame,
chatting and stitching away with each of you.
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Abstract
This thesis explores the autonomous actions of amateurs through
communal making activities, with a particular focus on quilting as a
form of textile craft. As a participant observer in a longitudinal case
study, I was able to be in part, assimilated into the communal voice
and practice of the Meltham Quilting Bee. As a result, this research
considers the actions and choices we make when we have
opportunities of individual autonomy through creative practice and an
understanding of how this adapts when the making of work is a shared
and social experience.
Patchwork has not only been used to piece together the quilts and
numerous bodies of research in this study it has also acted as a
concept to bring together a multitude of voices for communal and
group making. Two key practices make up this thesis. Firstly, a
longitudinal case study started in the early months of this work and
six years later, is still running as a small quilting bee. Secondly, my
personal creative practice has played a dual role as a tool to analyse
and understand the nature and experience of the quilting bee but also
as a marker of visual change that occurs when a professional practice
listens and observes amateur making practices.
This study shows that maker identities shift, the home can be
reconfigured as a temporal site for making with others, voices can be
consensually adapted in order that a new communal voice may
emerge and in return, allows us to develop personal and empowering
approaches to creativity as individuals.
If there is a bingo card of low hanging fruit in the arts tree; amateur,
craft, textiles, women and group making would surely be on the list
and this thesis would indeed be a prize winner. However, through the
lens of a feminist perspective this research firstly presents a review of
literature that has created the framework through which this
investigation can be understood, followed by an introduction to the
methodologies that have been applied. Quilting is then contextualised
in this research within both an historical and contemporary
understanding and analysis in two parts, initially of the case study and
then with a reflection of my own practice used, as a tool to reveal the
experience of communal making.
3
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
This thesis argues that the amateur is not simply someone who lacks
skill or is detached from cultural engagement. When the individual
becomes a part of a collective or communal amateur group, given
time, they move beyond an understanding that their only option is to
learn and make friends. While this is certainly an initial driving force
for engagement, the amateur, through communal craft making, toys
with autonomy and positively add to the great machine that is a
nations culture. Organically, they develop an empowered singular
voice and vision and, highlight the importance of care and
companionship.
4
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Table of Contents
Abstract_____________________________________________________ 3
Introduction ________________________________________________ 11
A little Context _________________________________________________ 12
The Amateur ___________________________________________________ 13
Textile Crafts ___________________________________________________ 18
Making Communally _____________________________________________ 20
Quilting _______________________________________________________ 21
A Context for Thinking ________________________________________ 25
Reporting In [some facts] _________________________________________ 26
Understanding the Amateur_______________________________________ 35
Class and the Amateur _______________________________________________ 40
The Rise of the Amateur ______________________________________________ 44
Textile Craft ____________________________________________________ 47
Amateur Textile Craft.________________________________________________ 53
Making Communally _____________________________________________ 55
Finding Autonomy _______________________________________________ 65
Sites for Communal Making _______________________________________ 68
Home as Site _______________________________________________________ 73
Methodologies of Research ____________________________________ 75
The Research Questions __________________________________________ 77
Methodology & Support __________________________________________ 79
Arts-Based Research _________________________________________________
Worldview _________________________________________________________
Longitudinal Study __________________________________________________
Participant Observation ______________________________________________
Case Study _________________________________________________________
Group Making ______________________________________________________
Interviews & Questionnaires __________________________________________
Practice as Analysis __________________________________________________
Concluding Thoughts ________________________________________________
80
82
83
85
86
87
88
92
94
Quilting Connections _________________________________________ 97
What is Quilting?________________________________________________ 99
Quilting as a Community ________________________________________ 104
GBQ _____________________________________________________________ 105
NAMES Project ____________________________________________________ 111
Living Healing Quilts ________________________________________________ 114
Meltham Quilting Bee Narrative __________________________________ 116
The Influence of The Gee’s Bend Quilters _______________________________ 120
5
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
The MQB Set-up. ___________________________________________________ 127
Thinking through Quilting ____________________________________________ 137
Influential Connections. _____________________________________________ 139
A Personal Practice _____________________________________________ 144
Analysing: MQB ____________________________________________ 149
MQB _________________________________________________________ 150
Organisation ______________________________________________________
Social ____________________________________________________________
Autonomy ________________________________________________________
Aesthetic value of the MQB Quilts _____________________________________
Experience of group making __________________________________________
Amateur _________________________________________________________
151
154
178
197
215
216
A Personal Practice__________________________________________ 227
Responding to the experience of group making __________________________ 229
Portrait as statement _______________________________________________ 240
Adjustments in practice [what has noticeably changed] ____________________ 242
Quilting Together Exhibition _____________________________________ 246
Concept of exhibition _______________________________________________ 246
One final quilt _____________________________________________________ 248
Responding _______________________________________________________ 251
Conclusion _________________________________________________ 255
Shifts ____________________________________________________________
Communal Voice ___________________________________________________
Evaluation of methods used __________________________________________
Contribution to knowledge ___________________________________________
257
264
266
268
References ________________________________________________ 275
Appendix __________________________________________________ 289
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Figures
Figure 1 Mapping of key reports and papers, 2008 – 2020. _______________________ 27
Figure 2 Connected Communities – Facts & Figures, 2014. (Connected Communities, n.d.)
______________________________________________________________________ 30
Figure 3 Sue Prevost of PEG, 2019. (PEG - Profanity Embroidery Group - Whitstable, n.d.) 60
Figure 4 [left] The Crystal Quilt by Suzanne Lacy, 1985-1987 (Lacy, 1987a) __________ 63
Figure 5 [right] The Crystal Quilt by Suzanne Lacy, 1985-1987 [detail] (Lacy, 1987b) ___ 63
Figure 6 Embroidered runner, Beryl Weaver, reproduced in Spare Rib, 1978 (Parker, 2010,
p. 205). ________________________________________________________________ 71
Figure 7 A Framework for Research – The Interconnection of Worldviews, Design and
Research Methods. (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018, p. 5) ___________________________ 79
Figure 8 Methods and thinking for this body of research based on Creswell’s Framework for
Research. ______________________________________________________________ 80
Figure 9 Quilt construction illustration [authors own] ____________________________ 99
Figure 10 [left] Wholecloth quilt in cotton poplin made in 1933 by Porth quilting group,
Rhondda, Glamorgan. (Osler, 1987, p. 26) ____________________________________ 101
Figure 11 [right] Strippy quilt in cotton sateen quilted with a strip quilting design. North
Country: early twentieth century. (Osler, 1987, p. 101) __________________________ 101
Figure 12 [left] Fragmented ‘star’ – 12 block variation, by Nettie Young. 1937._______ 108
Figure 13 [right] Nettie Young, 1916 – 2010. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.) _____________ 108
Figure 14 [left] Blocks and Stripes by Delia Bennett. 1960’s ______________________ 109
Figure 15 [right] Delia Bennett, 1892 – 1976. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.) _____________ 109
Figure 16 [left] Blocks by Aolar Mosely, c1955 ________________________________ 110
Figure 17 [right] Aolar Mosely, 1912 – 1999. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.) _____________ 110
Figure 18 Names Quilt display in Washington 1996. (National Aids Memorial, n.d.) ___ 112
Figure 19 Quilt from The Living Healing Quilt project (The Quilts and Stories from the Living
Healing Quilt Project - Quilting Gallery, 2008) _________________________________ 115
Figure 20 MQB call out for volunteers. 2015. _________________________________ 117
Figure 21 [Left] Annie Bendolph. “Thousand Pyramids” Variation, c.1930. Cotton sacking
material and chambray. 83 x 70 inches. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.) _________________ 122
Figure 22 [Right] Lucille Bennett Pettway. “Housetop” Four Block Variation, 1970’s. Cotton
and corduroy. 73 x 70 inches. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.) _________________________ 122
Figure 23 [Left] Annie Mae Young. Strips, c.1975. Corduroy. 101 x 66 inches. (Souls Grown
Deep, n.d.)_____________________________________________________________ 124
Figure 24 [Right] Annie Mae Young. Yo-Yo, c.1971. Cotton, polyester, knit, corduroy
clothing material, dashiki material. 83 x 80 inches. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.) ________ 124
Figure 25 [Left] Gee’s Bend quilter Jorena Pettway sews a quilt with assistance from two
young girls, 1937. Photographer: Arthur Rothstein of the Farm Security Administration.
(Gee’s Bend Quilt, n.d.) ___________________________________________________ 126
Figure 26 [Right] Gee’s Bend Cooperative: quilters working together around a frame. 2011
(Bailes, 2020) __________________________________________________________ 126
Figure 27 Annie Mae Young. Strips, c.1975. Corduroy. 95 x 105 inches. (Souls Grown Deep,
n.d.) __________________________________________________________________ 128
Figure 28 Piecing of blocks for MQB 1&2, initially they would take home selection A or B
and would then return with two pieced sections of their own proportional choices. ___ 130
Figure 29 MQB Daytime group showing a clear definition of the vertical block strips. _ 131
Figure 30 [Left] MQB: Quilting in the Church Hall. 2015, (Perren, n.d.) _____________ 133
Figure 31 [Right] MQB: Bumping Hands. 2015, (Perren, n.d.) _____________________ 134
Figure 32 Diagram showing the 'passing of the needle' for group quilting ___________ 135
Figure 33 MQB 2 Quilt with motif detail [2015] ________________________________ 136
Figure 34 MQB 1 Quilt: prior to adding the border [2015] _______________________ 137
Figure 35 Quilting spaces above the frame (Perren, n.d.) ________________________ 156
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Figure 36 Quilting spaces below the frame (Perren, n.d.) ________________________ 157
Figure 37 Fixing the backing with the addition of a fuchsia panel, as suggested by the
quilters of MQB. (Perren, n.d.) _____________________________________________ 165
Figure 38 Sue's Space ____________________________________________________ 171
Figure 39 Matty taking in the view _________________________________________ 171
Figure 40 Lois's Space Photo of space / bookshelf ______________________________ 173
Figure 41 Clip frame of postcards in Lois's front room. __________________________ 173
Figure 42 Nicola's Space __________________________________________________ 175
Figure 43 Embedding a quilters knot in the batting / wadding at the start of hand quilting
(Clements, 2011) ________________________________________________________ 186
Figure 44 [Left] Hadley Abolitionist Quilt, 1842 (Hadley Abolitionist Quilt - Ohio Memory
Collection, n.d.) _________________________________________________________ 188
Figure 45 [Right] Hadley Abolitionist Quilt, 1842. Detail with signature. (IBID) _______ 188
Figure 46 Mosaic Tiles quilt design by Lindsay Conner [inspiration for MQB3], (Conner,
2013) _________________________________________________________________ 191
Figure 47 Quilt design by Rayna Gillman [inspiration for MQB5], (Gillman, 2017). ____ 193
Figure 48 Hand stitch angles in quilting ______________________________________ 195
Figure 49 [left] MQB1 [front view] (Perren, n.d.). ______________________________ 199
Figure 50 [right] MQB1 [back view] (Perren, n.d.). _____________________________ 199
Figure 51 MQB2 [front view], (Perren, n.d.). __________________________________ 201
Figure 52 MQB2 [back view], (Perren, n.d.). __________________________________ 201
Figure 53 MQB2 mouse detail _____________________________________________ 202
Figure 54 MQB2 detail ___________________________________________________ 202
Figure 55 [left] MQB3 [front view], (Perren, n.d.). ______________________________ 204
Figure 56 [right] MQB3 [back view], (Perren, n.d.). _____________________________ 204
Figure 57 MQB4 [front view, hanging], (Perren, n.d.).___________________________ 207
Figure 58 MQB4 back of the quilt ___________________________________________ 208
Figure 59 MQB4 detail of embroidery _______________________________________ 208
Figure 60 [left] MQB5, in progress [front view]. (Perren, n.d.). ____________________ 210
Figure 61 [right] MQB5, in progress [back view], (Perren, n.d.). ___________________ 210
Figure 62 MQB3, detail of stepping sequence within the 'cross section' (Perren, n.d.) __ 213
Figure 63 Kolb’s Experiential Learning Cycle (D. A. Kolb, 2014) ____________________ 222
Figure 64 Model of MQB learning and development for the individual and the group using
Kolb [2014] and Dreyfus & Drefus Model [1980] models. ________________________ 226
Figure 65 [Left] Painted study of a GBQ by Annie Mae Young [1975], gouache on paper.
Nicola Perren [2015]. ____________________________________________________ 230
Figure 66 [Right] Adapted painted study of a GBQ by Sally Bennett Jones [1966], gouache
on paper. Nicola Perren [2015]. ____________________________________________ 230
Figure 67 Adapted painted study of a GBQ by Lucy T Pettaway [1945], gouache on paper.
Nicola Perren [2015]. ____________________________________________________ 231
Figure 68 The Fabiola Project, Francis Alÿs [2016-2018]. (Alÿs, n.d.) _______________ 233
Figure 69 [left] Communal Ebb & Flow, 2016, Nicola Perren ______________________ 235
Figure 70 [right] Conversation Pockets, 2016, Nicola Perren______________________ 235
Figure 71 [left] Quilt Top: Side to Side, 2016. Nicola Perren ______________________ 236
Figure 72 [right] Quilt as Drawing #3, 2016. Nicola Perren _______________________ 237
Figure 73 Study of Side-to-Side Quilt, 2017. Nicola Perren _______________________ 238
Figure 74 The Language of Many Hands, Quilt, 2018. ___________________________ 241
Figure 75 Quilts of Delusion II, Gouache, Nicola Perren. _________________________ 243
Figure 76 Quilts of Delusion VI, Gouache, Nicola Perren. ________________________ 244
Figure 77 [left] Quilting Together exhibition, Temporary Contemporary, 2019. [photo taken
by Andy Bedford] _______________________________________________________ 247
Figure 78 [right] Quilting Together exhibition, Temporary Contemporary, 2019. [photo
taken by Andy Bedford] __________________________________________________ 247
8
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Figure 79 [left] Market Quilt in progress, Temporary Contemporary, 2019. [Photo taken by
Laura Mateescu] ________________________________________________________ 250
Figure 80 [right] Market Quilt in progress, Temporary Contemporary, 2019. [Photo taken
by Laura Mateescu] _____________________________________________________ 250
Figure 81 Market quilt, 150 voices __________________________________________ 251
Tables
Table 1 Engagement with crafts in the UK ____________________________________ 28
Table 2 Methods used to collect data from the MQB. ____________________________ 89
Table 3 Age range of MQB participants ______________________________________ 119
Table 4 The modular stages for the creation of MQB [1+2] blocks. ________________ 129
Table 5 Summary of Three Stages of Motor Learning: applied to the MQB (Fitts & Posner,
1967). ________________________________________________________________ 180
Table 6 The Drefus Model [1] of Skill Acquisition [1st 2 columns] (Drefus & Drefus, 1980) in
relation to a status of the quilter both within and external to the MQB _____________ 223
Table 7 The Drefus Model [2]: Stages of Mental Activity in Skill Acquisition, relating to the
MQB quilts (Drefus & Drefus, 1980) _________________________________________ 225
Table 8 Shifting grounds of a communal making practice [MQB] __________________ 258
9
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
1
Introduction
11
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
A little Context
I remember vividly as a child making 3D or raised cards with the
Styrofoam of an old egg carton box and the illustrations of Holly
Hobbie and, entering flower arranging competitions [successfully],
that’s if I was not outside playing my part in some Blake Seven
storyline with friends. Like so many other people, from early childhood
I was engaged in the craft of making and storytelling.
Fast forward three decades and I find myself professionally recognised
as an Artist, Maker and Lecturer in Textiles. This means that I am
privileged to be paid to explore and play as part of my job, but I find
that this freedom to do as you wish to be rather too mythical, as
unsurprisingly, when making work it is always to fit in with a particular
research directive, guided by the needs of teaching or to
accommodate your client’s needs. I became more and more drawn to
the show pieces found in the craft competition tent at local village
fetes, where examples of work demonstrated excellent levels of skill
sat next to the poorly made but highly creative entries. Wondering
what it was like to make work that was genuinely free of commercial
application, was not time efficient or deemed appropriate by current
arts standards and demands pulled me towards this body of research
to encompasses the amateur, communal making of textile crafts and
in particular, quilting.
An understanding of the amateur craft maker, particularly in
communal scenarios has not been widely reported beyond an
observation of learning and well-being as a benefit to the individual.
12
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
The aim of this thesis was to gain further insight into the nature and
freedoms of the amateur in a communal making practice and broaden
our understanding of the impact this new knowledge may have.
The objectives of this thesis are to explore:
1. The autonomous learning experiences of a group.
2. The social exchanges in a group.
3. The changing identity of the amateur through the communal
making of craft.
4. The history and context of quilting as a communal act.
5. The making of quilts communally through a personal practice
as a form of investigation.
The Amateur
The term amateur is most often considered in opposition to its binary
counterpart professional, which, in turn usually refers to our status as
being paid for our labour within a society motivated towards capitalism
(Adamson, 2007; Knott, 2011; Merrifield, 2017; Stebbins, 1992).
Some research chooses to use different terms such as the hobbyist or
hobby craft (Kouhia, 2016) as these terms have less of a complex and
automatically assumed connection to the professional or the expert
(Beegan & Atkinson, 2008).
Other terms include handicrafts
(Chartrand, 1989; Gelber, 1999), home-based craft (Mason, 2005),
informal arts (Wali et al., 2001), serious leisure (Stebbins, 1992) and
we often see domestic arts and folk arts drawn into the general
narrative of the amateur. Alongside a number of researchers, I choose
to use the term amateur specifically because it is slippery (Knott,
13
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
2015), it has a sense of fighting against the dictates of commerce
(Ratto & Boler, 2014), historically it has been used for political
commentary (Greer, 2014; Newmeyer, 2008; Parker, 2010), it can be
about doing something well (Jackson, 2015) or equally, striving to
make it badly (Kessels, 2016). It is a tricky term to grapple with and
as this thesis shows, is one that not all people choose to use as a
descriptor for aspects of their creative practice.
There has been an exponential rise in engagements with amateur
based activities, particularly for textile-based crafts such as knitting,
crochet, quilting and cross stitch (Bratich & Brush, 2011; Minahan &
Cox, 2007; von Busch, 2010). These are utilised for garment
construction, the making of accessories or as items for the home. The
rise in popularity of amateur craft runs parallel with the exposure in
the 1990s of global sweatshops. With an emphasis on slow production,
personal expression, a drive to mend or upcycle items to avoid fast
production cycles and a switch from mass production to gift exchange
(Bratich & Brush, 2011; Myzelev, 2009), consumers are choosing to
return to the handmaking skills that became unfashionable as a
particular response to women no longer wanting to be tied to the
home (Newmeyer, 2008; Sheppard, 2013).
The market for craft and amateur craft is extensive, and although
there are no figures available for independent amateur craft makers,
we do know that there were over 10 million people participating in
amateur craft groups [UK] in 2014 (Milling et al., 2014). For the UK
economy, including the work of professional craft practitioners, the
value of craft in 2019 was worth £3 billion (Council, 2020). The growth
of the internet has provided a more democratic and open access to
resources for learning, access to materials and tools and provided
14
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
avenues for people to sell their craft. For example, in 2018, Etsy
reported that there were 220,000 active sellers and 9,000 on Folksy in
the UK alone (Council, 2020). If I were to Google ‘quilting’ today, I
would have the option of looking at 775,000,000 links.
The early 2000s saw the emergence of people coming together to
make in public spaces such as café’s, parks and pubs with movements
such as Stitch’n Bitch (Minahan & Cox, 2007; Stoller, 2004) and
Craftivism (Corbett, 2013; Greer, 2014; Newmeyer, 2008). People
started to engage with craft making in a way that was not linked to its
former associations of female oppression and unpaid labour (Kelly,
2014; Lippard, 2010; Turney, 2004) and pushing back against the
exploitative aspects of capitalism ‘the collaborative aspects of craft
culture reappropriate the collective qualities of sweatshop labour, but
without the exploitative discipline and hierarchical forms’ (Bratich &
Brush, 2011, p. 235).
It is important that we do not insulate our understanding of the
amateur by simply looking at what the amateur does but rather
consider it in its wider relationship with everyday activities, paid
labour, its historical context, and for this research, particularly the
experiences of women.
During this study, it became clear that there are multiple shades of
amateur. It can be recognised as a skill based activity that has an arc
of achievement (Stebbins, 1992), as something that is temporal
(Knott, 2011), as DIY citizenship which is a tool for both the individual
and a community (Ratto & Boler, 2014), or, with a specific connection
to textiles as fabriculture (Bratich & Brush, 2011). There is, however,
a common thread that permeates through this area of study which is
15
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
that the amateur is someone who tends to counter the mechanical
expertise and technical conformity of modern day living (Merrifield,
2017).
I recognise the value in understanding the tie that binds the amateur
to the professional and its slippery nature but given that I was
particularly intrigued by the freedom that autonomous making offers,
I narrowed down a criterion for the amateur upon which I could build
a foundation for this project. Within this research, I define the
intentions of the amateur as:
•
Experience of making over the outcome
•
Not for financial gain
•
Personal timeframes
•
Escapes scrutiny of professionals
•
Self-determined structures of labour
While I recognise the ability for the amateur to move towards turning
what they make into an income, particularly through online sources
such as Etsy and Folksy, I have made a particular choice to not include
this understanding of the amateur as it removes it too far from the
opportunity to recognise autonomous actions through the amateur. I
recognise that selling the items you make opens up opportunities for
people to become financially more independent and creates options
for people, it enables people to be compensated for doing the ‘thing
they love’, but such sites are also entrenched in a neo-liberal ethos of
self-sufficiency, entrepreneurship and this often means extracting
labour at rates that are far below the minimum wage (Tokumitsu,
2014). The majority of sellers on these sites are female and as a lot
of the work is also done at home, the consequences can be significant;
16
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
long working hours which usually absorb any potential leisure time
[turn what you love doing into work], with no pension, benefits or
security (Tokumitsu, 2014). Do what you love [DWYL] as a mantra for
today’s worker also shows privilege of options towards labour,
masking those who have no choice in the use of their labour. Those
who are working on factory lines, low wages and poor working
conditions of fashion manufacture, the idea of turning your love of
making into a neat side-line is problematic (Tokumitsu, 2014).
The amateur dabbles in a wide field of activities from sports to
astronomy, cooking to poetry. This research is firmly embedded in the
world of textile craft and more specifically quilting. Craft as accessed
by the amateur is not embedded in a particular culture, it is open to
all genders, it can draw inspiration historically, reflect current creative
directions or, create narratives of its own, ‘poised between the new
and trendy and the traditional, contemporary amateur crafting
maintains popularity across lines of age, income and political affiliation
[though gender divisions remain]' (Robertson, 2012, p. 348). If we
consider craft that focuses on textile as a medium however, there is a
gender divide towards women, or within other groups that have
tended to be affected by oppression (Kelly, 2014; Luckman, 2015;
Parker, 2010).
For women, the making of textiles has long been associated with
oppression through unpaid domestic labour [and still is in massproduction scenarios through low paid labour]. Yet it has also been an
activity that has functioned to empower women by bringing them
together and as a means to develop skills under one’s own rules of
engagement as theorist Roszika Parker points out in the book The
Subversive Stitch [2010]:
17
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
On the whole women no longer embroider as a gesture of wifely
or domestic duty. But the aspect of embroidery as a bond
between women has lived on. Books, exhibitions, magazines
and societies devoted to embroidery and dominated by women
constitute a curiously autonomous female area. It is largely
ignored by men (Parker, 2010, p. 215).
Textile Crafts
Textile craft offers opportunities to engage with creativity through a
personal aesthetic rather than relying on predictable, mass-produced
products ‘for some, crafting is indeed a meaningful way to not only
express their creativity, style and individuality but also do so through
means other than bland, standardised mass-produced fashion and the
ever-expanding consumerism of everyday life’ (Newmeyer, 2008, p.
454). By engaging with making items oneself, you are able to create
greater connections with your clothes or decorative items as you
develop a greater awareness of the labour, skill and knowledge that
goes into products that are so readily available in shops. The slowness
of making is also seen as an attractive element of craft for the
amateur, particularly as the majority of people who engage with craft,
do so as an escape from the banality of working lives ‘crafting creates
slow space, a speed at odds with the imperative towards
hyperproduction’ (Bratich & Brush, 2011, p. 236).
It has been well documented that engaging with crafts as an amateur
have a multitude of benefits for individual well-being and mental
health (Burt & Atkinson, 2011; Collier, 2011; Huotilainen et al., 2018;
Monbiot, 2014; Stalp, 2006). These benefits include increased
18
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
confidence, to feel grounded, rejuvenated and to improve one’s mood
(Fish, 2019; Stannard & Sanders, 2015; Wali et al., 2001).
Furthermore, when the craft includes the use of textiles, these
scenarios are heightened (Collier, 2011). Needlecraft, specifically as
an aid for depression, also has extensive literature (Burt & Atkinson,
2011; Reynolds, 2000; Valentine et al., 2010). When carried out as
part of a craft group; social connection, belonging and ongoing
learning developments also helped with the wellbeing of individuals
(Maidment & Macfarlene, 2009). This research acknowledges these
benefits and can see them in action; however, it does not focus on
this aspect of engaging with craft as an amateur.
The rise of the internet, while recognised by some as a tool to break
social bonds and create disconnections with friends and family
(Putnam, 2000; Turkle, 2011), has also acted as a tool to build new
connections, particularly amongst maker communities. For people who
engage in craft, the internet has provided opportunities that support
and build on the supply of books and magazines (Chidgey, 2014;
Kester, 2013; Ratto & Boler, 2014). Video sites have opened learning
to those who are on the whole visual learners and no longer need to
pay or go behind the closed doors of educational institutions to access
vital information of making techniques. Further to this, social media
provides opportunities for armies of people to discuss and debate on
a similar subject, i.e., crochet with cotton, quilting using a specific
designers fabric, upcycling denim. These communities of people with
like-minded interests not only drive demand but also create a strong
sense of belonging and camaraderie.1
1
For example, from personal experience, I observed in real time a video release
online from quilt and fabric designer Tula Pink. Each week on a Tuesday, Tula
releases an informal video on social media through which her brother records her
having a chat about what she has been making, doing in her studio. On one
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Making Communally
So, what starts to happen when communities come together in person
to make? When such events happen, including craft making, this can
often be considered as a political act as it feels empowering, it can
represent the voices of communities that are not dominant within
media, social and cultural platforms [gender, ethnicity, sexual
orientation] and be motivational (Felcey et al., 2013; Parker, 2010;
Ratto & Boler, 2014; Robertson, 2016; Stauch, 2018). It can also be
for learning, friendship, connection and personal growth (Hackney et
al., 2016; Maidment & Macfarlene, 2009; Minahan & Cox, 2007). When
making occurs as a community of people being creative together, it
can be a powerful experience and one that can make a difference.
Making together is about ‘providing a safe space for disagreement,
reflection, resolution, collaboration, active listening, questioning and
critical thinking, and offer quiet, tenacious and life-enhancing forms of
resistance and revision to hegemonic versions of culture and
subjectivity’ (Hackney et al., 2016, p. 34).
The making of quilts is one specific aspect of textile craft that has a
long history of making communally. Quilting bees have pulled together
communities of quilters, often out of economic necessity but they also
provide support and friendship, ‘bees provided a space for
conversation and community formation. They brought people
together, breaking social and cultural forms of isolation, and fostering
occasion, she declared that she was going to present a new fabric collection that
was not going to be released for at least another 6 – 8 months. She decided to share
with her audience, the 1st sample prints that had been returned, based on her initial
drawings. As demand for this collection grew over the next 24 hours, quilt shops
and retailers responded by including the unconfirmed range in their pre-sales. Within
a week of the initial video release, the whole pre-sale collection was sold out globally.
20
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
dialogue, mutual support, and collaboration’ (Robertson & Vinebaum,
2016, p. 8). A more modern approach to the bee is a quilting group,
and while they provide similar opportunities to form bonds and
develop skills, they tend to focus on individual making. For example,
at a quilting group, each member works on their own quilt while they
are all together in the same space. Historically, particularly in the USA
and Canada, bees would operate more like a co-operative initiative
where one quilt would be made at a time with every member
contributing to that making, each member would then receive a quilt
in return for their contribution (Stalp, 2006).
Quilting
Quilting’s rich history is varied and while its story is global, the
narrative of quilting in this research focuses on British and North
American narratives of quilting. As a purposeful item, quilts have been
valued for their comfort and warmth and are generally used as
blankets but also can be used in clothing. Often made by hand and
with the use of a sewing machine, because of the lengthy process of
making, they are often gifted and handed down through generations.
But it also has a perhaps less familiar history, that is one of activism.
In the text ‘Quilts for the Twenty-first Century: Activism in the
Expanded Field of Culture’ [2016] writer and professor Kirsty
Robertson reminds us of this history:
Quilts, quilting and quilting scholarship have long been tied to
activism, ranging from abolitionist causes in the nineteenth
century to feminist reclamation of an undervalued pastime in
the
twentieth,
and
incorporating
economic,
pacifist,
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
environmental, labour and numerous other issues. Activist
quilts are found across the globe, and their making crosses lines
of age, race and class [though less often of gender] (Robertson,
2016, p. 197)
The making of quilts is often connected to the home, as a site to use
the quilts but also the space in which quilts are made. As intimated
previously, this research recognises the home as having been a site of
often forced, unpaid domestic labour for women. One of the many
roles assigned to women as mothers and wives was that of making
clothing and household items, and as a result, the making of a quilt,
whether it was for pleasure, made out of necessity or appropriated as
a technique for an artwork, would be dismissed: ‘they evaporated
under the strain of women’s daily routine’ (Bovenschen, 1976, p. 304).
In more recent times, with greater equality and more people
undertaking paid work from home, we start to see domestic places as
a site for pleasure, fun, relaxation and as somewhere in which we are
able to develop, learn and build upon our aspirations. Writer Betsy
Greer, who is known for bringing the term Craftivism into popular
culture, notes in her blog:
The domestic is where not only are we allowed the space to
take back our kitchens and sewing machines, but where we are
also given the room to experiment and play with conventional
thought and make it our own… I learned that a home is more
than just a sanctuary and a soft place to land, it’s also a
laboratory, studio and playground [written by Betsy Greer on
her craftivism.com website - not available any more]
(Newmeyer, 2008, p. 456)
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Today’s understanding of textiles and crafts has undoubtedly emerged
into the public realm through a number of feminist artists and activists
of the 1970’s and 1980’s who stepped away from solely using the
common and accepted art forms of painting and sculpture. Using
“domestic” craft and textiles, artists such as Joyce Wieland, Judy
Chicago, Miriam Schapiro, Eva Hesse and Su Richardson critiqued the
patriarchal system and the traditional artworld. Alongside these artists,
theorists of the time such as Roszika Parker, Lucy Lippard and Griselda
Pollock, sought to bring into the public sphere other forms of creating
art which had been relegated to the domestic realm. More recently,
artists such as Tracey Emin, Louise Bourgeois, Ghada Amer, SarahJoy Ford and Polly Apfelbaum continue to bring textiles, and at times
its decorative form, into public spaces as artworks.
This thesis is presented in seven chapters; an introduction presents a
rationale; the core aims and objectives and introduces the reader to a
framework of references and a context for this research. The second
chapter, A Context for Thinking discusses and signposts key literature
and practice within this field of study. The third chapter identifies a
range of methodologies that have been applied including a longitudinal
case study called the Meltham Quilting Bee [MQB]. There then follows
an intersecting chapter in which quilting is considered historically,
socially and as a mode of empowerment, particularly for women. The
fifth chapter focuses on an analysis of the MQB followed by a chapter
that reviews the authors own personal practice as a method of
responding to and learning from the MQB. The thesis ends with a
conclusion and summary of what has been understood from this study,
an insight into new knowledge and recommendations for further
development beyond the completion of this thesis.
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
2
A Context for
Thinking
25
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Amateur craft activities are not only broad in their scope of practices
but are also part of a booming industry, which has seen an even
greater rise during times of Covid-19 due to prolonged periods of living
and working in isolation. Making with textiles has always been popular
for the amateur maker, from step-by-step kit formats through to oneoff pieces that demonstrate extremely high levels of craft skills. This
chapter starts with a review of recent reports from research councils
and government departments from which a rationale for this research
will emerge. The chapter then goes on to examine how the amateur
maker is understood within a society that upholds the professional as
a benchmark for ultimate success. I address the history and context
of the home as site for the making of work and draw attention to the
incredible quilts made by the women of Gee’s Bend, who, despite the
mass injustice of Black slavery in the USA, have been making quilts
for over a century and continue to challenge Western perceptions of
quilt design. I endeavour to understand how craft and the amateur
can lead to communal making practices that in turn provide
opportunities for autonomous actions and a range of creative voices.
Reporting In [some facts]
Since 2008 in the United Kingdom, there have been several significant
pieces of research undertaken by research councils and government
departments that contribute to the narratives in this research. Within
this section, I highlight those key reports and their findings [Figure 1].
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Figure 1 Mapping of key reports and papers, 2008 – 2020.
The contents of these reports and papers were notably written during
the ‘age of austerity’ (Smith, 2019), in a time of financial insecurity
and budget cuts (Crossick & Kaszynska, 2016). Although not part of
these reports, it was specifically noted by Rozsika Parker that both
additions of the Subversive Stitch [1996, 2010] were written during a
recession (Parker, 2010). As a result of both austerity and a recession,
funding cuts to the arts have been significant and as such have created
challenging cultural environments.
In 2008, the report Our Creative Talent; the voluntary and amateur
arts in England by Fiona Dodd, Andrew Graves and Karen Taws for the
Department for Culture, Media & Sport and Arts Council England was
published (Dodd et al., 2008). In 2014, Jane Milling and Angus McCabe
with Robin Simpson and Hamish Fyfe wrote a report The Amateur and
Voluntary Arts as part of the larger AHRC funded research
investigation Understanding Cultural Value (Milling et al., 2014).
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Although the reports show numbers of people engaged in art groups
[number of groups and number of people] neither of the reports hold
information on the number of people who undertake arts activities
outside of an organised group [see Table 1 for details]. During this
time there has continued to be a rise in amateur engagements with
the arts [including craft].
No of Art
Individual
Groups
Members
2008
49,000
6 million
2014
60,000
10 million
Source
2008.
Dodd et al. DCMS
2014.
McCabe et al. AHRC
Table 1 Engagement with crafts in the UK 2
In the UK, aside from the online resources and formal educational
classes, people can access amateur craft through tradeshows and
guilds. The benefit of guilds is that you can also connect to global
associations, for example, The Quilters Guild of the British Isles has
several thousand members (Quilters Guild, personal communication,
November 30, 2020), but The Modern Quilters Guild globally has
16,000 members (Hines-Bernay, Amanda, personal communication,
December 1, 2020). Two of the key textile craft based shows or fairs
in the UK are The Knitting & Stitching Show and The Festival of Quilts
which accordingly attracted 30,000 (Upper Street Events, 2020a) and
26,000 (Twisted Thread, personal communication, December 1, 2020)
visitors in 2019, for which both have seen rising numbers each year.
2
A] these figures do not include individual participants in such activities B] with a
growing economy, this figure is expected to double C] these figures are far higher if
you also include creativity through digital means.
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Connected Communities [2009] is a cross-council project, led by the
Arts & Humanities Research Council [AHRC]. As a multi-million pound
research programme designed to further our understanding of the
changing nature of communities [historically and culturally] it looked
at the role they have in sustaining and enhancing our quality of life
(Connected Communities, n.d.). As can be seen in the mapping of this
ambitious project [Figure 2], numerous methods were used to gather
insight including scoping studies, community heritage projects and a
range of research disciplines.
Key points from the findings of the Connected Communities project
can be found in the full report; Understanding the Value of Arts &
Culture [2016], led by Geoffrey Crossick and Patrycja Kasynska and
will be further discussed a little later in this chapter.
29
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Figure 2 Connected Communities – Facts & Figures, 2014. (Connected Communities, n.d.)
A scoping study The Role of Grassroots Arts Activities in Communities
(McCabe et al., 2011) was carried out from which Connected
Communities identified a range of benefits in amateur activities these
include: enhanced health, wellbeing and improved social skills. There
were also a number of unexpected elements such as individuals
discovering new, unrecognised aspects of themselves and the
‘contagion effect’ which describes how participation and enjoyment of
30
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
one activity, will encourage people to explore other arts activities as
well as inspiring others to also engage in the arts (Crossick &
Kaszynska, 2016).
The 2014 Milling and McCabe report Understanding Cultural Value: the
Amateur and Voluntary Arts (Milling et al., 2014) provides focus and
insight into the voluntary and amateur cultural sectors. It considers
the benefits of engaging in cultural activities that do not just measure
value against the generation of income. Several elements from Milling
& McCabe’s report seem particularly pertinent. Mirroring Knott,
Hackney and Adamson who argue that those who engage with
creativity as an amateur are producers, consumers and the audience,
there is consensus that ‘amateur creative cultural activity is vital to the
subsidised and commercial sectors through reciprocal sustainable
relationships’ (Milling et al., 2014). There is a reliance on all cultural
aspects working successfully so that each may inform and support the
other.
There also is also commentary on the chosen methods of evaluation
of activities within this sector suggesting that it is important to reflect
the scale and capacity of a group rather than just the individual. For
the group, the output is not purely focused on a physical object but is
also mindful of its social standing and contribution to culture in the
wider sense. Urban researcher, Cara Courage in their book Arts in
Place [2017] in part, refers to this as placemaking. Placemaking is
concerned with re-imaging the city or town with the visions and
aspirations of local communities, so, when we consider the nature of
each amateur group, we can understand that their known existence
can contribute towards new urban generation projects (Bailey et al.,
2019; Courage, 2017; Milling et al., 2014). In ‘Cultural Ecology and
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Cultural Critique’ [2019] Rowan Bailey, Claire Booth-Kurpnieks, Kath
Davies and Ioanni Delsante discuss the benefits of providing
temporary free rents, in-kind support and meanwhile spaces for
building and connecting communities in Huddersfield: ‘there is a
greater value at work in the development of a cultural ecology for
communities and networks to emerge and deliver on the ambitions of
the cultural heart of the town’ (Bailey et al., 2019).
Financially, most amateur arts practices do not directly seek public
subsidy and as such, makes it a suitable position from which to
understand cultural value and how it is assessed on two axis: social
and economic indicators of value. Amateur arts participants tend to
frame their engagements with an activity in terms of experience as
opposed to economic value, understanding that the depth of
engagements and quality of experience may provide more accurate
indicators of the success value of an individual. In an analysis of an
individual’s engagement with an activity, it is also important to
consider the wider implications of that experience as it does not
usually sit neatly within the group itself. For example, the experience
someone has being part of an amateur activity should also include
engagements like gallery visits as part of the parcel of experience. As
Milling et al explain: ‘amateur participation in creative cultural and
artistic activity is the facilitating precursor to the acquisition of
aesthetic knowledge, skills and activity’ (Milling et al., 2014, p. 8).
Engaging with a creative activity as an amateur pushes people to
become more knowledgeable about their chosen area of focus,
particularly once one is ‘sucked in’. For example, someone who starts
to crochet is more likely to read magazines, attend crochet related
shows, make connections with other like-minded people and join a
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
guild or club, to establish a more embedded relationship and
connection with the act of crocheting. In the report, they refer to an
element of this as the “Pitman Painter effect” which explains that when
someone has attempted to make work using a particular process, they
immediately have a heightened understanding and appreciation of
that working method (Milling et al., 2014). Considering experiences
beyond the actual engagements with method invites greater levels of
insight.
In 2016, the AHRC published the report Understanding the Value of
Arts & Culture. Led by Professor Geoffrey Crossick and Dr Patrycja
Kaszynska, the report represents the in-depth findings of a 3-year
Cultural Value Project [70 individual, smaller projects]; the key
directive was to understand the value of the arts and culture and the
difference they make to individuals and society. Written in an ‘age of
austerity’ [that remains current], the report sought to understand the
challenges of the cultural economy in the UK. The report expands
existing understandings of what constitutes culture, in a bid to find a
position that could be to the benefit of everyone in the UK. They write:
‘enlarging the focus to include not only subsidised arts, but also the
commercial, third sector, amateur and participatory, immediately
shifts the discussion away from the conventional focus on the publiclyfunded’ (Crossick & Kaszynska, 2016, p. 13). Historically, previous
reports had focused on the subsidised cultural sector, here, we also
find research into the ‘commercial, amateur and participatory, which,
after all, are where most people find their cultural engagement’
(Crossick & Kaszynska, 2016, p. 7). The premise and central position
of the report is that the experience of the individual as the consumer
and/or producer, is where we should conduct our understanding of
culture. From this position, we can then work outwards in order to
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
understand what the benefits of culture can be for society,
communities and public health.
Regarding debates around the amateur, Crossick & Kaszynska suggest
that it is important that we ask the right kind of questions. For
example, ‘asking primarily social questions of amateur arts led to a
neglect of distinctive artistic practice, motivation and ambition’
(Crossick & Kaszynska, 2016, p. 27). There is a need to disregard the
assumptions that work made by an amateur is simply referred to as a
leisure activity as this negates the possibility that the products of the
activity are without artistic, technical or aesthetic merit or that they
could not possibly have had them as the result of a decision – it would
only be an accident or coincidental occurrence. The report also
highlights current understandings of culture as being polarised: ‘the
intrinsic vs the instrumental, the elite vs the popular, the amateur vs
the professional, private vs public spaces of consumption’ (Crossick &
Kaszynska, 2016, p. 6). By looking at culture in this way, too many
boundaries are created, if we start to dissolve these walls then we
start to see a more honest appraisal of the values of culture for a
broader number of people. With regard to the influence of technology,
if we are to accept that digital access to commercial cultural works has
provided the biggest change in recent years to the ways we can
engage with culture, then co-production blurs the boundaries between
the user and supplier [consumer / producer] and offers the biggest
leaps of [accessible] opportunity (Crossick & Kaszynska, 2016).
Across the spectrum of reports presented here, there is limited [if any]
attention given to cultural consumption in and through the home.
Indeed, Crossick and Kaszynska state that this needs addressing
further. The home frames most of our cultural engagements through
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
film, music, television, radio, literature and on-line activities. Despite
knowing this, we still refer to experiences such as watching a film as
seen at the cinema or listening to music as going to a music venue
(Crossick & Kaszynska, 2016). The ways in which we experience
culture goes beyond the traditional understanding of where and how
we can engage with culture – by looking in the home for example we
can immediately move beyond those dual ways of seeing amateur vs
professional.
Understanding the Amateur
In general society, the term amateur is a status applied to someone
in a state of transition, someone who wants to shed this descriptor
and is always reaching towards professionalism. Professors Julia
Bryan-Wilson and Benjamin Piekut, in the special edition of “Third
Text” [2020] present an amateur that positively has no wish to be
assimilated:
The amateur is ‘defiantly unprofessional… they grow out of sensual
labours that are propelled for reasons other than remuneration.
Some demonstrate a punk ethos, understanding themselves as
contributing to an oppositional, anti-corporate culture, or are
queer, outlaw, or minoritarian ones, with no desire to be
assimilated or hailed into the category of the professional – but
they can also be popular or commercial, gleefully partaking of and
participating in the flows of mass culture. (Bryan-Wilson & Piekut,
2020, p. 9)
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
This research is powered by the stories and narratives of everyday
people, moments that capture a temporary taking back of control and
the relationships that evolve as a result of searching for a [perhaps]
common goal. These goals are often explored through hobbies and
are recognised by the term ‘amateur’.
The amateur of today sits in opposition to its counterpart; the
professional. Firmly embedded in an economic structure of capitalism,
the amateur overall is either reliant on earning an income through paid
labour or is retired from such a status. The amateur then engages in
interests external to their day job through which they can have
autonomy, operate within its own framework of time, can base its
ethos on little to no prior formal learning or education and is often
situated within marginal groups. The activities of the amateur, can be
considered as resistant to or, as a negotiation of capitalism (BryanWilson & Piekut, 2020; Hackney, 2013; Jackson, 2015; Knott, 2011,
2015; Lippard, 2010; Merrifield, 2017; Ramos, 2020). However, the
activities of the amateur are rarely experienced in isolation and are
recognised as being part of an interdependent relationship with the
professional. For example, a person dabbling in piano playing as an
amateur will become interested in listening to other people playing the
piano [often professionals], they will purchase music, attend piano
recitals, search out opportunities to discuss and play music with
others. Different and often opposing parties, such as the professional
and the amateur, are often reliant on the existence of the other
(Bryan-Wilson & Piekut, 2020; Crossick & Kaszynska, 2016; Franco,
2020; Hackney et al., 2016; Knott, 2011; Kouhia, 2016; Lippard, 2010;
Milling et al., 2014). In this scenario, the amateur refers to the
professional for inspiration and insight while the professional, seeks
out the amateur to engage in artistic culture and contribute to the
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
creative economy and ultimately, provide an income for the
professional.
The Latin root for the term amateur is amare, meaning ‘to love’ and is
associated with virtuous, voluntary activities undertaken for their own
sake (Knott, 2011). The term is used to describe an object, such as:
‘this hand thrown bowl has an amateur finish’, an individual; ‘an
amateur cabinet maker’ or even to excuse; ‘well they did say they were
an amateur’. The understanding of this term today is a far cry from its
amare origins. Sloppiness, without skill, unimportant, superfluous
outputs and something that only those with time and money can
engage is how we have come to understand it (Adamson, 2007; BryanWilson & Piekut, 2020; Hackney et al., 2016; Knott, 2015; Merrifield,
2017; Sheppard, 2013).
Stephen Knott, author of Amateur Craft: History and Theory [2015]
and the thesis “Amateur Craft as a Differential Practice” [2011],
provides both a historical and contemporary understanding of what is
considered an amateur craft [in its wider sense], and discusses the
nature and drive of individuals who participate in creative practices.
Knott states that amateur work is ‘the freest, most autonomous form
of making within structures of Western capitalism’ (Knott, 2015, p. xi).
As both consumers and producers amateur craft makers negate
conformity to academic currencies, they are not under financial
obligation or beholden to deadlines. In short, they are making and
engaging as an amateur for the love of making.
There is value in looking to the work of amateurs because despite
working in similar political and societal systems to that of its
professional counterpart, the amateur creates work, opportunities and
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
meanings that can create fresh perspectives and insights. As a result
of making within an expanded set of parameters, Knott suggests that:
The story of modern amateurism is about the continuation of
autonomous action within the constraints of capitalism.
Amateur craft practitioners negotiate limitations of skill, space
and time that arise from inhabiting a system that is geared
toward productivity, motivated by the desire to temporarily
control their own labour. (Knott, 2011, p. 10)
In this respect, amateur practice is far from the popular idea that it
lacks originality, self-critique, is superfluous and without overt political
intent. Knott presents a rich and curious observation of a
misrepresented, creative endeavour that makes a vital contribution to
the material culture of the modern world.3
Like Knott, Paul Atkinson, author of the text “Do-It-Yourself:
Democracy and Design” [2006] looks at a wide-ranging set of amateur
activities such as garden design, knitting, vehicle customization, the
making of soft furnishings and discusses the identity of the amateur
under the guise of DIY. Atkinson divides this broad spectrum of activity
into four categories that highlight differences in the drive to make
work,
approaches
to
making
and
the
reliance
on
outside
support/influences. The categories used are: ‘Pro-active’, ‘Reactive’,
‘Essential’ and ‘Lifestyle’ (Atkinson, 2006, p. 3) and focus on
autonomously directing one’s time, learning and approach. Atkinson
3
Knott goes onto connect the concept of the modern amateur craftsperson with
the term capitalist bricoleur coined by anthropologist, Claude Lévi-Strauss which,
describes the making of products with items that are to hand. This approach to
craft and making will be further explored in this thesis through the act of
communal quilt making [pages 106 & 129].
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
explains that pro-active DIY consists of ‘those activities which contain
significant elements of self-directed, creative design input, and which
might involve the skilled manipulation of raw materials or original
combination of existing components, where the motivation is personal
pleasure or financial gain’ (Atkinson, 2006, p. 3). In this respect, pro-
active DIY provides a clear positioning of the term amateur for the
context of this research project, although this thesis steers away from
aspects of financial gain through craft activities.
When a person engages with an activity as an amateur, they do so
outside of time spent undertaking their ‘day job’. It is an action that is
carried out by choice, under their own terms and within time frames
that they set themselves (Stalp, 2006, 2007). It often requires financial
outlay but does not necessarily provide any financial returns; any pay
back is in the form of autonomy, a sense of achievement and belonging
to a community [physical or virtual]. Participants of amateur practices
are reliant on an income stream to pay for materials, equipment, tools
and space. This means that a majority of participants engage in paid
work therefore creating a situation where the amateur is in a ‘condition
of its unfreedom’. (Knott, 2011, p.181)
Amateur makers [amateurs who craft] carry out work-like activities for
leisure with the outcomes tending to escape the scrutiny of ‘those in
the know’ (Adamson, 2007; Jackson, 2015; Knott, 2015; Kouhia, 2016;
Paterson & Surette, 2015). The focus of such makers tends to be about
the experience of making as opposed to the end-product. In his study
titled “Constructing at Home: Understanding the Experience of the
Amateur Maker”, (2015) Andrew Jackson provides a deeper
understanding of the intrinsic rewards associated with amateur
designing and making, identifying the key concepts that provide the
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
structure for the amateur maker as: investment, the project, the
experience of the moment and the materiality of making (Jackson,
2015, p. 5). Jackson recognises that the value and enjoyment of
amateur making is focused on the range of experiences as opposed to
the end-product. Kayak maker Greg makes this point very clear when
discussing the results of his amateur kayak making: ‘to tell you the
truth I am quite glad to see the back of them […] I have worked and
worked and I have had my pleasure out of building it and then it’s just
sitting here’ (Jackson, 2015, p. 12). For a lot of amateur makers, the
process and time spent making is the major factor in enjoying the
experience. Once the object is completed, the maker tends to move on
very quickly, often planning the next project while the current one is
still in progress (Knott, 2015; Stalp, 2007).
Class and the Amateur
Today, we often continue to understand the amateur as someone who
dabbles in a leisurely act that takes place as a result of having
expendable income and having free time that needs filling (Gelber,
1999; Grace & Gandolfo, 2014; Hackney, 2013; Merrifield, 2017;
Stannard & Sanders, 2015; Turney, 2004). In the text “Quiet Activism
and the New Amateur” [2013], design historian Fiona Hackney states
that the new amateur is historically and contextually savvy – they are
aware, foster tactics and help develop strategies (Hackney, 2013, p.
171). Hackney writes of the need to throw off the shackles of thinking
the amateur and its related past times are simply middle class.
Hackney states that while we continue to think about the term as a
tool for idle hands and minds, we fail to recognise the full extent and
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
possibility of such activities and the breadth that amateur activities
bring to contemporary [and historic] culture.
The class system [a social construct] that exists in Britain is ever
evolving. Karl Marx equated class with the relationship an individual
had with the means of production and recognised three categories;
landowners [income came from rent of their estates], bourgeois
capitalists [income came from the profits of their businesses] and the
proletarian workers [income came from the sale of their own labour
to their employers as a wage] (Marx, 1894). During the industrial
revolution [1770’s / 1780’s] of Victorian Britain, a middle class of
people emerged as a growing number of people began to move into
higher paid roles within the means of production and were then able
to create personal economic capital (Barker, 2008; Cannadine, 1999).
Art historian and author of the influential book The Subversive Stitch
[2010], Rozsika Parker, considers the role that women held in society
and the home in industrialised Victorian Britain. Parker makes a clear
argument for a Victorian understanding of what it is to be a woman
which is to be serene, obedient and caring and the ways in which this
behaviour is aligned to the practice of embroidery in the home. This
pervading understanding of textile making in the domestic interior by
middle class women not only covered up the prior history of the
oppression of women but, created a hold on making with textiles in
particular that was [and still is] hard to shake off (Parker, 2010). This
hold often reinstates the idea that making with textiles is essentially a
submissive, mindless and domesticated act (Parker, 2010; Stalp,
2007).
The class formations of the nineteenth century brought into play a
range of amateur activities such as embroidery or stitch. These were,
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
however, utilised for different reasons and not always simply for
leisure. For example, amongst the proletarian working classes, sewing
(the functional act of joining together pieces of cloth) to make
clothing/household textiles and mend textiles was an act of economic
necessity. It would also have been a method to provide additional
income. For the middle classes, embroidery (creating decorative
additions to cloth) had an equally important but different role.
Spending time stitching patterns onto cloth would aid the passing of
time, was used to hone fine skills and as a finished result would
communicate affluence to others. Having time to engage in this
activity marks out a privilege at the same time demonstrate social and
domestic obedience (e.g. potential suitors seeking out appropriate
skills and demeanour to be a good wife) (Adamson, 2007; Hughes,
n.d.; Parker, 2010). During the early twentieth century, following the
reform of the Educational Act of 1902, needlework was included in the
curriculum for girls [woodwork for boys]. As Parker explains, with
reference to the implementation of textiles into education: ‘for the
working class girls, needlework was connected to domestic work in
preparation for their future as wives, mothers or domestic servants;
for the middle-class girls needlework was increasingly taught as an
art, following the principles established by the women at Glasgow
School of Art’ (Parker, 2010, p. 188)4.
4
The Glasgow School of Art had begun a quest to re-consider embroidery as simply
being an extension of one’s femininity. Teacher Jessie R. Newbery, from 1894-1908
recognised embroidery is ‘an art with a history which determines but need not limit
its practice’ (Parker, 2010, p. 186) and encouraged the making of work that was as
good as it needed to be [according to its purpose] which, was quite at odds with the
idea of the time in which embroidery was to always be done perfectly as it was a
reflection of the person making it. Around 1900, embroidery became part of the
curriculum for girls in all schools and Newbery’s approach was adopted as part of
that learning, Ann Macbeth who had studied at The Royal School of Needlework,
London, was placed in charge of the new curriculum pushed our understanding of
embroidery further through the questioning of its connection to class. Macbeth
rejected the use of silks for cheaper fabrics, recognised that design should arise out
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Hackney recognises that these nineteenth and early twentieth century
associations with domestic craft cloud our current understandings of
the work of amateurs. This Victorian context has hindered the values
of amateur making outside the institution of education, the arts canon
and/or the general understanding of the generation of monetary
wealth from textiles production.
Despite societal pressures of conformity and obedience [for women],
Parker [and Lucy Lippard] provide alternative ways to read and
acknowledge the amateur makers of the past and the much-maligned
amateur of today. Parker suggests that embroidery became a powerful
tool when women would use this mode of making to empower and
subvert societal expectations of the time. She writes: ‘Historically,
through the centuries, it has provided both a weapon of resistance for
women and functioned as a source of constraint. It has promoted
submission to the norms of feminine obedience and offered both
psychological and practical means to independence’ (Parker, 2010, p.
xix). If, the power and subversion found within embroidery is also a
‘condition of its unfreedom’ (in Knott’s sense) perhaps it would not
need to be used as a tool to push against its repression. For example,
in the text “Making Something from Nothing [Towards a Definition of
Women’s ‘Hobby’ Art’]” [1978], art critic, writer and activist, Lucy
Lippard talks about greater access [in terms of class] to amateur craft
activities noting class differences in mindset towards making:
The less privileged she is, the more likely she is to keep her
interests inside the home with the focus of her art remaining
of the technique itself and encouraged students to come up with their own designs
rather than replicate what has been done historically.
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
the same as that of her work. The better off and better
educated she is the more likely she is to go outside of the home
for influence stimulus, to spend her time reading, going to
concerts, theatre, dance, staying “well informed”. (Lippard,
2010, p. 486)
In other words, the status of the maker is determined by class
privilege, with the inside of the home serving as a space for exploration
and the culture of the outside world afforded to those who feel entitled
to access stimulus from elsewhere.
The Rise of the Amateur
As previously suggested, the emergence of the amateur is also linked
to the growth and development of the middle-classes during the
industrial revolution. The development of accessible art materials such
as paint in tubes and easels, ‘how-to’ manuals and advice-based
literature happened as a direct result of changes in manufacturing and
the desires of the middle classes to pursue leisure-based activities.
Until now, leisure was something only gentrified landowners had been
able to enjoy. As Knott explains:
The unpaid aristocratic virtuoso was joined by a vast array of
amateur makers – women engaging in home arts, beginners
learning a craft, tourists capturing a scene through watercolour,
and throughout the nineteenth century an increasing number
of middle-class workers wanting to fill spare time with useful
and enjoyable practices. As a result, amateur practice
increasingly became associated with conditions of making
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
[labour], rather than mere curiosity or a love of acquiring
knowledge. (Knott, 2015, p. xiii)
If, engaging in amateur activities is a ‘condition of its unfreedom’
(Adamson, 2010; Knott, 2011), essentially, in order that we may
engage in an activity with autonomy, we need to have the conditions
of paid work in our lives too. It is this point of difference that
establishes the role of amateur practice versus professional practice.
This does not mean automatically that amateur work is made poorly
or without critical engagement. Quite simply, it is done voluntarily and
unlike its professional counterpart, often achieved without monetary
gain.
In the foreword written by Glenn Adamson for Lucy Lippard’s 1978
text “Making Something from Nothing [Towards a Definition of
Women’s ‘Hobby’ Art’]”, Adamson states that Lippard ‘reframes
amateurism not as an embarrassing condition which women artists
need to transcend, but as a measure by which to judge the extent of
gender and class prejudice’ (Lippard, 2010, p. 483).5
For some authors it is clear that makers who engage with amateur
activities do not want to be passive consumers, they want to be
entirely immersed in an experience that they have fully orchestrated
(Adamson, 2007; Paterson & Surette, 2015). Makers push themselves
to learn and engage in ways beyond the amateur act itself. Going to
exhibitions, sourcing materials, reading around the history, watching
5
Lippard also goes on to say that even with the wrongness of art being considered
higher than craft, within the craft field itself there are purists who would deem that
amateur craft and select textiles to be considered as lowly. Basically, women making
quilts as an amateur engagement is pretty lowly – bring in non-white ethnicity and
it falls lower [or, is considered as folk art] (Lippard, 2010)
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
instructional videos, amongst other things, in order that they can
become more engaged and present within their ‘arranged’ amateur
activity. As Knott explains ‘So often overlooked, amateur craft is more
complex, innovative, unexpected, roguish, humorous and elusive than
its use as a cover-all term for inadequacy and shoddy work’ (Knott,
2015, p. xii). These characteristics can be quite simply a characteristic,
or they can be the means by which one may elevate oneself or move
beyond those embarrassing conditions that are potentially recognised
because of one’s gender or perceived class. Developing expertise,
insight and the confidence to engage with an interest in the wider
world of culture, has the capacity to make an amateur engagement,
an empowering act.
However, these positive highlights can also be the markers by which
amateur craft takes most criticism. As Adamson explains in Thinking
through Craft [2007]: ‘when craft manifests itself as an expression of
amateurism […] it becomes genuinely troublesome […] one of the
hallmarks of amateur activity is a lack of critical distance from the
object of desire’
(Adamson, 2007, p. 139). One of the primary
definitions of making as an amateur occurs as a result of enjoyment
and for the love of making itself. One of the criticisms heralded at this
driving force is that it lacks critique and does not directly engage or
present a challenge to established dialogue and debate in the fine arts
or the art system itself. The historical hierarchy between art and craft
means that culturally amateur activities and work are often dismissed
from those outside the field of amateur interest. However, Adamson
explains that ‘the disdain goes both ways’ (Adamson, 2007, p. 139).
One only has to spend time at an amateur event such as a science
fiction or quilting convention to understand that what takes place
outside of their amateur passions, has little to no relevance. In other
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
words, those engaged in such activities can become so absorbed in
this aspect of their world, that they take no notice of external critique
and commentary.
6
Textile Craft
In The Invention of Craft [2013] Glenn Adamson writes; ‘For me, craft
has always meant something like “making something well through
hand skill,” no more and no less’ (Adamson, 2013, p. xxiv). Most
contemporary makers [both professional and amateur] would consider
the traditional definition of craft in this way, however, contemporary
craft is complex, slippery and presents multiple perspectives and
positions (Adamson, 2013; Attfield, 2000; Frayling, 2011). Craft is an
act of making that usually evolves through a particular commitment to
process and as a result, develops material expertise (Kats, 2014;
Kouhia, 2016; Niedderer & Townsend, 2015). Some interpretations of
craft have an understanding that it is wider than just the act of making.
A more holistic viewpoint encompasses the ideation of the endproduct, the act of making as well as a reflective evaluation of the
process itself. These acts are not a formal sequence of static events
6
Within the hierarchies of the arts, craft has often been considered as lessor to fine
or contemporary art – in terms of its monetary value, contribution to high culture
and recognition of those that participate in craft-based activities. The reasons for
this are often cited as craft being female orientated or gendered, functionally driven,
process over concept (Adamson, 2010; Lippard, 2010; Parker, 2010; Paterson &
Surette, 2015). However, Glenn Adamson, in his book The Invention of Craft [2013]
reminds us that the placement of craft in opposition to fine art is largely a post war
[1945] tendency (Adamson, 2013, p. xiv) and that it should be discussed within a
far wider remit of creative acts that include material science, amateur practice and
design, to only judge it by the standards of contemporary or fine art closes craft
down too much (Adamson, 2007, 2013; Frayling, 2011; Risatti, 2007).
47
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
but actually crossover and can happen simultaneously (Huotilainen et
al., 2018; Pöllänen, 2009).
Christopher Frayling, educationalist and writer, clearly presents a more
fluid understanding in On Craftsmanship: towards a new Bauhaus
[2011] stating that craft is ‘a short word that has been stretched in
recent years almost to breaking point’ (Frayling, 2011, p. 9). Adamson
reflects on this and refers to our understanding of craft as elastic
(Adamson, 2013) and ‘nearly always defined by what it is not rather
than by what it is’ (cited in Niedderer & Townsend, 2015, p. 626).
Frayling refers to designers for whom craft is considered as the
workmanship of risk and more recently, slow design as a response to
fast living. For large scale manufacturers, craft can be an opportunity
to highlight ‘the good old times’ through advertising – think Hovis and
you see a romanticised cobbled Yorkshire street or Levi’s ‘Craftwork’
campaign, where denim is aligned to heritage, quality and innovation
or for, evening television viewers, craft is about watching from a
distance as experts demonstrate cooking, dressmaking, mending
(Frayling, 2011). Recent examples of this include The Great British
Sewing Bee, The Great Pottery Throw Down, The Great British Bake
Off and Make! Craft Britain.
Amateur craft activities that specifically utilise textiles are well known
to have therapeutic effects and to contribute to the well-being of the
individual (Collier, 2011; Huotilainen et al., 2018; Jefferies, 1984;
Kouhia, 2016; Stannard & Sanders, 2015; Turney, 2004). The
experience
that
makers
often
describe
relates
to
Mihaly
Csikszentmihalyi concept of flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1996) which can
be articulated as a mindful space that we inhabit when we intensely
engage in an activity for its own sake (Collier, 2011; Csikszentmihalyi,
48
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
1996; Hackney, 2013; Huotilainen et al., 2018; Knott, 2011; Lane,
2013). Furthermore, time that is spent quilting and patchworking
enhances feelings of satisfaction, flow and confidence (Burt &
Atkinson, 2011; Huotilainen et al., 2018; Kouhia, 2016; Stalp, 2007).
The cabinet maker and craft theorist David Pye, author of “The Nature
and Art of Workmanship” [1968], celebrated the Workmanship of Risk
[WoR] in which made objects were free of the regulated Workmanship
of Certainty [WoC] which, was the focus of industry standards of
production (Pye, 2010, p. 341). Written in 1968, at a time when craft
theory was emerging in a bid to be considered in conversations about
the status of craft making in relation to art and design, Pye brings in
measurable scales of understanding surrounding the hand making of
products as an artisan as opposed to the making of products as part
of industrial production practices. It is useful to consider Pye’s thinking
here as it provides a way of looking at positions that differ but are
dependent on their relationship to other points of view. For example,
Pye provides an understanding of the nature of crafted objects and
their intent, and whilst not entirely linked to amateur making, helps to
provide a distinction with its binary counterpart: professional making.
The term Workmanship of Risk refers to hand crafted works that do
not look or feel like they have come off a production line, each piece
bears the traces of the hand of the maker. In opposition is the term
Workmanship of Certainty which describes objects that are made on
industrial production lines, every item comes off the line looking
exactly like its predecessor – if it is not, it is deemed to have failed
and will be considered as waste. The WoR emphasises that the quality
of the result is always at risk due to the nature of making individual
items by hand. This approach keeps the focus on the outcome over
the experience of engaging with making.
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Within the field of collaborative craft making [but also by the individual
contemporary amateur maker], the experience and time spent
engaging in the act of making is of greater importance than the
outcome itself. In Collaboration through Craft [2013] Felcey et al
explain: ‘more emphasis is placed on innovation; intentionality has
replaced objectivity and chaos and risk have taken the place of
determinate rules and judgement. Expertise in this sense is now less
about end-result driven processes and more about engaging in a
process’ (Felcey et al., 2013, p. 9). Here we recognise the importance
and relevance of the wider experience in making through craft, as
opposed to the focus being on the end-product, which in commercial
environments is of paramount importance.
The term ‘textiles’ encompasses a broad spectrum of elements and
processes that, enable you to make cloth. Fibres are spun to create
yarns, yarns are connected through knitting and weaving to make the
cloth and then dyes can be used to add colour. Stitch can be used
decoratively or to construct items for use in the home or for clothing.
Textiles are, overall, produced industrially but are also utilised within
the arts / crafts sectors and incredibly popular as an approach to
creativity for amateur makers. Textiles are embedded with social
meanings, they often bring people together and help to foster social
bonds (Barber & Macbeth, 2014; Hemmings, 2012; Pajaczkowska,
2016). The skills of making cloth are often passed down through the
generations and connect us to our ancestors (Hackney, 2013; Mason,
2005; Robertson & Vinebaum, 2016).
The making or manipulation of textiles within the amateur sector is
highly accessible in terms of learning through open sources like the
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
internet, television, books, guilds, evening classes (Frayling, 2011;
Hackney, 2013; Huotilainen et al., 2018; Jackson, 2011). From crochet
to cross stitch and macramé to quilting, textiles are utilised to aid
health and well-being (Burt & Atkinson, 2011; Collier, 2011;
Huotilainen et al., 2018), as a creative outlet (Hackney et al., 2016;
Jackson, 2015; Kouhia, 2016) and to bring communities together
(Bratich & Brush, 2011; Ratto & Boler, 2014). The transportable nature
of textiles and particular skills such as knitting, crochet and patchwork
means that it can be taken outside of the home and engaged with in
public social situations, i.e. the pub, cafés and parks (Myzelev, 2009;
Robertson & Vinebaum, 2016; Twigger Holroyd & Shercliff, 2016)
Anna Kouhia, is author of the thesis “Unravelling the Meaning of
Textile Hobby Crafts” [2016] and highlights a broad range of textile
based activities that are undertaken by the amateur as a hobby, from
the ‘seemingly uninventive step-by-step craft projects portrayed in
craft magazines [… through to] radical-activist riot crafts’ (Kouhia,
2016, p. 17) and uses the term ‘shifting culturescape’ to suggest
something that does not sit still for long (Kouhia, 2016). Engaging with
textiles as a hobby [or for the amateur] is undisputedly popular; in the
USA, 28.8 million people participated in knitting and crochet [2016]
(Decker, 2018) and there were 7-10 million quilters in 2017 (Quilting
in America 2017, 2017). In the UK, crafting generates over £5.4 billion
in the retail economy, almost 70% of British women have engaged
with craft in the past year and crafting amongst 16-34 year olds is up
12% since 2013 (Immed. Media Co, 2020).
At the time of completing this PhD, we are in the midst of the global
pandemic; Covid 19. As the world went into a lockdown, there was an
exponential rise in people taking up new hobbies and for many, this
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
included delving into the world of textiles. The UK Hand Knitting
association states that during the initial weeks of lockdown there was
a 50% increase in internet searches on how to knit (UK Hand Knitting,
n.d.) and from personal experience, fabric shops were so inundated
with orders they were having to close to catch up on orders and to
restock.
As a format, textiles have traditionally been shunned as a medium by
art galleries (Lippard, 2010; Robertson & Vinebaum, 2016) as it is so
often relegated to domestic creativity, but in the last 20 years this has
started to change. As male artists specifically choose to use textiles as
a medium, you also see a growing cultural acceptance of it as a serious
medium. Grayson Perry, Yinka Shonibare, Do Ho Sun, Nick Cave and
Gerhard Richter work exclusively with textiles, or utilise it on
occasions. Coincidentally [or therefore] it has become more
acceptable to be presented in a gallery setting.
In recent years, there have been more opportunities to experience and
see textiles in galleries. Currently [2020] on display at Yorkshire
Sculpture Park is the exhibition Beyond by Joana Vasconcelos which
includes several major textile sculptures. Sheila Hicks has a major
exhibition Off Grid at the Hepworth, Wakefield [now postponed to
2022] and We Will Walk – Art and Resistance in the American South
at the Turner Contemporary in Margate had some of the Gee’s Bend
quilts on display as part of the exhibition. Within the last few years,
Anni Albers had a major retrospective at the Tate Modern and two of
the joint winners from the Turner Prize 2019, Oscar Murillo and Tai
Shani included textiles within their works.
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
A recent article “How Quiltmaking’s Deep Traditions are Influencing
Contemporary Art” on Artsy recognises that textiles as craft is
increasingly being noticed and particularly the work of Black African
quilt makers. This tradition of quilting is now being used by numerous
contemporary artists including Bisa Butler, Faith Ringgold, Sarah-Joy
Ford, Tracey Emin, Dawn Williams Boyd, Terrence Payne, Josh Faught
and Natalie Baxter. The fact that quilts always draw us back to the
domestic and the homely [rightly or wrongly so] is the reason for this
craft making being revisited as an art form during troubled social and
political times, ‘quilts inherent associations with warmth, nostalgia,
and community make them particularly appealing now, in the midst of
the pandemic and widespread division and inequity’ (Davis-Marks,
2020).
Amateur Textile Craft.
Millions of people across the world engage in textile based amateur
craft as a leisure activity for enjoyment and as a way of selfexpression. Approaches are diverse; from the step-by-step methods
found in magazines and online to the more inventive DIY makers [who
usually started out as a step-by-step maker], through to community
and activist based craft (Hackney et al., 2016; Knott, 2015; Kouhia,
2016; Mason, 2005). Sociologist, Harry Hillman Chartrand recognises
this growth of participation in craft in relation to three demographic
changes: rising levels of education, increasing participation of women
and the ageing of the population (Chartrand, 1989). Engaging with
craft as an amateur is now firmly embedded within popular culture
(Bratich & Brush, 2011; Knott, 2015; Mason, 2005; Turney, 2004).
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Engaging with craft as an amateur hold’s similar values to those of the
professional craft practitioner; making something well [by hand],
mastering a technique and finding joy in the time spent making. Where
they differ is the purpose for pursuing the craft. For the professional,
the focus is on the consumer who in turn demands qualities in finish
and particular products. For the amateur, it is more insular in that they
are generally doing it for themselves [despite frequently gifting the
products of their time] and care less for what other people may think
of their endeavours or, what current high culture deems worthy. As
Adamson explains: ‘the amateur mindset implies a complete
indifference to the self-critical values of the avant garde’ (Adamson,
2007, p. 139). Kouhia goes on to state that the non-professional uses
this time of making as an opportunity to think on matters that are on
the mind and make according to their personal taste, thus completely
ignoring what is considered good taste by those trained to know: ‘craft
making [for the hobbyist] has become known in the current debates
as a means of expressing oneself, since it lets ordinary people illustrate
their own aesthetic taste and creates an avenue for selfcontemplation’ (Kouhia, 2016, p. 23).
Lippard disdainfully refers to distinctions in craft as “high” and “low”
craft (Lippard, 2010). High craft, can be seen in galleries and museums
and individual items form part of a small, bespoke production line that
have aesthetic similarities (Risatti, 2007). Low craft however is
considered as derivative, not created with consideration for wider
cultural trends, often jumps from one style to another with each piece
produced and, is of low quality (Lippard, 2010). This inference, that
an amateur automatically assumes low quality [in making, concept,
design] is considered offensive by some who partake in craft as an
amateur. For example, guest editors of a special edition of Third Text
54
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
on Amateurism, Julia Bryan-Wilson and Benjamin Piekut, explain that
this ‘progression’ is not on an equal footing for all amateurs ‘for
someone with privilege, amateurism functions as a temporal condition:
one begins as the first timer and then, over time, develops into a pro.
For others, including many minoritarian subjects who have not been
granted access to the same narratives of progress (i.e. indigenous or
women makers), no amount of experience is sufficient to promote
them out the category of amateur’ (Bryan-Wilson & Piekut, 2020, p.
10).
Amateur craft is often paired down to being a disguised affirmation of
work (Gelber, 1999; Jackson, 2011), is categorised into levels based
on intention and skill (Atkinson, 2006; Stebbins, 1992) or, as actively
standing in opposition to its professional counterpoint (Merrifield,
2017). But we can also understand it as a more fluid occurrence that
is constantly re-balancing itself. Rather than recognise the amateur
within set categories, it might be more pertinent to understand it as
something that shifts in response to its social and physical habitat. The
amateur is ‘inherently constrained, mediated and socialised’ (Knott,
2015, p. xvi). This fluid way of thinking enables us to have a more
inclusive understanding of the value of amateur craft engagement to
individuals.
Making Communally
In the book Collaboration through Craft, edited by Amanda Ravetz,
Alice Kettle & Helen Felcey, craft is considered as ‘socially and
culturally situated… with the potential to be highly adaptive’ (Felcey et
al., 2013, p. 8). Felcey et al recognise that our understanding of craft
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
can be renegotiated and understood differently depending on the
contexts within which we encounter it. When we consider craft in a
communal making environment, it is useful to recognise its ability to
transform not only those who engage with it but as an act that can be
amended or adapted and is likely to be different to each person who
engages with it.
Collaboration in making, while having its pitfalls such as the [potential]
de-skilling of a piece of work due to the number of partners involved,
is nevertheless considered as an opportunity to expand upon its
foundations; an opportunity to capture the benefits of working with a
number of people (Hackney et al., 2016; Maidment & Macfarlene,
2009; Minahan & Cox, 2007; Shercliff, 2014a). Professor and author
of The One and the Many [2011], Grant Kester discusses the nuances
and specificity of working communally: ‘new modes of aesthetic
experience and new frameworks for thinking about identity occur
through the haptic and verbal exchanges that unfold in the process of
collaborative interaction’ (Kester, 2011, p. 113). Kester is describing
how conversations that take place during a communal making
experience shape and inform the work we are making. These close-up
and shared encounters encourage the maker to consider their own
identity and how that may or may not differ when seen as part of the
group.
Emma Shercliff, as a maker, researcher and educator acknowledges in
their thesis ‘Articulating Stitch: skilful hand-stitching as personal, social
and cultural experience’ [2014] that the specificity of stitching, helps
or aids the development of making communally. ‘The ability to interact
socially … is implicit in the rhythms and patterns of stitching gestures,
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
which in turn are reflected in the rhythms and patterns of speech in
collective work’ (Shercliff, 2014a, p. 159)
Lecturers, Jane Maidment and Selma Macfarlane, in the text “Craft
groups: Sites of Friendship, Empowerment, Belonging and Learning
for Older Women” [2009] looked at how well-being was improved
amongst older women (65+) when they engaged in craft making as a
communal activity: ‘The women … perceived the craft groups as a
place where they could learn from each other, validate feelings,
discover their right for verbal and creative expression, experience
autonomy, foster support and service each other as well as other
women outside of the group’ (Maidment & Macfarlene, 2009, p. 16).
For these women [as in most female focused craft groups], it is an
opportunity to learn from your peers and to lift each other. For
example, one of the participants in Maidment and Macfarlane’s
research commented, it ‘makes you feel good, brightens you up, lifts
you up … I love it when someone asks, you know, how did you do
that?... And you feel, I suppose, a little bit important. (Elsie)’
(Maidment & Macfarlene, 2009, p. 17).
Craft making has historically been associated with women and the
domestic (Hackney, 2013; Hemmings, 2012; Kouhia, 2016; Lippard,
2010; Mason, 2005; Parker, 2010; Shercliff, 2014a) and is often
conceived as being nostalgic with connections to parents and
grandparents. Amongst younger women there has been a resurgence
over the past 25 years in craft as an amateur activity with groups such
as Stitch’n Bitch (Stoller, 2004) and Craftivism (Corbett, 2013; Greer,
2014) bringing making back into current popular culture. Women,
particularly in their twenties, thirties and forties often recognise craft
as ‘empowering …because it provides an opportunity to undertake
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
something purely unpractical and inefficient’ (Myzelev, 2009). But it is
not always recognised as being fun, mindful and a release from daily
pressures as authors Jack Bratich and Heidi Brusch point out in
“Fabricating Activism: Craft-Work, Popular Culture, Gender” [2011].
They write: ‘old domesticity, with its attending negative associations
with female subordination, devalued labour, and social role
restrictions, could never fully capture what was actually going on in
these spaces’ (Bratich & Brush, 2011, p. 238) meaning that for some
women, particularly those who have lived through oppressed feminine
domestication will find it difficult to understand the use of certain crafts
for pleasure (Bratich & Brush, 2011; Kouhia, 2016).
Making work communally requires negotiation, compromise and can
bring anxiety [due in part to a lack of full control over creative,
technical or material choices] (Kester, 2013; Lewis et al., 2013). If,
however, we push past these initial [but real] challenges we can
recognise other opportunities. Often the outcome of making work
together shifts the focus to the experience of working with others
through a communally shared process as opposed to prioritising the
final outcome. For example, The Profanity Embroidery Group [PEG]
[2014 – present] is a group of women [and one man] who meet
regularly in a Whitstable pub in Kent. The premise for the group is that
they embroider profanities onto cloth, sometimes they work as
individuals and at other times they work on a project together. In an
interview on the blog womensart, with founder Annie Taylor it was
noted that ‘groups like PEG are reflective of much more than the crafts
created but highlight the value in collective experience within the
tradition of women’s communal work’ (Stitching & Swearing: Interview
with Annie Taylor of the Profanity Embroidery Group (PEG), 2018). On
being asked about a feminist slant to the group she replies: ‘Some of
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
the work is more subtle than others, but there is something rather
glorious in beautifully embroidering the word Cunt. It is an old word,
but it is seen as vicious and derogatory, the worst of the worst, but if
you can happily use it, and stitch it, the word has lost its power to hurt
you’ (Stitching & Swearing: Interview with Annie Taylor of the
Profanity Embroidery Group (PEG), 2018).
The makers of PEG use the confidence that being part of a group
brings to empower themselves (Bratich & Brush, 2011; Minahan &
Cox, 2007) and in their case, to push back against the oppressive use
of language that has been used to quieten them and make them feel
de-valued. In the book DIY Citizenship; Critical Making and Social
Media (2014), editors and Professors Matt Ratto and Megan Boler
recognise this group of proactive makers as DIY Citizens, that is,
people who are politically participating in society or, those who
‘redeploy and re-purpose corporately produced content or create novel
properties of their own, often outside the standard systems of
production and consumption’ (Ratto & Boler, 2014).
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Figure 3 Sue Prevost of PEG, 2019. (PEG - Profanity Embroidery Group - Whitstable, n.d.)
PEG and Stitch’n Bitch groups are examples of the power that can
emerge from a group [usually women] coming together to create work
as individuals. But what of groups of women who come together as a
collective to engage in making work as one? Guerrilla Girls, formed in
the 1980s, represented a united front and created artistic protests in
the fight for equal rights, anti-racism and against sexism particularly
found within the arts. More recently, teamLab, formed in 2001 as an
international collective explore the relationships between the self and
the world, using high technologies as their medium of choice. Both
Guerrilla Girls and teamLab work as a collective in order to create
outputs that communicate a shared vision, yet they still operate in a
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
way that makes use of multiple roles and individual identity. What
would happen if work was to be made that negated the individual in
order to create a new whole?
A thoroughly integrated approach is taken by Brass Art, a UK based,
all-female collaborative artist practice, consisting of Chara Lewis,
Kristin Mojsiewocz & Anneké Pettican. Describing themselves as
hybrid, performative and playful in nature, they have been working
together since 1999 and have a desire to ‘explore spaces from which
we are excluded’ (Lewis et al., 2013). For Brass Art, the experience of
making work as a collaboration have benefits that cannot be achieved
if working as individuals. They write: ‘The focus of our practice –
embodied experience, the body in space, doubling – demands
recognition as three artists working as one; however, the production
of a collective voice entails a necessary negation of the self to some
extent, and this blurring of forms extends our narrative’ (Lewis et al.,
2013, p. 66). Lewis, Mojsiewocz and Pettican actively negate individual
traits and ‘surrender the security of self-expression’ (Kester, 2013, p.
8) in order to create a new voice that can only happen collaboratively.
Brass Art notably recognise themselves as unique in that they actively
work towards one, distinct voice: ‘we have yet to meet other
collaborations of three women artists that function like ours’ (Lewis et
al., 2013, p. 67).
Shercliff also recognises the ability of a group to morph and adapt in
order to find a group or communal balance, ‘aspects of group stitching
pertain to women’s traditions of gathering informally to share
knowledge through talk and practical activity that is in itself a form of
tacitly
embodied
knowledge
–
knowledge
of
mutuality
and
cooperation’ (Shercliff, 2014a, p. 156). This positive affirmation of
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
creating new voices through a group of people can be an opportunity
for empowerment, particularly when done through personal choice.
An example of women working communally in a creative manner but
for a brief amount of time [one Mother’s Day in 1987], comes together
in a piece of video art. The social engaged artist, Suzanne Lacy created
a body of work titled The Crystal Quilt. Currently, it is displayed at The
Tate Modern as a second generation of the work, but was originally
carried out in Minneapolis, 1987 [see
Figure 4 & Figure 5]. Consisting of an event in which 430 women, aged
over 60, gathered to share their views on growing older, they
performed / re-enacted the formation of a quilt with the use of
furniture, movement and swathes of cloth. The aim of the piece was
to explore ‘the visibility, or invisibility of women and their leadership
capacity’, Lacy emphasised that she didn’t want us to ‘see these
women as potential reservoirs of memory, but as potential activists
within the public sphere’ (Tate, n.d.).
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Figure 4 [left] The Crystal Quilt by Suzanne Lacy, 1985-1987 (Lacy, 1987a)
Figure 5 [right] The Crystal Quilt by Suzanne Lacy, 1985-1987 [detail] (Lacy, 1987b)
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Lacy’s work is one piece in a history of artworks that question the
visibility of feminist artworks within a patriarchal art system (Parker &
Pollock, 1987). Questioning what is deemed to have value and what
does not, a number of artists have specifically used materials and
techniques usually recognised as craft within what have become iconic
artworks such as Judy Chicago’s, The Dinner Party (Chicago, 1979),
Womanhouse by Judy Chicago, Miriam Schapiro and 21 of their
students (Chicago & Schapiro, 1972) and True Patriot Love by Joyce
Wieland (Wieland, 1971).
Quilts and quilting have more often been relegated to the home, the
domestic, because overall, it is carried out by women. As a result, it is
understood and debated as being outside the art system (Parker,
2010; Stalp, 2007)7. If, as Janis Jefferies discusses in “Women and
Textiles” [1984], it was carried out mostly by men, [whom constantly
seek recognition for achievement] then it would be considered more
favourably (Jefferies, 1984). Within the system, work is validated,
understood as authentic and therefore recorded as truth and it enters
into the history of art (Adamson, 2007; Auther, 2012; Chidgey, 2014;
Lippard, 2010). Lacy brings 430 women, who, over the age of 60, are
more
accustomed
to
being
invisible
and
are
certainly
not
7
So, what is wrong with women’s work, women engaging in craft within the home?
It comes down to a traditional understanding that a key characteristic of being a
woman is that of housework and childcare (Bratich & Brush, 2011; Brooks, 1987;
Matthews, 1989; Parker, 2010). Housework [and childcare] is an act of labour, yet
unlike any other forms of labour this is not remunerated and is not recognised as
producing surplus value. In contrast, the factory worker is paid a wage for working
a particular number of hours, at the end of their working day, they are now in a
position of leisure. For the housewife, because they are not paid, there is no
demarcation of time between labour and leisure and therefore all activities that take
place in the home fall within this never-ending cycle of housework. Anything that
may be carried out as an act of leisure within the home, such as knitting and quilting,
is consequently understood as a domestic duty as opposed to something that may
be considered with or of value. This perpetual cycle of producing items that have no
value outside of the home, keeps women and the products of their so-called leisure
time, invisible (Brooks, 1987, p. 139).
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
representative of the art world directly into the system to be heard,
recorded and seen.
Finding Autonomy
From the Profanity Embroidery Group of Whitstable [2014 – date] to
Kirstie Allsopp’s Handmade Christmas [2014 - date], DIY 3D printers
in the home to the Women’s Institute engaging in Craftivism (Wilson,
2017) and the Ikeahackers (Yap, n.d.), it is very clear to recognise
that people from a wide range of backgrounds and interests are
engaging in making as an amateur activity (Adamson, 2007; Chidgey,
2014; Hackney, 2013; Knott, 2015; Ratto & Boler, 2014). These
voluntary engagements with making take place outside of paid
employment and allow us to tinker, have an element of control over
our actions and create our own goals.
In the book Craft Reader [2010], Glenn Adamson considers the
everyday engagements that non-professional makers have with craftbased activities, suggesting that our time spent in labouring at work
and hours spent working on our hobbies have different groundings:
‘The workplace might be driven by the imperatives of capitalism, but
dress, music and hobbies could be reimagined in subcultural terms as
“free self-activity with goals of its own”’ (Adamson, 2010, p. 458). This
free self-activity can be recognised as autonomous actions, doing
something because you choose to, self-imposed deadlines [or the lack
of], accepting of the less than pleasant tasks, gaining joy from not
being told you are doing something wrong (Jackson, 2015; Kouhia,
2016; Myzelev, 2009). This activity can be an empowering and
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
attractive motivation. Furthermore, these moments of autonomy can
have a positive impact; re-balancing oneself, empowerment and the
building of confidence (Myzelev, 2009).
A lot of crafts [and arts] that are undertaken by an amateur, include
time spent using patterns [knitting, crochet] or kits [painting,
patchwork, cross stitch]. These patterns and kits are created by
designers, and provide the user with the opportunity to engage in
creative activities without needing extensive, or any prior experience
(Hackney, 2013; Knott, 2015; Myzelev, 2009). However, there is
another way in which inventive, questioning amateur crafters utilise
such sources. The user will often swap materials and colours from the
suggested format and the more experience the person using a pattern
or kit has, the more likely they are to adapt, exchange and freely use
their own imagination (Myzelev, 2009). These actions demonstrate
autonomous approaches to the kit and shift the outcomes from copy
to original through customisation (Campbell, 2005; Hackney, 2013;
Myzelev, 2009; Ratto & Boler, 2014).
In the book Making is Connecting [2018], David Gauntlett celebrates
the power of making through everyday activities that connect people.
An important factor in a person’s happiness is having moments of
autonomy. Not having control over one’s actions or being able to make
our own decisions denies the opportunity to ‘express their meaning in
action’ (Gauntlett, 2018, p. 115). Such actions do not need to be
grandiose; small actions embedded into our daily routine can have a
large impact. Understanding that amateur actions are inextricably tied
to the labour of the workforce [inside or outside of the home]
(Adamson, 2010; Knott, 2011) can be further extended if we consider
how, as an individual, we manage our time and space so that we may
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
make the most of an opportunity to engage in craft. The time we gain
arrives
as
a
result
of
compressing
and
coordinating
other
responsibilities such as care for family members, a career, maintaining
friendships, exercising, walking the dog, but we also tend to arrange
and manage our craft spaces in terms of tools, materials, purchasing
so that we can more effectively use our time. This process is not too
dissimilar to the work place in which spaces, equipment and processes
are driven to be efficient, reliable and functional (Adamson, 2010;
Jackson, 2015; Knott, 2015). This mirroring of the efficient workplace
can be an enabler towards greater freedom and autonomy in our
leisure time. Bratich and Brush refer, in part to this as the social home,
similar to the social factory in which the procedures and mechanisms
of factory discipline begin to permeate everyday life (Bratich & Brush,
2011).
The internet has been instrumental in shifting textiles and craft from
the private [inside the home / not in galleries] into the public realm.
This, in turn, has promoted a desire for co-learning and social making
(Gauntlett, 2018; Loveday-Edwards, 2011; Robertson & Vinebaum,
2016) while it [the internet] simultaneously disrupts our ability to form
and maintain more traditional, face to face social connections
(Shercliff, 2014a; Turkle, 2011). Kestor reminds us that ‘concepts of
collective solidarity and community identity have never been more
important’ (Kester, 2013, p. 130). In order that we can collectively
make connections and to understand what we have in common, is it
possible to also have autonomy when you are not operating as an
individual?
In the book Happiness Explained [2016], economist Paul Anand
identifies four crucial elements for individuals and society to flourish;
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
‘fairness’, ‘autonomy’, ‘community’ and ‘engagement’ (Anand, 2016).
As we have already found, making work communally can increase the
confidence and curiosity of an individual. When surrounded by likeminded people we are more willing to take creative risks in our making.
When we intentionally choose to make work as part of a communal
activity, we have already decided that we want to embrace the sharing
of ideas and approaches. In return, we are able to gain higher levels
of enjoyment and it becomes more meaningful (Gauntlett, 2018). If
we understand autonomy as actions in which individuals can make
their own choices, choosing to be part of a communal making group
and all that comes with that association is in itself an autonomous act.
But is this negated with all the levels of compromise that need to be
made? The individual does not disappear into the crowd of voices,
instead, you find opportunities to create a new voice, one that is
embedded in the DNA of the group. There is also the possibility of
building strength in the conviction of your choices when those whom
you work with, encourage, adopt and find value in your points
(Gauntlett, 2018; Lewis et al., 2013). It could be said that autonomous
choices become richer, when you have the backing of your community
(Gauntlett, 2018).
Sites for Communal Making
Site, in the context of this research, refers to the spaces and places in
which the making of quilts and artwork take place. These spaces are
more often domesticated; the living room, spare room or attic studio,
occasionally, they are public spaces such as a Church Hall or local
Market and Gallery Space. The domestic setting has, for women in
particular, often had a dual / multi-purpose use; for living, unpaid
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
domestic work and raising a family and also a place of [historically
low-paid] skilled labour: ‘In the hidden world of the homeworkers,
skilled machinists and finishers undertake the same work as factory
workers, often with additional tasks and responsibilities, but in the
confines of their own homes’ (Bowman, 1987, p. 121). Alternately, it
is also a site for creativity and women’s production (Crossick &
Kaszynska, 2016; Elinor et al., 1987; Hackney et al., 2016; Knott,
2015; Kouhia, 2016; Milling et al., 2014; Parker, 2010).
Knott refers to the space in which amateurs make work (individually
or as a group) as being a ‘temporal zone’. It is a space where
‘definitions of work, productivity, aesthetics, play and labour are
continually negotiated’ (Knott, 2011, p. 20). Space is constantly
(indirectly) realigned depending on a particular situation, for example,
the site itself may move from one location to another. Considered as
an action [in this case knitting / cross stitch] or, the physical site itself,
transforms the use of space as a dining room to a maker’s studio
dependent on the requirements of the day. These negotiations of
space ensure a site remains temporal, it fluidly adjusts from a space
of work and labour to a place of relaxation.
The home has long been referred to as a private space [since the
seventeenth century] and is linked with the feminine and the mother
(Scott & Keates, 2004). The challenge with understanding this space
as private is that it is often a site for devalued labour, female
subordination and confinement (Bratich & Brush, 2011; Parker, 2010;
Stalp, 2006). This charged and loaded term in turn contributes to the
persistent narrative and recognition that homegrown crafts are a field
of work, not to be taken seriously and therefore, it is work that should
be kept out of the public eye. The home, had in fact been recognised
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
as a site for the production of textiles. During a pre-industrial era,
there was a cottage industry in which women were the primary makers
of commercial textiles and would be paid for their labour. With the
transference of production to the mills and to mechanical machinery
such as looms, men were viewed as better equipped to run the
machines (Bratich & Brush, 2011) and women were re-assigned to the
unpaid labour of domestic duties and the raising of the family.
This historical understanding of the home led to a particularly
subversive use of textile crafts with the production of banners within
radical
movements
including
the
Suffragettes
(Greer,
2014;
Liddington, 2006; Parker, 2010). Some individuals also devoted time
and skill to subverting traditional techniques and editing predetermined patterns through embroidery. Rozsika Parker talks of
making textiles that reflects a personality or personal thought: ‘the art
of [a] personal life outside male-dominated institutions and the world
of work […] has given it a special place in counter-cultures and radical
movements’ ( Parker, 2010, p. 204). This rebellious action was not just
a response to the abhorrent treatment of women that came from wider
society at the time, but also emerged through an empowerment felt
by women coming together to make work. The opportunity to work
away from the patriarchal gaze and gather as sewing circles or quilting
bee’s allowed women to ‘swap stories, skills, knowledge, strategies
and generally speak about the more oppressive aspects of the social
home’ (Bratich & Brush, 2011)8.
8
The social home acknowledges that the home has been and can still be understood
as a site of oppression while simultaneously recognising it as a space that can be
social (Bratich & Brush, 2011; Matthews, 1989).
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Figure 6 Embroidered runner, Beryl Weaver, reproduced in Spare Rib, 1978 (Parker, 2010,
p. 205).
Text says
[left]
‘How is little ♀ today?’
[right] ‘She’s getting stronger and angrier thank you’.
At a conference I attended at Tate Liverpool, entitled Collaborative
Conversation [2018], it was clear that artists, communities and
activists utilise a range of names for the spaces they inhabit. Each
have a particular reference to the conditions and situations of the
environments in which creativity occurs. For example, Nina Edge from
the Welsh Streets project, Liverpool (Welsh Streets, n.d.) referred to
both homes and outside spaces where politically charged artworks
appear as Limboland. Battling against gentrification, windows become
noticeboards and small public galleries, where text was scribed into
wet concrete and felt pen onto paper scraps – this is the material
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
media of activists. Meanwhile Space is the term used by Metal, another
community driven arts lab based in Liverpool (also Southend &
Peterborough) (Metal, n.d.). This particular term is now recognised
nationally as towns and cities strive to make use of empty shops on
the high street through regeneration programmes (Meanwhile Found.,
2020). For Metal, these spaces expand to green areas and parking lots
on housing estates. They described the space that sits on the
doorsteps of homes as ‘usually being green spaces which are owned
by the council or companies which is not maintained so it attracts
antisocial behaviour’ (Tate: Liverpool, 2018). Local spaces relevant to
this particular thesis, find Kirklees Council letting out [including rentfree and in-kind support] local authority owned spaces as temporary
and meanwhile spaces (Bailey et al., 2019). Like Knott, they recognise
that working with communities to change the nature of these spaces
is ‘temporal’ and changes according to needs on the day, from a
community meeting to a football ground or the site for a fete. Space
becomes flexible for different ways of living, communing and making.
Bringing the private into the public, through groups that meet in pubs,
parks, galleries and café’s (Hackney, 2013; Kouhia, 2016; Minahan &
Cox, 2007; Myzelev, 2009; Ratto & Boler, 2014; Turney, 2004) has
sought to reclaim and demystify amateur crafts. For example, knitting
while listening to conference papers (Public Displays of Knitting, 2006)
enable people to reconnect outside of the home and create
communities of like-minded individuals. For the PEG group, they have
chosen to purposely meet in a local pub as it creates an open invitation
for anyone to join. Founder Annie Taylor says: ‘We meet in the pub,
The Duke of Cumberland, a public space where people can come in
on their own or observe us from a distance and decide whether they
want to join us. If we met in a closed space, it makes it difficult for
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
others to feel as though they can just rock up and join in, and if the
meeting is in someone’s house, they are not necessarily going to want
to welcome total strangers. So I think the ‘where’ of the meeting is
very important’ (Stitching & Swearing: Interview with Annie Taylor of
the Profanity Embroidery Group (PEG), 2018).
Home as Site
So how might we consider the home as a purposeful site for making
work communally? The domestic setting has, for women, often had a
dual/multi-purpose; for living, raising a family at the same time as
being a place of work. As Bowman explains: ‘In the hidden world of
the homeworkers, skilled machinists and finishers undertake the same
work
as
factory
workers,
often
with
additional
tasks
and
responsibilities, but in the confines of their own homes’ (Bowman,
1987, p. 121) and the home is often a site for creativity and women’s
production (Crossick & Kaszynska, 2016; Elinor et al., 1987; Hackney
et al., 2016; Knott, 2015; Kouhia, 2016; Milling et al., 2014; Parker,
2010).
The home as a site or subject for feminist artworks has been
questioned with regularity since the 1960s [or at least been seen
within the artworld]. For artist Mierle Laderman Ukeles, domestic acts
of labour became the artwork itself when, as a performance piece, she
carried out her domestic chores at the Wadsworths Atheneum
Museum of Art, Connecticut in Washing / Tracks / Maintenance:
Outside [1973]. Rethinking what an artwork could be, while confined
to the home, the work of the Women’s Postal Art Event [1975-79],
comprised of a range of small objects, often incorporating household
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
items that were posted around the UK to be developed into artworks.
The premise of the action was to provide support and reach out to
woman artists who were otherwise isolated and alone (Gosling et al.,
2018).
In recent years the idea of home has become increasingly important
to design historians (Attfield, 2000; Clarke, 2002). Those who live in
the home actively use it as a site for the consumption of craft; through
the display of craft artefacts, as a producer of craft and a consumer;
with the purchase of craft items and kits and (Knott, 2015; Mason,
2005; Turney, 2004). Turney explains: ‘Home as both an actual place,
and as a ‘lived-in’ space, and as an imagined ideal raises questions
about, and poses solutions to, dilemmas of taste, consumption and to
display in everyday life’ (Turney, 2004, p. 268).
This review of literature provides insight into the research and
develops a particular understanding of the core concepts of amateur,
communal making and textile crafts. There are several threads of
enquiry that will be carried forward into the case study to form a
network of methods to consider and understand what is taking place.
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
3
Methodologies of
Research
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
This chapter provides an overview of the research questions and the
methods used to gather data. This research utilises a mixed method
approach to undertake the study and considers two philosophical
worldview
approaches:
transformative
and
constructivist.
The
methods fit within a qualitative framework and includes a longitudinal
case study, interviews, participant observation and a personal arts
practice. Arts-Based Research as a way of thinking has provided a
framework for the design and for understanding the research. For
example, the research questions emerged organically out of an area
of interest [non-commercial craft making practices] and over a period
of time as opposed to a more traditional research approach in which
a question is posed as a result of identifying an issue or problem to
further investigate.
This research is a hybrid of both practice-led and practice-based. It
refers to practice-led in that the outcomes of the research refer to
alternative understandings of the nature of communal making practice
itself. With regards to practice-based the outcomes of the practice
[communally made quilts and drawings from a personal practice]
demonstrate innovation in social making practices. As an artist, maker
and teacher, this research has developed from my experience as a
practitioner and as a tutor in craft-based learning environments.
As we will come to understand in the concluding thoughts of this PhD
[p273], the methodologies do not just provide a framework for
research, but they very much become embedded and patchworked
into the quilts themselves that have been made by the Meltham
Quilting Bee.
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
The Research Questions
This research endeavours to investigate the communal and collective
craft-making practices of quilt-making specifically considering:
a) the autonomous, learning experience of a group
b) the social exchanges in a group
c) the changing identity of the amateur through communal
making of craft.
An encounter at a conference where I heard the phrase ‘not all crafts
are communal’ (Shercliff, 2014b) really stuck in my head, while my
experiences of my own practice were done [by choice] in isolation, I
was drawn to this new way of understanding craft. Dr Emma Shercliff
was talking of her experience learning to carve stone in a class; the
room would be full of people learning to carve yet everyone was
working on their own stone and were all focused on the individual task
at hand. This was in stark contrast to the stitching practices she had
been part of where groups of people stitched cloth as part of a group
for the local church (Shercliff, 2014b, 2014a).
A key point of difference when we consider this type of making are
the two terms ‘community of makers’ and ‘communal making’. The
former, Community of Makers, indicates a group of people who come
together with something in common, for example, to keep an
allotment, engage in dressmaking or quilting. These individuals gather
to work on something but are more often focused on individual
projects and the group is often led / managed by an individual or a
group of people. Communal making, however, refers to a group of
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
people who come together to work on a group outcome. For example,
all working on a single quilt, with all members of the group making the
decisions – there is a distinct lack of a hierarchy in this kind of activity
From my own experiences as a practitioner and this understanding of
group making this research seeks to explore what an autonomous
learning experience of a group looks like and what might the social
exchanges of the group be? If a communal group of learners
considered themselves to be amateurs at the start of the process, how
does their identity change over a period of time and when working as
part of a group?
With Shercliff’s statement in mind about communal craft and the key
areas of investigation in this research a quilting group case-study
[Meltham Quilting Bee] was set up as this had the potential to
accommodate the concept of communal making and, could be
observable as a research process with a set of findings. In order to
contextualise the methodological framework and the Meltham Quilting
Bee as a case study, it is necessary to provide a historical overview of
quilting with specific reference to acts of communal making. This helps
to situate the purpose of the research practice and the methods used
to help generate a range of outcomes, which as findings provide
opportunity to further analyse the changing identity of the amateur in
a group process.
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Methodology & Support
The methods used within this research can be seen as a triangulation
of approaches that converge to create a methodological framework for
generating, analysing and understanding a range of findings. In Figure
7, you can see a framework for research that includes the philosophical
worldview which is ‘a general philosophical orientation about the world
and the nature of research that a researcher brings to a study’
(Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018, p. 6). Essentially it is the context of the
way we may view and judge the research. The design refers to the
type of enquiry and its approach, i.e., quantitative / qualitative, while
the research method states the ways in which any data that emerges
may be gathered, analysed and interpreted.
Figure 7 A Framework for Research – The Interconnection of Worldviews, Design and
Research Methods. (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018, p. 5)
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Figure 8 highlights the key methods and strategies utilised in the
design of the research, the actionable elements, and the analysis
stages. Each of these elements will be explained in the following
section: what they are and how it is relevant to this research.
Figure 8 Methods and thinking for this body of research based on Creswell’s Framework for
Research.
Arts-Based Research
Arts-Based Research [ABR] recognises art practices and the actions of
art themselves to be considered as methods of gaining knowledge that
the sciences and social sciences arguably do not always reveal. Shaun
McNiff, in the text “Philosophical and Practical Foundations of Artistic
Enquiry” [2018] recognises that research enquiry through the arts can
offer alternative ways of researching more than the typical social
science models.
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ABR is inclusive of Arts in the broadest sense: theatre, music, dance,
visual arts, poetry, drawing, quilts, craft, video and graphic novels
(Leavy, 2009, 2018; S. McNiff, 2018). Within each of these fields there
are subgroups, cultural differences, varying ambitions, and each of
these could of course be grouped across specialist fields of interest
i.e., amateur theatre/craft/photography. In the context of this
research, I recognise the term Art to encompass Craft and should be
considered as interchangeable. Later, I will expand upon the nuisances
and specificity of Craft and its important position within this research.
ABR recognises the value of research that unfolds and reveals itself.
According to McNiff:
A fundamental premise of artistic enquiry is that the end cannot
be known at the beginning. Art [craft] is infinitely variable…
Arguably, the artistic standard of influence corresponds more
closely to the complex and ever-changing realm of human
experience and action. (S. McNiff, 2018, p. 32)
This research does not have a theoretical answer that I intend to prove
or disprove, rather the intentions are more about discovery and
revealing opportunities. For example, as sociologist Patricia Leavy
explains in the Handbook of Arts-Based Research [2018]:
Arts-based practices are particularly useful for research projects
that aim to describe, explore, or discover, or that require
attention to processes… ABR can expose people to new ideas,
stories, or images and can do so in the service of cultivating
social consciousness. (Leavy, 2018, p. 9)
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In Method Meets Art [2009] Leavy provides a clear set of cases and
arguments for the value of the arts [crafts] as a range of research
methods. This body of research intuitively responds to situations and
events as they occur ‘practices are holistic and dynamic, involving
reflection, description, problem formulation and solving, and the ability
to identify and explain intuition and creativity in the research process’
(Leavy, 2009, p. 10).
For this research, ABR has provided a framework for me to adjust my
case-study from short term to longitudinal and for the personal
practice of my own art making to be recognised as a credible
contribution to the overarching research aims of this project and the
and nuances of amateurism in communal craft practices.
Worldview
This research adopts two philosophical worldviews as opposed to just
one. A Constructivist perspective allows the research to recognise
value in the subjective meanings of individuals and that these alter
depending on the circumstances of the individuals’ lived experiences.
As a result, there can be a complex network of understandings that
emerge. The questions of the research and participants in the research
would need to be broad and open in order that a more ‘honest’ set of
data can evolve. For the data to be contextually understood, the
historical and cultural setting of the participants should be recognised,
in addition, my own background and experience would inform the way
in which the data is considered (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018).
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A Transformative viewpoint allows the research to be understood from
the perspective of those in society who are marginalised [women,
craft, amateur] and looks ethnographically at groups of people
recognising the possibility that an action-based agenda for the
research can change the lives of the participants in the research. This
mode of thinking recognises the value of the research participants to
the extent that they themselves may start to ask or design the
questions and analyse the information (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018).
The benefit of using the two worldviews in this research is that it
recognises and values the subjective nature of the data and that it is
relative to the lived experiences of individual members of the study.
Although not the intention of the research, this work does encompass
several marginalised groups namely women and craft.
Longitudinal Study
In the book Methodology of Longitudinal Surveys (2009), Professor
Peter Lynn recognises a longitudinal study as a basic design within a
qualitative body of research. During such a study a process or state
can be analysed on several occasions as opposed to just once at the
end of a study. The strengths of a longitudinal study enable
researchers to document changes of view or action through repeated
data collection cycles, the initial stages of research and data collection
can be considered and acted upon during the research as opposed to
just at the end of the process (Flick, 2018; Kasprzyk et al., 1989;
Lynn, 2009).
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It is important to consider a range of ways to analyse the study as
opposed to asking the same questions at different stages of the case
study. Due to the nature of the research taking place over a longer
period of time, it is also possible for the processes of the case study
to adjust and be altered according to the changing directions of the
project (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018; Flick, 2018). Within this research
a case study [Meltham Quilting Bee] has been running for almost the
entirety of this enquiry, now spanning over six years. This is quite an
unusual position as it is usually difficult due to costs and sustaining
interest from members of the study. From the literature review, it
became clear that most of the research comes from studies that have
taken less than six months, however, once you pass this period, a
different understanding of the social, the learning experience and
changing status of the amateur in communal making practices takes
place.
As a qualitative method it is important to identify the process for study
before it begins, however, when used as a method within Arts Based
Research, its value is recognised as something that evolves over the
duration of the study (Flick, 2018; Leavy, 2018). Longitudinal data can
be gathered in several ways including surveys, diary methods and
retrospective recall. As a result of collating data at several points
throughout the study, retrospective recall of participants can be an
effective method of data gathering as opposed to short term studies
where recall can be obscured by other events. As Lynn explains:
‘longitudinal surveys are able to collect information about expectations
and reasons for choices and untainted by subsequent events and
outcomes’ (Lynn, 2009, p. 8).
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Participant Observation
Participant observation is a widely used method in which the
researcher embeds themselves into the study as an active member.
They engage in the activities rather than just observe (Flick, 2018, p.
314). Participant observation creates an opportunity where the
research moves from a position of being “on” a person to being “with”.
The status of the person/s being researched become flattened and a
dual, 2-way relationship can develop, breaking down the distinction
between the researcher and the researched. This creates a more
democratic space in which the research can evolve (Banks et al., 2019;
Leavy, 2009, 2018; J. McNiff & Whitehead, 2011). Participant
observation recognises that knowledge and contribution can come
from any person involved in the research: ‘In the process ”popular
knowledge” is generated by the group, taken in, analysed, and
reaffirmed or criticized, making it possible to flesh out a problem and
understand it in context’ (Leavy, 2009, p. 166).
Niedderer and Townsend discuss how craft based research, which is
relatively underdeveloped, is often recognised as research that is into,
for and through craft practice (Niedderer & Townsend, 2015). The very
nature of craft making, and this field of research mean that observing
as a participant is a valid approach as it enables one to think ‘through
the craft’ as well as fully engage with the insights that all participants
can bring to the research.
As the researcher I have engaged as a participant and participant
observer on a couple of levels. As an artist and craftsperson, I
participate by making work as a response to the unfolding tales in the
Meltham Quilting Bee and to the experience of being part of a
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communal making environment. As the researcher, I have been a fullyfledged participant observer in the case study, following suggestions,
presenting ideas and engaging as part of this communal craft making
experience.
Case Study
A case study can be of an individual or of a group of people and it
enables a deep understanding of a particular question / phenomena.
Case studies can capture the subject of the research in great detail
and can include factual aspects, the experiences and the perceptions
of the participants (Alasuutari et al., 2008; Cresswell & Cresswell,
2018; Flick, 2018). One of the key challenges is to identify a suitable
case that will further the research and provide valuable insight and
understanding. Within this study the bigger picture is that of the
amateur maker in an autonomous group learning environment; the
case is a group of amateur quilters who work as a communal entity.
Using a case study allows the researcher to present the story of the
research to the reader, it has the ability of ‘providing a sense of almost
having been present to witness the events documented in the case
studies’ (Alasuutari et al., 2008, p. 219). As a participant observer
within the Meltham Quilting Bee case study, I can present the
narratives and experiences of the participants but also relay my own
tacit experiences and responses to the case study.
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Group Making
Group or collective making as a mode of production needs to both
recognise the value of a group identity and the significance of the
individual member. Each of the participants should be recognised for
the values they can bring to the group while the participants need to
acknowledge the identity of the collective voice (Banks et al., 2019;
Leavy, 2009; Lindström & Ståhl, 2016; Ratto & Boler, 2014; Sullivan,
2010).
The Meltham Quilting Bee case study, while having several research
motivations, also had a strong dependence on group making as a
process. This study recognises the value of multiple voices and
perspectives but also seeks to further understand the nature of
making, collaboration and the co-production of a crafted object [quilts]
together. In the text “Making with Others: working with textile craft
groups as a research method” [2016], Amy Twigger Holroyd and
Emma Shercliff discuss the role of group making as a research method
when the emphasis is on the experience of making as opposed to the
group being able to answer external questions. Twigger Holroyd and
Shercliff go on to discuss the merits of being engaged in a making
activity as a group ‘making supports open, constructive conversation,
which helps to gain a detailed understanding of the opinions and
experiences of our participants’ (Twigger Holroyd & Shercliff, 2016).
Collective making over a long period of time, stitches together different
kinds of knowledges, experiences and narratives. The quilts
communicate a group identity but the nuances of the individual stitch
lines represent distinct voices ‘the past and present are never far below
the surface as histories and traditions inform group identity yet do not
constrain individual agency’ (Sullivan, 2010, p. 166).
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Group making as a method of research requires some initial
organisation for it to start to self-generate, become self-sufficient and
to be undertaken with autonomy. It is also important to factor in plenty
of flexibility so that the group may evolve in a way they choose but
moreover to respond to unexpected twists and turns. This research
recognises co-production as a valuable contributing factor to the
evolving character of group making. The multiple voices and actions
of Meltham Quilting Bee members and a range in perspectives help to
create a framework and direction for this enquiry. This approach to
participatory and co-produced research centres on equality and a
democratic approach to create positive changes in the practices of
those involved (Banks et al., 2019; Reason, 1998).
Interviews & Questionnaires
As a result of running a longitudinal case study, a range of approaches
to gathering data has been used that includes the use of diaries and
the creation of visual observations alongside the more usual format of
questionnaires and interviews. Both approaches were used to gather
data at different stages of the study. During the earlier stages the
intention was as a scoping exercise to consider the validity and
direction of the research whereas later the research started to focus
on understanding the experiences and new insights of the participants
and helped to further establish them as co-producers of this study.
In Table 2, you can see an overview of methods used to collate data
from the Meltham Quilting Bee (MQB). Each stage is delineated by the
completion of a quilt. Some methods of data retrieval occurred more
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formally at the end of a stage while others were ongoing and took
place throughout each stage.
Stage:
1
2
3
4
5
6
MQB 1&2
MQB3
MQB4
Exhibition
MQB5
MQB5*
Village Hall
Home
Home
Queensgate
Home
Home
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
yes
no
no
no
no
no
Diary
no
yes
no
no
no
no
Drawing
yes
yes
yes
no
yes
no
Interview
no
yes
no
no
no
yes
Questionnaire
yes
no
no
yes
no
no
Title
Location
Stage.
End of a
During each stage.
Photography
Voice
recording
Table 2 Methods used to collect data from the MQB.
MQB5* Continuation of the making of the quilt without myself being part of the group.
A questionnaire was used at the end of stage 1 which was the when
the MQB had initially intended to finish. The short, written
questionnaire was designed as a scoping exercise to gather data from
all participants of the MQB. The purpose was to understand their
experience of the MQB and establish a feedback loop.
A series of open questions were asked during a group interview with
the participants of the MQB who had remained with us until the end
of stage 2; this was carried out at the end of making MQB3 and almost
two years since starting the MQB. This style of interview is called a
responsive interview where a flexible use of open questions can be
adjusted in response to the interviewee’s statements (Flick, 2018;
Rubin, Herbert & Rubin, Irene, 2012). This approach to gathering data
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ensured an opportunity for the participants to express personal
thoughts and opinions on the developing case study and research, as
Flick comments, ‘the focus is typically on what the interviewee has
experienced and sees as important in relation to the issue of the study’
(Flick, 2018, p. 217). Responsive interviews should enable the
gathering of both factual and the more elusive readings of a case
study: ‘In a responsive interviewing model, you are looking for
material that has depth and detail and is nuanced and rich with vivid
thematic detail’ (Rubin, Herbert & Rubin, Irene, 2012, p. 101).
During Stage 1 of this research, all participants had their names
anonymised but were happy to be facially recognised through
photography. After this stage however, the feelings of group members
adjusted, and they requested that their names be included in the
research. This change of ethical consideration aligned with the
developing idea that the members of the group were not simply
participants of the research but were coming to recognise their
contribution and identify themselves as co-producers. For this reason,
as approved by the appropriate ethics board, those members of the
MQB who continued after Stage 1, have been named within this
research. This position of co-production can be recognised as part of
a transformative viewpoint, one that recognises and values the
contribution of all participants and the ability for the individual to be
an active, rather than a passive role in the research (Banks et al.,
2019; Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018).
Format of the interviews and questionnaires.
Two sets of interviews have taken place with participants of the
Meltham Quilting Bee. The first interview took place at my house [one
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of the venues used for quilting by the group so the space was known
to the participants]. We all sat around a table and the interview was
recorded with a dictaphone [just voice], I had prepared a series of
‘starting points/open questions’ to promote a discussion amongst the
group and these were read out prior to starting the recording. The
group that was interviewed included 4 of the 5 people who had been
involved in the making of the third quilt [the first quilt made within
members’ homes as opposed to the Church Hall]. The fifth member of
the group had moved away from the area to start University and was
unable to attend, the interview lasted 1.5 hours.
This responsive interview was designed to ensure that any thoughts
and opinions that were held by the whole group, as well as individual
ideas, could be expressed and recorded. As a group, we had by this
point been working together for nearly two years and were therefore
quite confident in expressing themselves. Much of what was discussed
had been raised unofficially before, during our quilting sessions.
The second interview occurred during stage 6 and was reflective of
the experiences throughout the time of the MQB. Stage 6 had been
running differently to all previous stages in that we had a new member
of the group and four months into the making of this quilt, I had
stopped attending the group to enable some distance to develop
between myself and the case study. Due to the Covid-19 situation, this
interview took place over Zoom with one member responding by
written notes due to not having internet access. For all participants,
the questions asked were supplied one week prior to the interview.
Like the previous interview [aside from the written feedback] the
interview was run with a responsive interview approach.
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Initially intended to be a short-term study, this research transitioned
into an invaluable longitudinal study. While the number of participants
may be limited, the value in engaging as a participant observer over
such a long period of time has highlighted the changing status of the
study and the transformations in the making practices of individual
members. Interviews, questionnaires and more informal methods of
discussion have occurred on several occasions throughout the
research. Undertaking multiple interviews has enabled the research to
develop comparisons of understanding and to engage with the idea
that different timeframes of the research have resulted in varied
outcomes (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018; Flick, 2018; Lynn, 2009).
Practice as Analysis
I make, draw and paint as a tool to analyse, engage and reflect upon
the experiences of creating quilts as a group within the MQB case
study, this process enables me to observe from a variety of
perspectives. Within art therapy this is called response art, Barbara
Fish, professor in art therapy talks about the use of drawing / making
art to establish connections with the subject of the drawing and that
it is capable of communicating as an additional tool to the more
traditional methods i.e. written and spoken words (Fish, 2019) ‘paying
close enough attention to make art about an experience or interaction
requires listening beyond words’ (Fish, 2018, p. 338).
Practice is used here in conjunction with the more traditional research
methods associated with qualitative research, it is a valuable element
of this research and brings opportunities to understand the research
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questions in other ways. In the book Art Practice as Research [2010],
Graeme Sullivan states ‘to continue to borrow research methods from
other fields denies the intellectual maturity of art practice as a
plausible basis for raising significant life question and as a viable site
for exploring important cultural and educational ideas’ (Sullivan, 2010,
p. 95). In other words, artists, makers and designers should be
confident that the field of art practice, is a justifiable method for
research and is an opportunity to learn something that other more
established fields may not recognise.
Shaun McNiff, artist, and author of the text “Philosophical and Practical
Foundations of Artistic Inquiry” [2018] recognises the use of art to
investigate and communicate an idea, as being similar to the more
traditional methods e.g., verbal languages or mathematics. It is a
method that is accessible and ‘an egalitarian and universally accessible
process’ (S. McNiff, 2018, p. 24). Patricia Leavy in Method meets Art
[2009] goes further and recognises visual imagery as being a ‘created
perspective’ as opposed to a ‘window on the world’. As a society that
is becoming increasingly visual through multimedia platforms, imagery
can be used as a tool to communicate in multiple ways to its audience.
As the artist researcher who is creating the imagery, it can be seen as
a simple page from a diary, a compact representation of a series of
memories and can encompass emotional responses. Leavy goes on to
state that using visual elements can extend the interpretation stage in
terms of time [which is often rushed] and bring alternative
understanding of the data (Leavy, 2009).
For myself, relaying the experiences and observations of the MQB case
study, a more authentic understanding can emerge when new work is
made rather than verbally described [particularly in the immediate
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timeframe], this making of work in turn enables me to think and
consider the existing research and schools of thought and how they
may connect. McNiff sums this process up clearly ‘[The] use of artistic
intelligence by applied arts professions to solve problems and
understand experience makes complete sense’ (S. McNiff, 2013, p. 4).
This chapter has highlighted a range of methods that have been used
to generate insight into the research questions and particular
approaches have proven to be invaluable in the development, a
longitudinal case study and my own practice as a mode of discovery.
The next chapter opens with a particular history of quilting in order
that we build an understanding of the amateur’s role in this craft
practice and provides a context for the analysis chapter.
Concluding Thoughts
A patchwork of methodologies has emerged creating a way through
which to navigate this research. The activities of patchwork and
quilting have generated a new language to help analyse the findings
and create fresh modes of thinking using analogy and metaphor.
Patchwork can be conceived as a system for connecting and creating
new, more personal, ways of observing and understanding a practice
orientated longitudinal study. The act of quilting binds complex layers
that pull the multiple voices and levels of amateurism together to form
a more powerful whole.
Quilting can be understood as a critical tool, for example, the cohesion
of a community and the forming of identity. In particular, how the
amateur steps beyond the aesthetic value of the quilt to become an
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activist tool. The freedom that comes with amateur engagement
means that everyone can contribute and this mobilising of people to
work communally and democratically, critically questions hierarchical
levels of creativity.
Quilting as a critical tool is further evaluated and considered towards
the end of the following chapter [p137] having evaluated and
reviewed a context for quilting. Furthermore, patchworking as a
methodology is expanded upon in the conclusion [p270] and goes on
to state that there is a democratic form of communication that can be
understood in and through the practice of communal, amateur
making.
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4
Quilting
Connections
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In the report, Understanding Cultural Value: The Amateur and
Voluntary Arts [2014] by Jane Milling & Angus McCabe, it is observed
that quilting is unusually positioned as it is a field in which the
amateurs are more skilful and knowledgeable than the larger scale
manufacturers of quilts: ‘take quilting for example… it’s often the
amateurs that are the world experts’ (Milling et al., 2014). So, who are
all these quilters?
In North America, there are between 9-11 million quilters [2020],
according to the tri-annual survey “Quilting in America” which is
conducted by F+W media and funded by commercial companies.
200,000 quilters who were on consumer mailing lists of ‘leading
quilting brands’ responded via email, of those surveyed, 98% are
female and 65% are retired but the majority started quilting in their
mid-40s (Glassenberg, 2020). Although further research indicates that
the shape of the market may differ a little in terms of the general age
and employment status of the quilter; due to the demographics of
those leading brands, what is uncontested, is the popularity of quilting
in the USA. While not quite as established in the UK, with attendee
numbers at multiple textile craft related fairs reaching over 25,000
each time (Upper Street Events, 2020b), there is no doubt that textile
based hobbies, including quilting is incredibly popular.
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What is Quilting?
Quilting is a process of binding [stitching or knotting] layers of fabric
together to create a cloth that is thicker than its singular counterpart.
Typically, this would include three layers of textiles: the first is called
the quilt top, this can be a single piece of cloth but is more often a
patchworked collection of fabrics that have been pieced [joined]
together in some form of pattern. You then have the back of the quilt,
which again can be pieced together but in this case is more often a
single piece of fabric. Finally, you have a layer of cloth or wadding
placed in between the top and back. When layered this is called a
sandwich and once these have been stitched together it is referred to
as a quilt. The quilting [stitching] element is a functional aspect of a
quilt, but it is also often used in a creative capacity; something that
enhances the piece work or stands out on its own merit.
Figure 9 Quilt construction illustration [authors own]
Most non-commercial quilts and quilt tops made today are completed
using a domestic sewing machine. Although faster than when done by
hand, it is still a long and relatively labour-intensive process. By choice,
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
some quilts and quilt tops are made by hand, either because the
technique requires it to be done by hand, or the maker prefers this
method. More often, it is done because the process requires one to
work more slowly [a desirable option] and because it does not demand
the need of loud machinery; it can be a more sociable way to work.
Quilting has a mixed history and range of associations. Most
prominently known in recent history as the product of a hobby, they
are usually made by women in a domestic setting or as part of a group
(again – usually women). Historically, quilts were most used as
blankets for the home and were usually made out of necessity. Quilted
clothes were also known to be used as a protective layer under armour
and for the wealthy to be worn as silk doublets and breeches. Early
patchworked quilts were created to either use up scraps of material,
parts of clothing and bedding which still had some life, to make up
larger pieces of fabric to subsequently work with. Alternatively,
patchwork was created as a decorative process and therefore
considered pattern and colour as part of the making process.
Historically in Britain, there is a particular approach to the designing
of quilts for which it is most known for. Unlike American quilts which
are renowned for their patchwork, British quilts are mostly associated
with the northern British counties, two particular types of quilt are
whole cloth quilts and strippy covers. It was not until the craft revivals
of the early 1970’s that patchwork became more common use in
Britain (Osler, 1987).
In the book Traditional British Quilts [1987], author Dorothy Osler
describes whole cloth as a quilt that has one whole piece of fabric on
the front and back; usually plain rather than patterned. The time saved
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with this process as opposed to a patchwork layer means that more
time could be spent on an intricate quilting design, the plain fabric
enabled the pattern to be more clearly visible. Strippy covers [correct
spelling] as they came to be known, are again quite simply constructed
with just a small number [5-9] of wide stripes [9-12”] that run from
the top to the bottom of the quilt in just two colours. These strips of
fabric were often left-over remnants from whole cloth quilts, but the
use of plain fabrics continued to allow the quilting design to be the
dominant feature where both sides of the quilt were given equal
importance. This differs again to an American quilt where they tend to
recognise a quilt as having a front and a back rather than being double
sided (Osler, 1987).
Figure 10 [left] Wholecloth quilt in cotton poplin made in 1933 by Porth quilting group,
Rhondda, Glamorgan. (Osler, 1987, p. 26)
Figure 11 [right] Strippy quilt in cotton sateen quilted with a strip quilting design. North
Country: early twentieth century. (Osler, 1987, p. 101)
The making of such quilts, particularly in Durham and Wales became
a way for impoverished families within mining communities to have a
further income stream. The Rural Industries Bureau ran a highly
successful quilting scheme from 1929 – 1939 through which support
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and networks were developed so that quilts and quilted items could
be sold (Osler, 1987, p. 100). One specific venue where such items
were sold was the Little Gallery in London which had been opened in
1928 by Murial Rose. As one of the first galleries that presented craft
as an equal to art, Rose sought out opportunities to support makers
while recognising a need to represent quality crafted goods
(Woodhead, 2006).
In the supporting V&A literature about the exhibition Quilts 1700–
2010, curator Sue Prichard draws our attention to more politically
motivated quilt making: ‘Quilts stimulate memories of warmth,
security and home, yet their layers can also conceal hidden histories
and untold stories’ (Prichard, 2010). While some examples may be
inadvertently revealing stories through the reading of fabric and
design choices, there has also been a consistent and overt use of quilts
as a communication tool for social issues. For example, secret codes
were embedded within quilt patterns and hung outside windows to
communicate safe houses and directions to the Underground Railroads
for Slaves in the Southern states America (The JBHE Foundation Inc,
2000; Tobin & Dobard, 2000).
Sociologist, Marybeth Stalp, in the book Quilting: The Fabric of
Everyday Life [2007] observes a particular way of thinking amongst
quilters: ‘as women quilt more intensely and more consistently on their
own time, they develop personally derived standards for setting goals
and measuring their success, independent of the judgements of
friends, family, or the economy. Quilting becomes an important means
of autonomy and identity developments for midlife women, even as
they practice a somewhat old-fashioned process of cultural production
traditionally defined [often pejoratively] as “women’s work”’ (Stalp,
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2007, p. 5). Women not only recognise the opportunity to make
objects that are useful [and therefore justifiable use of their time] but
they consequently develop systems and processes that enhance
independent thinking and activates greater ambitions.
Janis Jefferies emphasises the relevance of the quilted object itself:
‘not only were these sewn items the only memorial that many women,
of all classes left behind, but they were made as part of a shared
experience within a socially defined community’ (Jefferies, 1984, p.
257). Embedded into a quilt is a narrative of the quilter, quilts as
objects are often passed onto the next generation and subsequently
exist beyond the life of its maker. They leave clues about their lives
from the fabric and pattern choices, the time that was spent making
is recorded and there is physical evidence of skill and artistic vision
(Stalp, 2007).
The contemporary quilter has evolved as an influence as evidenced by
the myriad of publications, online communities and blogs. While some
will devote their making to particular quilting schools such as
Traditional or Modern, falling membership of the Guilds, despite
growing numbers of quilters, demonstrates a more fluid approach to
quilting. There is now a growing army of quilters that adopt and switch
between styles and techniques accordingly (Glassenberg, 2020;
Quilting in America 2017, 2017; Stalp, 2007). Some find themselves
particularly devoted to a fabric designer such as Tula Pink (Pink, 2020)
or Alison Glass (Glass, 2020), others are drawn to a particular mode
of making such as the hand pieced Millefiori quilts by Willyne
Hammerstein (Hammerstein, 2011). The expansive number of free
tutorials available online and global access to fabric sources has driven
demand.
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Quilting as a Community
Each country has its own quilting history in terms of origins, uses and
preferences for processes. This research, whilst based in the UK draws
from both historical and contemporary understandings of quilting in
the USA, in particular, the quilts of the Gee’s Bend Quilters, Alabama.
Furthermore, contemporary quilt projects have played an active role
in raising awareness and engaging communities to talk and work
through the challenges they may face. Quilt projects such as The
Living Healing Quilt Project [2008], Quilts of Belonging [2005] and the
Names Project [2016], do not attempt to conceal but to actively
commemorate, raise awareness and communicate untold histories.
There are also numerous examples of smaller community projects [or
at least in their early days] that relate to a particular national or global
scenario. The Same Sea, Different Boat quilt project is currently being
made as a response in the UK to makers being isolated during the
Covid-19 pandemic. Makers, artists and the general public have been
invited to make a small block when finding it hard to be creative under
lockdown circumstances. These blocks are then made into a
community quilt that reflects a shared experience (Brown, 2020).
Another approach, #bushfireblocks saw a national call for blocks to be
sent to Wollongong Modern Quilt Guild so they could build them into
quilts for those affected by the 2019/2020 Australian bushfires. The
call went viral and by April 2020, they had blocks from over 30
countries and reached over 15,000 blocks which, will make up over
1,000 quilts (Guild, 2020).
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GBQ
Gee’s Bend [now known as Boykin] is a small, remote hamlet and black
community in Alabama, USA. Generations of black women, who were
bought to North America as African slaves to work in the cotton fields,
have been creating quilts for use in the home. Gee’s Bend is a place
where some of these women and their families were forced to settle.
The quilts themselves have a particular look to them, in contrast to
the Euro-American quilts which are presented as ordered and with a
regularity in their patterns. The Gee’s Bend quilts have bold, large
scale geometric patterns, are observably utilitarian and made use of
re-purposed fabrics including denim, feed sacks, head scarfs, dresses
and corduroy: ‘Their quilts are both the signatures of individuals and
the banners of a community’ (Soul Grown Deep Foundation, 2002).
For these women, they had very little in terms of wealth or access to
alternative means. Making was a release but it was also a necessity in
order to keep the family warm. Made by hand, from old, worn work
clothes and household materials, the quilts could be considered as
self-portraits that provide indications of their lived experiences (Arnett
& Arnett, 2002; Stalp, 2007) and demonstrate the actions of the
bricoleur (Lévi Strauss, 1962).
Historical archives of photographs and interviews with descendants of
the original quilters show that the quilt tops would be made in the
family home during the winter months. During the warmer months,
women would gather in the church or on the verandas of homes to
hand stitch the layers of quilts together (Curran, 2018; Soul Grown
Deep Foundation, 2002, 2012). They would all work together, singing
songs from church, chatting about their daily lives while stitching
communally to create quilts for the individual homes (Soul Grown
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Deep Foundation, 2012). This coming together created quiet moments
of freedom, opportunities to make with a mind of one’s own. In the
book The Souls of Black Folk [1903], sociologist and cultural historian
W.E.B. Du Bois recognised that from their struggle emerged a
resilience through the language and act of quilt making, he referred
to this as ‘spiritual striving’ (Soul Grown Deep Foundation, 2002).
In 2002, the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston [USA] presented an
exhibition The Quilts of Gee’s Bend. At the time, the quilts and
community of quilters were unknown to the general public and the
arts world. The accompanying book and catalogue The Quilts of Gee’s
Bend [2002], edited by John Beardsley, William Arnett, Paul Arnett
and Jane Livingston, provides a series of essays and an archive of the
exhibited collection. This publication provides insight and greater
understanding of the stories and quilts of the women quilters of Gee’s
Bend. The quilts had been collected by William Arnett and were
curated by Alvia Wardlaw. The exhibition captured the public’s
attention, from quilt makers to arts commentators. These quilts had
not been created with an understanding or acknowledgement of what
had been decried as acceptable forms of artistry of the time, and nor
did they intend to: ‘Outside the salons and formal institutions… Armies
of artists and craftsmen were creating artistic worlds that were free of
academic rules and dedicated to providing a bewildering array of
objects for both utilitarian and decorative purposes’ (Soul Grown Deep
Foundation, 2002, p. 6). Curator, Paul Arnett and collector, William
Arnett, in the essay “On the Map” draw our attention to the rituals and
empowerment of quilt making for the women of Gee’s Bend:
[…] quilts are always [even if unintentionally] self-portraits.
Indeed, of all the imperatives of womanhood, quilt making [and
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sometimes sacred music] provided the most completing
creative experience. Tending to home, procreation [often a
pregnancy a year] and child rearing, working in the fields – all
were expected of women but were forums for limited selfexpression. In piecing a quilt, everything could be controlled,
simplified, magnified, miniaturised, and rearranged – a genuine
and culturally sanctioned occurrence of art making as an
emancipatory act. (Arnett & Arnett, 2002, p. 39).
Through the act of painting [within my personal practice] I was able
to connect with the complexity of making outside the ‘day job’.
Consideration for the need to be able to multitask can be experienced
through compositional choices and the layering of multiple mediums
and processes [see Figure 70 and Figure 73]. An engagement with
self-expression, in these cases created opportunities for my reflection
upon the profoundly different lived experiences of these women.
Although the quilters of Gee’s Bend were not an isolated group of
makers who made from necessity, designed intuitively or according to
what was available, the supporting exhibition catalogue captured and
highlighted an independent and autonomous approach to making. This
in turn caught my attention as being important to the underlying spirit
and ethos of this research.
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Figure 12 [left] Fragmented ‘star’ – 12 block variation, by Nettie Young. 1937.
Figure 13 [right] Nettie Young, 1916 – 2010. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.)
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Figure 14 [left] Blocks and Stripes by Delia Bennett. 1960’s
Figure 15 [right] Delia Bennett, 1892 – 1976. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.)
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Figure 16 [left] Blocks by Aolar Mosely, c1955
Figure 17 [right] Aolar Mosely, 1912 – 1999. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.)
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Group work, or group making is recognised within the practices of
the Gee’s Bend quilters. While there are clearly individual identities,
the continued coming together, for over a century to complete quilts
demonstrates a unified ambition and vision for their work (Leavy,
2009; Sullivan, 2010). Each member is recognised and valued for
what they contribute to the whole but through co-production they
are able to elevate their practice onto the world stage and
contribute towards a historical understanding of African American
culture (Snoad, 2020; Soul Grown Deep Foundation, 2002). In this
respect, Gee’s Bend has been a core influence in the approaches
undertaken within the Meltham Quilting Bee case study (as outlined
in more detail further on).
NAMES Project
The Names Project [now known as the AIDS Memorial Quilt] was
conceived in 1985 by long-time gay activist Cleve Jones. For this
project, individual quilts are made in remembrance of a family
member, friend or lover who has died from AIDS. Each quilt measuring
3 x 6 feet, has the name of a person being remembered stitched into
it. Currently there are over 48,000 panels, it was nominated for a
Nobel Peace Prize in 1989 and remains the largest community art
project in the world. The last display of the entire quilt [which is still
growing and now accessible to view online] was in October 1996 when
the quilt covered the entire National Mall in Washington, D.C and had
an estimated 1.2 million viewers [Figure 18]
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Figure 18 Names Quilt display in Washington 1996. (National Aids Memorial, n.d.)
In a video interview with Jones about the project, he states: ‘we took
a monument […] that was made of cloth and thread and sewn by
ordinary Americans and from people from all over this planet, who
loved someone who died of AIDS, and wanted them to be
remembered, it was that simple, and that amazing’ (Cleve Jones.
National Aids Memorial, n.d.). For Jones, the quilt was recognised as
a symbol that was both comforting and stood for traditional-familyvalues, the combination of this and the purposeful size of the quilts to
be similar to that of a coffin was to make wider communities recognise
that it was people being lost to this disease and not just a number.
The making of the individual quilts helped the family and friends of the
victims to remember and celebrate the lives of lost ones. In the text
“Knit One, Stitch Two, Protest Three! Examining the Historical and
Contemporary Politics of Crafting” by Sociologist, Trent Newmeyer
[2008], we are reminded that this was also, very much a political act.
Aimed at raising awareness of AIDS and the negligence of the
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government due to those who were mainly affected were considered
as marginalised [e.g., homosexuals, heroin addicts], Newmeyer
states:
The purpose of the quilt was to remember those lost to the
AIDS pandemic, but its purpose was more than memorial. Given
the astounding silence by government, families and the
mainstream press, the quilt in its construction and to display,
had a political purpose as well. (Newmeyer, 2008, p. 448)
Historically, textiles and quilts have been used in death. Mourning
quilts are created from items such as clothing and blankets the lost
one has left behind, quilts can be given to a person as a source of
comfort as they come to the end of their life and, either through
necessity [because there was no access to a coffin] or choice, loved
ones would be wrapped in a quilt for burial (Breneman, 2001; Knauer,
2017; Rinner Waddell, 2019).
In the book Wild Things: The Material Culture of Everyday Life [2000],
design historian Judy Attfield discusses the type of connection we, as
humans, have with cloth. From our first baby blanket to the first school
uniform, from the new set of bedding in our own home to the hand
knitted scarf made by a grandchild, ‘clothing and textiles have a
particular intimate quality because they live next to the skin and
inhabit the spaces of private life helping to negotiate the inner self
with the outside world’ (Attfield, 2000, p. 121). For the makers of the
Names quilts, the use of cloth and in this case the quilt, allows people
to mourn, commemorate and express one’s loss.
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Living Healing Quilts
The Living Healing Quilt Project [LHQP] is a series of three quilts made
to tell the stories of (often indigenous) residential school survivors in
Canada. The children placed in these schools ‘to better themselves’
had been forcibly removed from their land, culture and families, ‘young
women learned to sew as part of a bio political project of assimilation,
with the goal of creating docile bodies living and working in a residence
that was never home” (Robertson, 2009, p. 88). The project organiser:
Alice Williams of the Curve Lake First Nation (Curve Lake, Ontario) and
sponsored by the Indian Residential Schools Truth and Reconciliation
Commission developed the project following a formal apology by the
Canadian Prime Minister, Stephen Harper to the students at such
schools. The intention of the project was for survivors to have an
opportunity to express their experiences and tell their stories.
In 2008, blocks (individual patches) were made by survivors of these
schools and sent to the project organiser, Alice Williams. Each block
tells the story of an experience in the residential school with the choice
of materials connecting to a more spiritual or native way of living. “As
a whole, the blocks of the quilts bear witness to the systemic physical
and emotional abuses of the residential school life and occasionally to
moments of joy that could be found there” (Robertson, 2009, p. 91).
This project exemplifies the ability of quilting as a technique to act as
a telling of stories, particularly when collated as a series of tales from
varying individuals.
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Figure 19 Quilt from The Living Healing Quilt project (The Quilts and Stories from the Living
Healing Quilt Project - Quilting Gallery, 2008)
These exemplars of quilting demonstrate moments of control or
glimpses of autonomy through the act of quilting, historically and
culturally embedded in our lives today. The following section of this
thesis draws a focus onto the Meltham Quilting Bee case study,
from the methods that were developed for this research followed
by a discussion of my personal practice and how it was used to
provide further understanding of the case study.
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Meltham Quilting Bee Narrative
The Meltham Quilting Bee [MQB] started in 2015 and is still running to
date [2021]. It is based in the Yorkshire village of Meltham, although
the numbers and locations of the study has changed, the initial
parameters remain intact.
A quilting bee is mostly associated with North American culture. The
bee initially developed from both a desire and a need to gather to
produce quilts. The desire came from wanting to be closer to
neighbours and re-build communities following waves of migration to
America, these communities included people that were working as
slaves as well as people who had voluntarily moved to America. The
need to run a quilting bee arose from a more efficient and productive
mode of making quilts that were seen as invaluable household items
(International Quilt Museum, n.d.; Robertson & Vinebaum, 2016).
Essentially, a quilting bee is a group of people who come together to
make a quilt.
The MQB started as a short-term case study and scoping exercise so
that I, as the researcher, could engage with the concept of being an
amateur in a group making environment. Essentially, I wanted to be
one of the amateurs, amongst amateurs. I had very little experience
of quilt making myself and I assumed that a good proportion of the
people joining the MQB would consider themselves as amateur group
quilters.
Participants were voluntary and expressed their interest by answering
a small poster call out which had been placed in a local Post-Office,
Library and the village Co-op store. The poster [Figure 20] advertised
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an opportunity to make a quilt as part of a group in the local church
hall, no experience was necessary with tea and biscuits being
provided.
Figure 20 MQB call out for volunteers. 2015.
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The intentions of the MQB were to initially run as two groups, biweekly for a period of 2 months. In order to accommodate a broader
demographic one group ran on a weekday afternoon and the second
group took place on a weekday evening. The purpose of two groups
was to attract people who were currently employed [hence the
evening option] and those who may not want to venture out in the
evening.
The daytime group attracted 2 participants with a few further drop in
attendees who only attended once. The evening group attracted 8
participants, a further breakdown of the participants can be found in
Table 3 but essentially the age range was from 16 to 83, all the
participants were female. Aside from the 16-year-old who was a
student, all participants were currently employed or retired from
employment. It was not an intention (or a concern) for this to be a
female group of participants, it simply reflects the general gender
imbalance in textile crafts and current amateur quilting groups globally
(Chan Fung Yi, 2012; Glassenberg, 2020; Sheppard, 2013; Stalp,
2007). This is further highlighted as a general association with the
amateur by professors Julia Bryan-Wilson and Benjamin Piekut in an
editorial about Amateurism: ‘within the realms of visual art and music,
as with many other cultural forms, the designation of amateur is not
neutral: amateurism clings to the non-white maker, the female maker,
the non-Western maker, the ‘non educated’ maker’ (Bryan-Wilson &
Piekut, 2020, p. 15).
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# PARTICIPANTS
# participants
81-90
1
71-80
2
61-70
4
51-60
1
41-50
1
21-40
1
16-20
1
0
1
2
3
4
5
Table 3 Age range of MQB participants
With regards to experience of quilting, nobody had hand quilted
previously or sewn as a group. One participant had made a few quilts
by machine and a further participant had extensive dressmaking
experience [20+ years previously]. Everyone [myself included]
required teaching in terms of hand building and sewing of quilts and
all considered themselves as amateur group quilt makers.
As a group of volunteer quilters, we created quilts from concept
through to outcome. Except for the initial quilt fabrics, all decisions
relating to design and finish were made as a group rather than by an
individual. We used a mix of machine and hand stitch [personal
preference] to piece together the fabrics and once the quilt is on the
frame, we then used hand-stitch to quilt the layers together. The quilts
[as decided by the group] were all to be donated to a local women’s
refuge once the PhD research was completed.
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As mentioned previously, the MQB is still running despite the intentions
to be a 2-month study. At the end of this initial study, 5 participants
from the evening group requested that we continue to meet and quilt
together. Those who were interested, met up and rather than anyone
take a lead, we collectively decided on what and how we wanted to
continue with quilting. The key change to this development of the bee
was the practicality of switching from meeting in the church hall [which
required payment] to meeting in each other’s homes. As a result of
moving the meeting location the dynamic of the group and type of
work we make has changed. This will be discussed later in the analysis
chapter.
The Influence of The Gee’s Bend Quilters
The quilters of Gee’s Bend [GBQ] have played a fundamental role in
this research, from the initial chance encounter with the book The
Quilts of Gee’s Bend (Soul Grown Deep Foundation, 2002). I was
initially inspired by the simple blocking of textiles and colour to form
designs, which for me held great visual impact but it was the more
encompassing practices of making quilts communally that would
directly influence this research.
The GBQ, as we know, are a community of quilters based in Alabama,
USA. Named after a series of geographical abrupt bends on the
Alabama River, the name Gee’s Bend refers to a small and unofficially
named African American community in a town now called Boykin. The
quilts first came into the public eye during two exhibitions of the work
during the 1996 Olympics and two subsequent major exhibitions
during 2002-2003 at The Museum of Fine Arts, Houston and The
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Whitney Museum of American Art, New York. With quilts dating from
the 1920s to the present, they have had a great impact not just our
understanding of quilting but also in the wider culture of African
Americans: ‘The quilts of Gee’s Bend present a particular place and its
people, who have created a body of art so rich in its content and so
remarkable in its execution that it now enhances dramatically the
American cultural landscape’ (Soul Grown Deep Foundation, 2002, p.
8).
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Figure 21 [Left] Annie Bendolph. “Thousand Pyramids” Variation, c.1930. Cotton sacking material and chambray. 83 x 70 inches. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.)
Figure 22 [Right] Lucille Bennett Pettway. “Housetop” Four Block Variation, 1970’s. Cotton and corduroy. 73 x 70 inches. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.)
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As female, Black African slaves working in the cotton fields of Alabama,
they would make quilts out of necessity. Utilising fabrics they had to
hand such as jeans, bed sheets, dresses, head scarves, sacking, they
would most often piece together without following traditional patterns.
The designing of the quilt was very individual, some women would
favour a particular design in terms of layout but essentially, a lot of
decisions would often come down to what fabric they had to hand.
Annie Mae Young [1928-2013] was one of the quilters who clearly
relished the challenges of designing a quilt: ‘I never did like the book
patterns some people had. […] I work it out, study the way to make
it, get it to be right, kind of like working a puzzle. You find the colours
and the shapes and certain fabrics that work out right’ (Soul Grown
Deep Foundation, 2002, p. 100).
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Figure 23 [Left] Annie Mae Young. Strips, c.1975. Corduroy. 101 x 66 inches. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.)
Figure 24 [Right] Annie Mae Young. Yo-Yo, c.1971. Cotton, polyester, knit, corduroy clothing material, dashiki material. 83 x 80 inches. (Souls Grown Deep, n.d.)
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The process of making the quilts would essentially break down into
two parts: piecing and quilting. The piecing of the quilt [patchworking
fabrics together to make a larger piece of cloth] would often be done
during the winter months by the individual quilters and sometimes with
the help of their children. Then, during the summer months, the
women would gather outside on verandas and work as a group to
hand stitch the layers of fabrics together to make the quilts.
I truly admire the aesthetic and painterly appeal of the quilts alongside
their use of materials, but it was the methods of making collectively
that would prove to have a greater impact on this body of research.
The women would work together by sitting around a horizontal frame
upon which the quilt would be pinned. When in this making space it
became a time to chat, debate and sing (Soul Grown Deep Foundation,
2012). This democratic and purposeful activity within this community
of women quilters and the freehand approaches to designing etched
in my mind.
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Figure 25 [Left] Gee’s Bend quilter Jorena Pettway sews a quilt with assistance from two
young girls, 1937. Photographer: Arthur Rothstein of the Farm Security Administration.
(Gee’s Bend Quilt, n.d.)
Figure 26 [Right] Gee’s Bend Cooperative: quilters working together around a frame. 2011
(Bailes, 2020)
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The MQB Set-up.
The intention for the MQB was to work together on one quilt at a time.
As mentioned previously, there were two groups running initially: a
daytime and an evening group. Both groups were set up and run in
the same way.
Like the making of a quilt as an individual or, as seen by the Gee’s
Bend Quilters, it was split into distinct elements.
1
Design
Deciding on a design and choosing the
fabrics.
2
Piecing
Patchworking pieces of fabric together to
make a large piece of cloth.
3
Quilting
Stitching the layers of cloth and wadding
together to make a quilt.
For the initial meeting, I introduced my research and showed the
participants some examples of quilts made as a group by the Gee’s
Bend Quilters. The group members decided on an approach/design for
a patchwork pattern that they thought we could achieve given our lack
of experience. In Figure 27 you can see the concept of horizontal strips
of fabric joined together to make one larger piece of cloth, this was
felt to be creative yet accessible for all members of the group.
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Figure 27 Annie Mae Young. Strips, c.1975. Corduroy. 95 x 105 inches. (Souls Grown Deep,
n.d.)
The group members were eager to get on with some making and were
happy for me to make all the design decisions and instruct them on
what to do. For this research however, I was keen for individuals to
make some of their own decisions about the design so I developed a
‘modular’ system [Table 4] which meant some elements were decided
by myself but the actual construction and styling of the blocks was
decided upon by the individual members. It was important that this
group was an open learning environment as I wanted to observe how
groups of people learn autonomously.
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1
Decide on strips as core piecing element
Choice
My
Choice
Individual
Choice
Task
Group
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
x
[block design]
2
x
Analyse piecing element and create a
modular system
3
x
Calculate cloth requirements based on
number of participants by group
4
Choose fabric [solid ecru cloth from Ikea]
x
5
Choose colours and dye cloth accordingly
x
6
Provide 2 colours per group:
x
Daytime – grey & turquoise
Evening – grey & fuchsia
7
Cut fabric into 6 x 24” strips
8
Selection of x3 strips of colour to make x2
x
x
strip blocks [option to choose
1xfuchsia/2xgrey or 2xfuchsia/1xgrey]
9
Choose block sizes / sequence [height not
x
width]
10 Option to add in own fabric/s
x
11 Choose method of construction
x
[hand stitch or machine]
Table 4 The modular stages for the creation of MQB [1+2] blocks.
To get the group into action, as part of the modular system, I selected
the fabric and chose to work with 3 colours: fuchsia, turquoise and
grey. The daytime group would use the turquoise and grey, and the
evening group the fuchsia and grey. I then prepared and cut the
fabrics into 6” x 24” strips [Figure 28]
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Figure 28 Piecing of blocks for MQB 1&2, initially they would take home selection A or B and
would then return with two pieced sections of their own proportional choices.
Each member had a choice of 3 strips of fabric; some chose 2 fuchsia
and 1 grey, others selected 2 grey and 1 fuchsia. They then cut these
strips into different heights [we had all decided to do 6” width blocks]
and pieced them back together as a longer strip to form a pattern of
their choice, see Figure 29 for an example. They could keep it as
simple as they liked or make it more complex. While we were together,
we pieced by hand, but when completing our strips as homework some
chose to continue to stitch by hand and others used a sewing machine.
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Figure 29 MQB Daytime group showing a clear definition of the vertical block strips.
Teaching and instruction was kept to a minimum; the importance of
pressing, a quilters knot and a running stitch were taught as basic
required knowledge for everyone, a few others were interested in
being taught how to use a rotary cutter [as opposed to scissors]. The
key reason for keeping teaching to a minimum was for me to embed
myself in the group as a like-minded and equal amateur quilter as
opposed to being considered as an authority on quilting within the
group. As will be discussed later, I was a participant observer in this
study, I recognised the value that every member of the group could
bring to quilting and due to the aims of this research I really needed
to observe and experience making as part of the group as opposed to
being the tutor of the group. An example of how this affected the
running of the group appeared very early in the forming of the group.
When everyone had selected their 3 lengths of cloth and started to
piece them together, half the group asked if they could include other
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pieces of fabric that had personal meaning for them, this is an example
of what both Levi-Strauss and Knott refer to as the bricoleur; utilising
that which is to hand (Knott, 2011; Lévi Strauss, 1962). So, the final
quilts on the fronts were in two colour blocks, for example, grey and
fuchsia with small samples of personal pieces of cloth. Once we had
all completed our individual strips, we worked as a group to explore a
range of different layouts and made a choice on the final sequence.
We joined the blocks together to make the front of the quilt and were
then able to all start working on the one quilt at the same time, see
Figure 30 & Figure 31.
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Figure 30 [Left] MQB: Quilting in the Church Hall. 2015, (Perren, n.d.)
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Figure 31 [Right] MQB: Bumping Hands. 2015, (Perren, n.d.)
Based on an analysis of the Gee’s Bend Quilters video, I made a
wooden frame that we attached the quilt to. We would then sit either
side of the frame, hand quilting a pre-determined design onto the
quilt.
Because of the geometric nature of the piecing, it was decided that
we should stitch horizontal and vertical lines to give a grid effect, the
group felt this concept followed on with the piecing pattern and would
be simple to follow. The stitch we used is a running stitch and is most
used in quilting, as a group, we decided ‘roughly’ the sizes of the
stitches but as this was new to everyone, we were open to the fact
that they would not all be identical.
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When quilting as a group and for greater physical ease, a process of
passing the needle onto the next person takes place. For example, if
I was sewing a line horizontally from right to left and sitting between
two people, the person to my right would start the line, when they
reached me, I would take the needle from them and carry on with the
line until I reached the person on my left. I would then pass the needle
to them, and they would carry on (see Figure 32 for a visual
explanation). The same would happen when sewing vertically across
the frame to the opposite side. Each week, you would sit wherever
there was a space which means you would not have full authorship
over a specific part of the quilt or even your own full stitch line.
Figure 32 Diagram showing the 'passing of the needle' for group quilting
Once the quilt had all been quilted sufficiently to hold it together
making it suitable for a working, washable, practical quilt [as opposed
to an art quilt], members of the group decided to start sewing motifs
in an ad-hoc fashion – this included a sunflower, a mouse with big
ears and further geometric shapes. Finally, we attached a border
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[which I had cut and prepared]. All our initials were embroidered into
various parts of the quilt, and it was washed. One member of the
group thought it would be good to stitch the initials of MQB and so
took it home to complete. When it was returned, it also included, in
addition to the initials, a beautifully stitched motif of a bee.
Figure 33 MQB 2 Quilt with motif detail [2015]
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Figure 34 MQB 1 Quilt: prior to adding the border [2015]
Thinking through Quilting
Quilting as a term is more often understood to encompass two core
processes; quilting [the joining of layers] and patchwork [the joining
of fabric pieces] when in fact, these are two quite separate elements
that can be used on their own. For example, patchwork can be used
in other products such as fashion and need not be quilted and quilting
can be done on whole cloth and therefore does not use patchworked
elements.
If we start to break these terms down and consider their process, we
can also start to extract and recognise alternative modes of thinking.
Quilting on its own, is a process that we consider as working with two
sides; a front and a back but as we have previously observed, there is
a middle that is usually hidden from plain sight. We can expand this
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out as each of the layers themselves have a front and back, the
stitching binds these layers, at points, the central wadding acts as an
anchor; a place to hold onto a new thread and to hide the knots so
both external surfaces appear to be magically held together. The quilt
is a non-binary object, it is not just limited to having a front and a
back, it is far more complex. On their own, the layers could be
considered flimsy, weak, fragile but the repetition of thousands of
seemingly insignificant stitches creates a new whole that has rigour
and is representative of the investment of time and strength. Like the
MQB and the building of an autonomous communal group, the quilting
act searches out different positions and becomes stronger, more
together, as a result.
Patchwork can be used to mend items, extend life, it can be utilitarian
in its ability to bring together scraps and remnants to make a new,
larger piece of cloth, broadening its potential. Equally it enables an
engagement with aesthetics, the decorative or as a conversation
piece. A patchworking of knowledge enables a multitude of concepts
to butt up against one another, ideas can be stitched together in order
that we allow new readings of a situation or position to emerge.
This understanding of patchworking and quilting as a means to engage
with research, draws out and creates new ways of thinking about cocreation, socially engaged practice, non-binary or non-traditional
approaches to the information that presents itself to us.
When we look at the wider field of quilting, we must acknowledge its
power to transform, communicate and unite (Atkins, 1994; Knauer,
2017; Stalp, 2007). It has an innate ability to create in a democratic
manner, naturally engaging with non-hierarchical positions. When this
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is combined with aspects of amateur practice; change, evolution and
shifting stances can be recognised.
Endeavours such as the Names project seek to raise awareness as well
as be a means to both grieve and celebrate the lives of those affected
by AIDs. We can also recognise quilting’s value as a means of
queering, in that it throws ideas of heteronormative culture into the
air, in turn questioning identity formations and pre-conceived
associations often linked to gender and sexuality.
While the MQB was not directly linked to a queering of quilting directly,
it was creating a spotlight and conversation around perceived binary
positions such as the amateur and professional, individual and group
autonomies. The communal making of quilts overall is an inclusive act
and can be a means to work through and connect with situations that
are not normally heard of, such as The Living Healing Quilts of Canada.
Referring to the Patchwork of Methodologies [p94]; queering and
binary can be considered as elemental in the generation of a newly
associated quilting language that enables the researcher to analyse
and allow their understanding to evolve.
Influential Connections.
This research considers a variety of approaches to practice, artists and
projects in order that a conversation and debate may emerge around
the amateur, communal making and quilting as a social practice.
Quilting in the home and, amateurs engaging with craft, overall has
been considered as menial, dismissed as decorative and lacking in high
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cultural value. Feminist artists such as Joyce Wieland, Eva Hesse and
Su Richardson have, despite contextual differences, provided a
positioning that seeks to dismiss the automatic closing down of quilting
and the amateur in particular.
Quilters of Gee’s Bend have been of great importance in this research
from a practice and learning position. While the context of making is
clearly not comparable, it is vital that the voices of black women be
acknowledged in their contribution to this research. A PhD is a
platform that should recognise the contribution and achievements of
minorities and those who are underrepresented in western culture and
academia.
Other projects such as Names and Living Healing Quilts are included
because they help to demonstrate the wider powers of the quilt as an
object to build awareness and instigate political change, again, for
those who are hushed and underrepresented in Western Society. The
quilt is not just a docile object, it can both comfort and change lives.
The Stitching Together Research Network (Shercliff & TwiggerHolroyd, 2021b) has recently come to the end of its 3 year venture
through which it has built a critical dialogue around participatory
textile making with researchers, practitioners, commissioners and
textile enthusiasts. Funded by the AHRC and led by Dr Emma Shercliff
and Dr Amy Twigger-Holroyd, the network gathered crucial examples
of best practice and provided a much-needed platform for research
and projects in this field.
Of note is the open source of case studies (Shercliff & TwiggerHolroyd, 2021a), the study day (Shercliff & Twigger-Holroyd, 2021c)
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held in May 2021 which was created from the outset in such a way
that it is still available for public use, and the vital publication of two
special edition volumes of the Journal of Arts & Communities
(“Stitching Together [1],” 2020; “Stitching Together [2],” 2020).
In the introduction titled ‘Stitching Together: participatory textile
making as an emerging methodological approach to research’, for the
first of two special editions of The Journal of Arts & Communities
(Shercliff & Twigger Holroyd, 2020), Shercliff and Twigger-Holroyd
provide an overview of the findings of the Stitching Together Network.
This research and practice-based exemplars support several key
findings in this research, there is further evidence of quiet
empowerment that can emerge out of making with others and, the
enduring understanding that textiles, when engaged as craft, has
transformative powers. There is also acknowledgement of the
challenges that can occur for some people who do not naturally feel
comfortable engaging in communal making or, being distracted when
the skill being used is not quite so straight forward; participation at
time can bring anxieties of their own (Hackney et al., 2016; Shercliff
& Twigger Holroyd, 2020).
The longitudinal character of the MQB case study for this PhD has
revealed that over time there is always a transformation in the skills
and practices of craft making, and that to some extent, the journey of
the amateur in this case study has been the journey from the amateur
to a group of skilled practitioners.
The Stitching Together Network has successfully pulled together a lot
of existing research in this field as well as generating an impetus to
create new research. But through this vital network, we are also able
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to recognise the distinct lack of longitudinal studies in this field. This
PhD research is contributing to a growing network of research on craft
making in collaboration.
There are several makers and artists whose practice mirrors a core
idea emerging in this research, that is to ‘quietly take control’.
Catherine Reinhart leads The Collective Mending Sessions (Reinhart,
2021), through which she brings together communities to mend old
worn quilts. Serving as a practical solution for the repair of an item in
need it also teaches valuable textile mending skills that can extend the
life of an object. Reinhart recognises benefits that move beyond the
practical; the ability of the group mending to also metaphorically mend
communities.
Melissa Sarris engages communities where craft is seen less often.
Working
with
prisoners
and
ex-offenders,
Sarris
seeks
out
opportunities where the public become active participants and coauthors of the work in hand (Sarris, 2021). Sarris looks to reducing
and flattening senses of hierarchy in ‘a space where enquiry,
compassion and generosity may flourish’ (Sarris, n.d.).
Lady Kitt is a maker, researcher and drag king who describes their
practice as ‘Mess making as social glue, driven by an insatiable
curiosity to explore, share and [gently] incite the social functions of
stuff that gets called art’ (Kitt, 2021). Kitts’ practice observes the
individual approaches to creativity, the difficulty of consistently
working with strangers, whilst also contributing to human culture.
As socially engaged practitioners, Reinhart, Sarris and Kitt strike out
to make work that can have a real impact on those that physically
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engage with the making process. The MQB as a communal making
group, quietly pushes against a system that seeks to dismiss its
amateurism as having no discernible impact on society or high culture.
Kitt pushes for a gentle approach, Sarris looks for equal partnerships
and co-creation and Reinhart uses time and understated repetitive
stitches to mend and heal communities. There is a common thread
amongst these examples of practice that quietly, is taking control of
their means of production and their forms of expression.
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A Personal Practice
In addition to being a researcher, I also identify as an artist, a
craftsperson and a lecturer. This triangulation of experiences can be
described as a/r/tographical which is a specific category of arts-based
research practices. a / r / t stands for artist – researcher – teacher and
merges knowing, doing and making as knowledge (Irwin et al., 2018;
Irwin & de Cosson, 2006; Pinar, 2006; Sullivan, 2010). I have been
able to use the skills of my own practice; painting, drawing and making
to further analyse and understand the case study and approaches to
the amateur. These aspects [of who I identify as] relate to my
experience of being part of the Meltham Quilting Bee as a group, in
particular my responses to the spaces in which collective work is made.
My practice is an ever-evolving undertaking. With a ‘big picture’
understanding, I recognise a body of work that likes to respond to
situations, build narratives and is investigative of the time in which we
have [or don’t have] ownership of. In practice, I paint, draw and make
artefacts using textiles. Often these reflect back on each other – I draw
textiles, I make paints, I paint textiles and they are sometimes made
into artefacts. I recognise no hierarchy in these mediums or the
processes I use, and I create work in isolation in my home-based
‘studio’ [not usually as part of a group].
Aesthetically, a lot of my work might be described as decorative, rich
in colour use, abstract. As a practitioner I have been described as
productive in relation to the amount of work I create. There are
numerous reasons why I make work but essentially it comes down to
the ability to create ‘thinking time’ as a result of engaging in doing and
making. Using my own practice within this research enables a range
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of research and analytical methods to be used; it is a collage,
patchwork, assemblage of approaches. I am undertaking this PhD as
a part-time student and as a result, I have been able to develop a
longitudinal case study. One of the benefits of such a study is the
opportunity to analyse the data on several occasions but also using
different practice methods. Throughout the case study, aside from the
more common methods used such as interviews, questionnaires and
diary entries, I have developed a number of creative studies [mainly
paintings,
drawings
and
quilts]
that
enable
reflection
and
understanding of the experiences I am having when engaging in group
making.
While I have been positioned as a participant observer and as a
practitioner in a practice-based case study, it is useful to consider my
direct observations of elements of the case study, as it can bring
further insights to the research. Sociologist Patricia Leavy, in the book
Method meets Art raises this point but also adds that it is a mechanism
for the researcher to question their own ideas: ‘researchers share their
experiences as a part of their ethnographic work – as a means to
developing their own ideas, questioning their assumptions and
positionality, building rapport, and building reciprocity’ (Leavy, 2009,
p. 39).
Learning and producing knowledge through practice is an idea that
philosopher, Donald Schön has written extensively about, particularly
in his text The Reflective Practitioner: How Professionals Think in
Action [1983]. ‘Reflection [and knowing] in action’ describes the
moments in which you think through a situation while you are in that
situation. For example: during the making of a communal quilt, you
can reflect on the quilt making process, the act of working communally
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and about your presence in, or influence of the site in which you are
making. Schön goes further and discusses the idea that the more
experience one has within a field such as craft making, the more
powerful this reflection can be. There is recognition that each situation
presented to you is unique and there is no ‘one answer’. The years of
experience may allow you to recognise all the smaller elements of the
problem at hand, but when all the problems come together as a whole
– it is a unique situation that you must immerse yourself in to
understand more coherently (Schön, 1983, p. 129).
Philosopher and chemist, Michael Polanyi in the book The Tacit
Dimension [1966], explained that we know more than we can tell.
Using the term tacit knowledge, he observes that a number of
elements such as sensory and conceptual come together in order that
we make sense of something (Polanyi, 1966). Understanding the
tension that the thread needs to be as you pull the knot through to
the centre of the quilt may be hard to describe, but through doing we
are able to understand this process beyond a verbal explanation.
Within my painting practice, I am able to describe my experience of
working in close confines around a quilt frame, arguably more
eloquently than through describing how I imagine it must be like for
the quilters of Gee’s bend [Figure 69, Figure 70, Figure 73, Figure 74].
The article ‘Designing Craft Research: Joining Information and
Knowledge’ by Kristina Niedderer and Katherine Townsend affirms the
importance and specificity of craft as a method of research that can
reveal understanding beyond the ability of the written word. They
write:
[…] this role of craft is rooted in its flexible nature as a conduit
from design at one end to art at the other. Its characteristics
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are based on experiential and emotional knowledge, which are
important strength of craft and therefore an integral aspect any
research in the crafts. (Niedderer & Townsend, 2015, p. 641).
In this respect, like Schön, Niedderer and Townsend highlight the
experience of the maker in the wider sense but that the experience
gained through engaging with the craft itself is knowledge.
By extension, Senior Research Tutor at the RCA, Claire Pajaczkowska,
in the text “Making Known: The Textile Toolbox – Psychoanalysis of
Nine Types of Textile Thinking” [2016], recognises the specificity of
[hand] stitching practice as a means to think through the act of
making:
[…] it is surprising how the process of reflexive looping, or
doubling back, which is so integral to the stitch process, becomes
a metaphorical, as well as literal, mechanism of reflexivity. When
the
progressive
movement
forward
included
backwards
movement within it, there is a space and time of reflexive thought
(Pajaczkowska, 2016, p. 86).
Here, we understand that thinking through an idea or a problem is
never linear; we go sideways, forwards, backwards and often in loops.
Hand stitch and the act of quilting does the same, therefore, through
the joining of layers in a quilt, we can think through our thoughts.
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5
Analysing: MQB
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The focus of this chapter is on the quilts produced through the case
study. As outputs of the Meltham Quilting Bee [MQB] they are also
representative of the questioning and analysis directed towards the
acts of working and making together; decision making, physicality,
designing and the building of a communal voice. This case study
recognises the particular nature of quilting and its suitability to
communal making: ‘quilting is one of many ways in which women can
connect with other women on personal and societal levels, develop a
creative self in which women find themselves not just as family
caretakers, but as subjects of their own lives as well’ (Stalp, 2007, p.
136).
From this making experience as a research process, the amateur is
questioned and a clear need for a sliding scale or arc of the amateur
(Stebbins, 1992) is considered through a pedagogic understanding of
experiential learning (D. A. Kolb, 2014). This chapter considers not
just the individual but also the group through a skills based model of
understanding (Drefus & Drefus, 1980). Furthermore, out of the MQB
emerges a range of methods of making in my own practice and I
discuss how this body of work developed and is used as a method of
analysis in Arts Based Research (Leavy, 2009, 2018; S. McNiff, 2018).
MQB
The Meltham Quilting Bee [MQB] is currently in its sixth year of
working communally to create quilts. The number of people involved
has fluctuated over the years but four of the original members are still
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involved. While it was initially organised by myself, majority of the time
[5 ½ years] it has been led by all members of the group with no
individual taking any leading role. Communally we work on one quilt
together with the overarching objective [except for one quilt] to make
quilts that are suitable for daily use and that they will be donated to a
women’s refuge to use / distribute as they see fit. This is quite a unique
way of working as we do not create any quilts for our own personal
use. As a result, there are little to no issues with anyone feeling that
they have greater ‘ownership’ over what we are working on or holding
the loudest authorial voice. Over the years of working together, like
that of Brass Art, we developed a new voice and aesthetic, one that
belongs to the MQB group as opposed to its individual members.
Organisation
As discussed in the Methodology chapter, there was a certain amount
of organisation required for the quilt group ‘to be activated’. MQB 1&2
[names of quilts made by the MQB] were made concurrently by the
daytime and evening groups and this is where I chose to embed any
crucial learning elements, for example, how to piece fabrics together,
how to create a quilters knot and then embed it into the quilt, what is
an ideal hand stitch length and how far apart should stitch areas be in
order to make it a successful working quilt. In the background I
organised and planned to ensure the quilters felt this to be an
accessible craft i.e., dyeing fabrics, pre-cutting strips of fabric, winding
off thread lengths for little packs to take home when working on
piecing as homework, supplying tea, coffee and biscuits, setting the
room up in the hired space ready for everyone to arrive.
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As the weeks went on, individual members would ask how things had
been done such as the cutting of so much fabric. For such occasions,
I would ensure I had all my equipment with me so I could show them
how I had carried out certain tasks. I would have scraps of fabric they
could test on with the intention that individuals could develop skills as
and when they wanted. Yet I was not the only one providing
instruction. As the weeks went on, I would hear individuals chatting
to each other and explaining how they had tackled elements of the
piecing and layout of their blocks to each other. For these women, this
was an opportunity to learn about quilting from myself, but it was also
an arena in which they were learning from each other, teaching and
‘lifting each other’ (Maidment & Macfarlene, 2009).
During discussions and the later interviews, it emerged that most
participants [bar one, who had made quilts using a sewing machine
previously] had wanted to quilt but it always seemed such a big
undertaking and they did not know where to start. The method I had
used to break it down into modular parts had made it accessible and
was now something they felt they could tackle or were now doing in
their own time. As Sue, one of the MQB members commented:
I'd always wanted to get involved with making quilts and
quilting but didn't really know how to go about it and I guess
sometimes, excuse the phrase, it was difficult to get your ass
into gear… The thing I found really valuable; it was so good to
be guided… I think the way it was broken down in that very
first quilt, made it very understandable. I learn by doing so the
fact that we were involved with the process, practically was,
was very good for me’. (S. Mortlock, personal communication,
August 23, 2020)
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At this point, Sue is addressing a number of points that have been
discussed previously; reflection in action (Schön, 1983),
tacit
knowledge (Polanyi, 1966; Shercliff, 2014a) and a drive towards
making as an autonomous action (Adamson, 2010; Lippard, 2010;
Myzelev, 2009).
For the initial meeting at the start of MQB3 [and the making within
homes], I suggested that people bring along any fabrics they had at
home that they might want to use and any quilting books, magazines
or inspiration for a potential quilt design. If people did not have
anything to bring then this was equally fine. During that first meeting,
we looked through books together, discussing the merits and
challenges of what we saw. A design was picked out based on its
accessibility [although not a simple construction, it was also not too
advanced] and it allowed us to utilise a good range of the fabrics that
we had brought to the table. The MQB was clearly demonstrating a
desire to customize the design through their choices of fabric to create
a semi original quilt. In this respect, the group were acting
autonomously via the questioning of the original design (Campbell,
2005; Hackney, 2013; Myzelev, 2009; Ratto & Boler, 2014).
From this point onwards, my level of organisation was on a par with
every other member of the MQB. This moment was the perfect time
to transfer to a non-hierarchical practice and to ‘release control of the
process’ (Gilchrist et al., 2015, p. 466). Choosing to keep it as low key
as possible towards the end of a session, we would decide what
needed to be done for the following session [if anything], the date of
the next session and where it would be. There were no formal
schedules or rota of houses. On the day of the next meeting someone
would normally text everyone to check / confirm it was still going
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ahead and this is how it has run to date. This laissez-faire attitude was
purposefully in direct opposition to its business-led counterpart in its
drive towards efficiency. Whilst simultaneously recognising the value
in having a basic organisational structure this thus demonstrates
Bratich and Brush’s concept of the social home (Bratich & Brush,
2011). This worked very well for the group, probably the only
downside of such an approach to organisation was that we would end
up with six people, all bringing cake and biscuits [there was never a
session when no biscuits were bought along!].
Social
We get together, we set up our space and we labour over our quilt. It
is about making together in an environment that is focused on
producing an output with little to no commercial value and creating a
space that is more social than productive (Hackney, 2013; Shercliff,
2014a; Stalp, 2007). We chatter about a lot of things. In the initial
months this was on the surface, not superficial but it was centred
around the process of quilting. Later we become friends, we talk
beyond the pleasantries and really get to know each other. Grant
Kester describes this happening as ‘haptic and verbal exchanges’
(Kester, 2011, p. 113) that enable us to reflect on our identity, not
only as an individual but also starts to build our new group identity
(Kester, 2011; Lewis et al., 2013).
The subjects and directions of conversation could also be considered
as a cross-cultural engagement as the home became an important site
for viewing exhibitions online [particularly in the later stages during
Covid-19], a space to view films, listen to music, watch a documentary,
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
create 3-D prints, for purchasing craft materials (Crossick &
Kaszynska, 2016; Ratto & Boler, 2014).
This interaction with the home, while it may be more greatly
connected through technologies today, also reflects the historical
home as the main or only option and site for women as makers,
particularly when they had small children and had their domestic
duties to deal with (Brooks, 1987; Parker, 2010). With the onset of
lockdowns and isolations due to Covid-19, these domestic interiors
once again have transformed back to the spaces of the past as they
become office spaces, studios, school classrooms.
Like the quilters of Gee’s Bend the frame used for quilting creates an
automatic social space (Soul Grown Deep Foundation, 2002). It is a
temporal zone (Knott, 2015) or the home as Limboland
9
(Welsh
Streets, n.d.). The quilt frame invites those who sit around it to engage
with each other; bumping hands, knocking knees, negotiating elbow
space [Figure 35 & Figure 36], silently engaging us while we sew so
we are free to chat about politics, village goings on, weekly
happenings, a first grandchild, philosophy, gardening and so on.
9
For Nina Edge (Welsh Streets, n.d.), Limboland represents a site for the making of
politically charged artworks by the residents of an area in Liverpool which was under
threat from gentrification. Untrained artists would create interventions to raise
awareness of their situation. For the MQB members, this was a political act in that
it was a group of women, making craft and working together outside of normal
conventions of hierarchical structures, this is also a political act [although not overtly
so] in that this is not a normative position (Adamson, 2010; Parker, 2010;
Rentschler, 2019).
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Figure 35 Quilting spaces above the frame (Perren, n.d.)
Through a series of drawings titled Form Studies, 2015 [see page 350
in the appendix portfolio], I observed and engaged with the physicality
of quilting onto and around a frame; hunched forms, leaning, reaching
and bending were required. The studies themselves, created on large
semi-transparent layout papers allowed the previous drawings and
marks to seep through and be seen, playing with the idea of consistent
movement, adjustment and productivity.
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Figure 36 Quilting spaces below the frame (Perren, n.d.)
As stated previously, the first two quilts [MQB1&2] were created at
the church hall in our local village of Meltham, from the start of making
the third quilt [MQB3], we switched to making in the homes of some
members of the group. The church hall is a public space in which no
individual person would feel that they have greater ownership. This
forms a neutral space in which to introduce and explore the research
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questions as well as a being a space in which individuals feel they can
engage with the tasks on their own level.
Bratich and Brush remind us that the Freudian term unheimlich occurs
when we are spatially disoriented, or, when we engage in something
in a space for which we do not usually associate together. For
example, quilting or knitting usually happens in the home and not in
public (Bratich & Brush, 2011). As a result, the act of making in public
becomes a question about the societal values of public / private
spaces. The church hall, however, provides a space which is perhaps
more intermediate, it is both a public space, but unlike a café or park,
it is used as a closed space. We used an enclosed space, so the public
were not able to see us working. This in-between space became a
site for forming a non-hierarchical structure for the MQB.
Switching to the home was a decision made by the group of quilters
who wished to continue making together. Initially, this was a practical
choice as it had no costs attached and some members had the space
to accommodate up to six people and the quilting frame. This is a far
more personal environment and had the potential for individuals to
feel uncomfortable and therefore not willing to continue in the study.
However, this choice was a unanimous decision and therefore such an
outcome was avoided. In the text “Crafting Community” [2016],
Professor Kirsty Robertson and Scholar/Artist Lisa Vinebaum discuss
the shift for textile-based crafts from the domestic sphere to the
public, to pubs, cafés, parks. They discuss the performative nature of
making in a public space. For the MQB, this performance is being
bought directly into the home. These domesticated spaces, usually
reserved for privacy and making on one’s own, were now being
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opened up for communal making and by association, the performance
(Robertson & Vinebaum, 2016).
For those members of the group who were unable to offer spaces in
which we could work, made a point of arranging other elements for
the group such as organising the purchase of fabrics and wadding or
supplying home baked treats. This role or action, although not putupon people, enabled the group to move towards a situation in which
everyone felt empowered.
Within the making environment of the home, discussions would lead
on from the observation of an object that occupied our new quilting
space such as a picture, photograph or book, to the research topics of
the case study. Often, within the homes of crafters, are indications [or
blatant displays] of artefacts that demonstrate their experiences of
making (Turney, 2004). Having access to items in these domestic
spaces meant we were able to form meaningful connections with each
other as they created an environment, in which we could discuss
personal agendas, political motivations and family matters (Attfield,
2000).
The group were committed to thinking with and through the process
as part of a co-productive enquiry. This engagement with the research
going on ‘behind the scenes’ further validated the individual not as a
participant in this study but as an established contributor to the
research and its outcomes as co-producers (Banks et al., 2019; Leavy,
2018) or research partners (Gilchrist et al., 2015). This time spent
quilting, working together, chatting and engaging in constructive
conversation [at times led by myself but more often instigated by other
individuals] further enabled me to develop an understanding of the
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nuances of the social aspects of making and the opinions of the
participants (Twigger Holroyd & Shercliff, 2016). In an MQB interview
[August 2020], Sue comments that Debbie’s inclusion in each session
of a personally selected ‘what’s on’ guide to local events in the village,
at the theatre, in the library was a valued regular contribution, often
leading to Sue later engaging in these events (S. Mortlock, personal
communication, August 23, 2020).
Experience of Making Together
In Figure 31, you can see a photograph that I took during a session
when we were working on MQB2. This intimate image of two quilters
working in a small space, captures several themes, for example, the
close nature of them working on the same spot, their outer arms
leaning in towards each other while their arms sit side by side and
reach under the quilt together. These are physical signs that two
people of different ages are comfortable in each other’s presence.
What the photograph does not represent are the giggles that took
place in-between these focused moments and when the quilters’
hands bumped for the first time. Grant Kester talks of the gradation
of knowing and experience that can emerge through haptic exchanges
when collaborating through making (Kester, 2011). For Sue and Maisie
[the hand bumpers], this is a negotiation of space, verbal discussion
on how to proceed, a personal moment that recognises that this
encounter is not so ordinary and a haptic knowing of the quilting stitch
being carried out.
Later, in the painting Communal Ebb & Flow, 2016 [Figure 69] I
explored this negotiation of space in a composition that leans into a
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central position. I made my own highly pigmented paints that
maintained a translucency so I could build up layers, this
metaphorically navigated the peeling back of boundaries and personal
space whilst also acknowledging multiple, seemingly indistinct actions.
Moving onto later quilts in the series we continued to navigate the
haptic experiences, that is learning and knowing through the
experience of touch and reaching towards a greater control of our
quilting skills. An example of knowing through haptic encounters is the
pulling of the thread and knot through the top layer of cloth and
embedding it into the middle layer [without pulling it all the way
through the quilt]. Similarly, when mixing gouache paint, I am only
able to understand if the consistency is perfect when I mix the paint
and respond in that moment to the thickness of the paint emerging
from the tube. The social exchanges and the nature of working within
close spaces, enhances this method for knowing. One such instance
occurs when we set the tension of the quilt on the frame. Facing each
other with less than a foot between us, we would put our hands onto
the quilt to test the tension and communicate [a mixture of verbal and
/ or nods, smiles] to the people attaching the quilt to the frame.
As I write this thesis and analyse the experiences, we are coming close
to a year of national and local lockdowns in which we have had to live
in isolation, keep two metres away from people we do not live with
and wear face masks. Bumping hands and sitting shoulder to shoulder,
knee to knee now feels sadly like an alien experience. Quilting around
the frame in close quarters bought moments of physical and social
connection, a lack of judgement and provided moments for improving
one’s wellbeing. In this case, amateur making pulls people together,
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creates connections and cultivates a sense of belonging; it will be good
to get back to these times.
Like the members of Brass Art we also make conscious choices to quiet
or hush the self as we negotiate and develop a voice for our little
quilting group (Lewis et al., 2013). This process of negotiation and
compromise was not always straight forward and provided challenges
as Sue notes with reference to the final decisions on the piecing of
MQB5: ‘we had started with a plan, and it ended up somewhere
completely different, and I found that difficult, I don’t mind where we
ended up but found the process rather difficult’ (S. Mortlock, personal
communication, August 23, 2020). Debbie then commented: ‘well can
I say Sue, you hid it quite well… it was not uncomfortable for us’ (D.
Ford, personal communication, August 23, 2020). This reassurance to
Sue, who subsequently exclaimed her relief at knowing this,
demonstrated the ways in which some aspects of our individual
preferences were being willingly put to the side as the MQB developed
a visual language of its own. In fact, Sue went on to make the quilt
on her own in the manner that we had first intended as she was really
taken by the improvisational methods used and wanted to engage with
that fully.
The piecing together and patchworking of multiple fabrics reflects the
joining together of numerous voices and approaches. At times the
pieces do not match in size or shape but with mindful adjustments and
consideration of the bigger whole, these jarring elements join together
to create a new fabric and are representative of storying through
making.
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The making of work communally and the inclusion of people in the
group helped to further their knowledge of quilting independently.
These are informal moments of skill-sharing. As we sit around the
frame, we note how each other tackle elements of hand quilting.
Because we are also doing the same task, we can respond and test
out such approaches immediately. Such experiences in making
together create shifts in the status of the amateur, the nature of
someone who may be considered as an experienced quilter [and
therefore no longer an amateur] can be acknowledged because they
are able to communicate and recognise their quilting knowledge
through haptic and tacit experiences.
Learning as a group
Being an amateur group of quilters, we were engaged in a learning
process. The simultaneous making of the first two quilts by the MQB
were an experiment in how little information could be provided to a
group of people with a range of hand quilting experiences: from a
smidge to none. Autonomy was desired but instruction was needed,
free flow was encouraged but clarity was required. So, over the initial
weeks, I proceeded to lead the sessions through instruction but
created a modular system [Table 4] with the aim that as soon as
possible, the group itself would drive not only the direction ahead but
also the learning.
As a participant observer with an interest in autonomous making, my
intention was to flatten any sense of a hierarchy and to ensure that
the members of the group understood themselves to have non-passive
roles in this research; this was to be a two-way / dual relationship
(Banks et al., 2019; Gilchrist et al., 2015; Leavy, 2009, 2018; J. McNiff
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& Whitehead, 2011). Quite early in the initial stage of the case study,
quilt members started to contribute to the group, sometimes these
involved micro actions where a person sat next to another person and
would follow the lead of their neighbour. At other times there were far
grander displays of action at work. For example, during the third
meeting, in front of the group, I realised that I had made a mistake in
my calculations for the back of MQB2. It was meant to be a solid grey
piece of cloth; however, it was simply too small. Other members of
the group quickly put forward suggestions for how we might fix the
problem and remembering the concept of how the Quilters of Gee’s
Bend approached their making [having introduced them to images of
their quilts in the first meeting] suggested that we might ‘simply’ add
in some patches of the fuchsia fabric that was on the face of the cloth
[Figure 37]. I felt this was an ideal moment for me to step back and
demonstrate that I fully trusted their input and as a result, the back
of the quilt includes some shards of another cloth [and is possibly my
favourite aspect of this quilt].
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Figure 37 Fixing the backing with the addition of a fuchsia panel, as suggested by the
quilters of MQB. (Perren, n.d.)
Upon reflection, this moment was pivotal in enabling all members of
the group to realise they have a valid contribution to the concept of
‘group making’ and therefore the research (Gilchrist et al., 2015;
Leavy, 2009). At this point I would not describe the group as co-
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producers of the research but there was clearly an indication that it
might evolve this way given time (Banks et al., 2019).
With a few more sessions, individuals started to question the method
of stitching that was being used. I had demonstrated a technique
called ‘rocking the needle’, it is not the simplest of techniques but once
mastered it is a less time-consuming method for hand quilting.
Everyone had been using this method to different degrees of success
and started to adapt it in a way they felt more comfortable with. Some
quilters chose to use a much slower method called a ‘stab stitch’.
However, rather than just switch due to ease, they would explain that
our approach to quilting was not about efficiency of labour but about
an experience of making together allowing themselves to take their
time to enjoy the moment and appreciate the skill. This is an excellent
example of the Pitman Painter effect in which members of the group
were demonstrating a heightened awareness of not just the skill of
quilting but also the concept of autonomy within the context of this
case study (Milling et al., 2014). The Pitman Painter effect recognises
that ‘once someone has attempted to make art, sing or play a complex
piece, they have a heightened understanding and appreciation of the
technical and aesthetic qualities of that work’ (Milling et al., 2014, p.
8). Furthermore, it clearly demonstrates that within amateur arts,
participants frame their level of engagement through an experience as
opposed to its economic value (Crossick & Kaszynska, 2016; Hackney
et al., 2016; Knott, 2011; Milling et al., 2014), and that the experience
of group making was of more value than the end result or a quilt being
completed to schedule (Felcey et al., 2013; Shercliff, 2014a).
As we built up the layers of the quilt we could recognise different
planes of thought, some were tentatively joined together, a thicker
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and more substantial wadding would provide purpose. The act of
stitching to create a quilt bound together our thoughts. As the needle
repeatedly switched from one side of the quilt to the other, the months
and years required to carry out this important act of binding, mirrored
the cohesion that emerged over time within the MQB.
Space & Physicality
As stated previously, the making of quilts has taken place in two
different environments [sites]. The making of MQB 1 & 2 took place in
a local church hall and the other quilts were made in the homes of the
quilters. This switch, from a multi-use public space in which exercise
classes and coffee mornings would be held, to the domestic settings
that are more often personal and private spaces was quite a change
for the case study.
A clear shift in thinking towards communal rather than community
making occurred once this switch happened, so what did these spaces
look like and how does it feel to make quilts in such an environment?
As an individual maker, particularly when engaging as an amateur
making work in your home, shed or garage is quite expected (Crossick
& Kaszynska, 2016; Elinor et al., 1987; Hackney et al., 2016; Knott,
2015; Kouhia, 2016; Parker, 2010). However, we were inviting relative
strangers to come into our homes to continue working as the MQB,
when a normal course of action would be to remain in a public and
community orientated space (Minahan & Cox, 2007; Myzelev, 2009).
Bratich & Brush identify the hacking or re-routing of the home for use
as a group quilting space as reclaiming the site. This positive
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affirmation of a temporary switch of one’s private, domestic living
space into a working studio is called detourning the home (Bratich &
Brush, 2011, p. 239) and one that enables us to re-vision our homes.
When the initial switch happened there were six of us working
together, three homes were offered up for use and belonged to Sue,
Lois and myself. For those who were not able to offer space to work
in, they were keen to take on other responsibilities such as the
sourcing of a fabric or purchasing of wadding. This distribution of
labour and organisation of the group emphasised the status as a
communal group that was gradually flattening any form of hierarchy
(Gilchrist et al., 2015). For Lois, there was a clear recognition of the
significance of offering one’s home as a space for the group and that,
perhaps, also reflected the anxieties that one might have if you were
to act as a host in your home for friends and family:
I think I was the one who suggested working at home and this
was mainly because I thought hiring a space would be costly
for five or six people. It does impose the extra role of guest or
host, and maybe the arrangement was felt to be a bit cramped
or inconvenient. For myself, sometimes it worked fine,
sometimes not so much, and I think this depended on how I
felt the social interaction / conversation was going (L. Garling,
personal communication, August 30, 2020).
In group work practices and analysis, the organisation, arrangements
and care for the individuals in the group is referred to as dynamic
administration (Foulkes, 1975, pp. 99–108). This includes being aware
of who is attending, setting up the room ready for the arrival of the
group and generally making people feel welcome which could include
the offering of refreshments. Moreover, Knott refers to the space of
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amateurs [both physically and mentally] as being a temporal zone, a
space where ‘definitions of work, productivity, aesthetics, play and
labour are continually negotiated’ (Knott, 2011, p. 20). These new
sites for making work communally, required adaptation and around us
we would see evidence of spaces that were already considered as
adaptive; desks to work at, baskets of craft projects mid completion,
extendable tables.
The next section of this analysis introduces us to the homes and sites
of quilting for the MQB. These spaces were not simple voids in which
we gathered to make but would come to influence the experience of
group making and would contribute to creative choices being made of
the quilts themselves. These spaces, or environments became
interconnected with the emergence and ethos of the MQB.
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Sue’s space [shared with Matty the young Yorkshire Terrier].
Sue has an open plan ground floor which consists of the kitchen, dining
area and lounge. On occasions we sit at the dining table, but mostly,
we would be working around the frame in the lounge area. Upon
arrival, Sue would have already moved a coffee table to the side ready
for us to set up the frame and we would then transfer the dining chairs
to be round the frame. Attention would always be given to Matty and
then we would take in the amazing view from the patio windows.
Meeting in the evenings meant we had opportunity to watch ever
changing sunsets over the duration of the study [Figure 38 & Figure
39]. Sue would also have signs of craft-based engagement around us;
this was a space that Sue uses to knit in and work on bindings for
quilts so these would be sitting on the side in mid-production. Sue also
has a small sewing room upstairs which we have seen, but not worked
in. On one occasion, we needed to see what the layout of the blocks
would look like but needed a large space in which to do this. Later we
found ourselves putting the sections out on Sue’s bed in her bedroom.
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Figure 38 Sue's Space
Figure 39 Matty taking in the view
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Lois’s space.
When working at Lois’s we would be based in the lounge. Before we
would all arrive, furniture would be moved to the edges of the room
so we could set up in the middle. There is a large bookshelf that takes
up almost one side of the room [ranging from philosophy to fiction,
cooking to biographical] and on the walls are evidence of a creative
past; a collaged drawing made while on a foundation course and a
frame with a collection of politically motivated [left leaning] postcards,
the most memorable being a reference to the ‘milk snatcher’. During
the piecing stage of MQB3, we would often all sit on the floor doing
our sorting or hand stitching, and on occasions, we would nip down to
the kitchen [Lois lives in a 3-storey mid terrace house] where the
ironing board would be set up ready to use.
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Figure 40 Lois's Space Photo of space / bookshelf
Figure 41 Clip frame of postcards in Lois's front room.
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Nicola’s space.
This is my house, and you need to pass through the kitchen and
lounge to get through to the dining room where we would quilt. Like
Sue and Lois, I would prepare the space before people would arrive
by putting the folding dining table to the side and as I was the ‘keeper’
of the frame and legs, would set this up too. On one of the walls are
a collection of family photos and the other walls house a range of
paintings [some of own]. There are patio doors that open into the
garden. The house is shared with my husband, two teenage
daughters, a cat and the later arrival of a puppy; all of whom would
make a brief appearance at some point most evenings.
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Figure 42 Nicola's Space
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Each member of the group took responsibility for several aspects of
the group organisation. The arranging of the space before people
arrived, so that they would feel comfortable and welcome, is a form
of dynamic administration (Foulkes, 1975). Within its traditional sense,
this responsibility usually falls to the lead conductor of a group.
However, in this case, each member of the MQB shared the dynamic
responsibilities.
Tea, coffee and biscuits or cake [some homemade] were offered about
midway through each session and the relaxed nature of the MQB
meant that sometimes we would all stop for five minutes and at other
times, some would carry on stitching while others enjoyed some tea.
The timings of the meetings were on alternate Mondays but if
someone could not make a session, often we would wait a further
week or, on occasions, meet a week earlier. Texting was used in
between sessions to update any changes, check where we said we
would meet with everyone taking responsibility for this; nobody took
the lead, and it remains to be a relaxed group. This process mirrors
acts of impersonal fellowship (De Maré et al., 1991) as we move
onwards without apparent need for leadership.
Conversations, as mentioned previously, would be varied over the
duration of a session and once we were making in each other’s homes,
our attention would be drawn to something in the room [a book,
picture, a knit in progress] leading us to learn about aspects of each
other that may not have evolved had we remained in the church hall.
Grant Kestor, in his book Conversation Pieces [2013] talks of the
impact conversation has in community-based projects: ‘conversation
becomes an integral part of the work itself. It is reframed as an active,
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generative process that can help us speak and imagine beyond the
limits of fixed identities’ (Kester, 2013, p. 8).
Losing inhibitions
One of the unique factors of group quilt making that you rarely see in
other craft practices is the concept of sharing. Almost all tasks are
completed by multiple members of the group and therefore there is a
lack of ownership over specific aspects of the quilt. As mentioned
previously, from the initial stages of quilting as a group, individuals
would not sit at the same spot from previous sessions and the needle
would be passed from one person to another meaning that each line
of stitch was always carried out by multiple hands. As a result of this
approach to making [sharing, collaboration and a lack of distinct
ownership] the quilters of MQB were quick to form their own rules,
standards and vision for the quilts.
Quite early on, during the initial stages of the case study, and while
still meeting in the church hall, everyone becomes less interested in
instructions and the decisions we made as a group. While the daytime
group was less questioning, the same cannot be said for the evening
group. For example, the first break-away action happened at ‘the other
end’ of the quilt frame to where I was sitting. Some members, who
had been the clearest in demanding well-defined instruction, started
to sew motifs and ignore the lines that had so carefully been chalked
onto the cloth. Leaves, a daisy and even a Mickey Mouse started to
emerge. As soon as the declaration to not follow instructions had been
acknowledged by the whole group then the motifs became more
ambitious. A full sunflower and stitching moving from purposeful
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running stitch to chain and cross stitch. This is what Ravetz, Kettle and
Felcey would refer to as ‘chaos and risk’ (Felcey et al., 2013) which
happens when judgement and rules are no longer deemed as
important. Debbie recognised the change in the nature of people
quilting from following to creating the instruction, but acknowledged
the approach that had been set up within the group, made this feel ok
to enact:
I do think we felt able to do it [change the design] because you
weren't saying you must do it like this. You're always happy for
people to be adventurous and do their own thing. […] we didn't
do it thinking, don’t let Nicola see this. It definitely felt to me
that you would encourage people to do their own thing (D.
Ford, personal communication, August 30, 2020).
This process of changing of the goals and parameters mid-making is
evidence that the process and engagement of group making has
superseded the outcome [or product] as being the most important
factor in the experience of group quilt making (Bryan-Wilson & Piekut,
2020; Jackson, 2011; Knott, 2015; Stalp, 2007). Craftsmanship can be
seen in their ability to work collaboratively (Downey, 2009; Lewis et
al., 2013) and in the creation of new rules of engagement for group
making (Atkinson, 2006; Felcey et al., 2013; Stebbins, 1992).
Autonomy
Knott recognises the amateur as someone who is the ‘freest, most
autonomous’ of makers (Knott, 2015, p. xi), in part because they
negate western standards of acceptability in their practice as they are
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not beholden to any benefactor or time based deadlines. The
established artist, on the other hand, more often recognised idyllically
as the ultimate free spirit, is in fact obligated to a gallery that
represents them or, clients who have deadlines and price brackets,
schools of thought that get attached to their work and a host of critics
who seek to challenge artistic directions (Adamson, 2013; Risatti,
2007).
When the amateur is observed in relation to its professional
counterpart in the art and craft fields, it is clear to see how, as an
individual, you can have autonomy and a freedom from the pressures
of commerce. Essentially, the amateur has little interest in the rules,
they form personal boundaries of aesthetic judgement, choose
whether something is to hold any practical function and create their
own standards and modes of progression (Adamson, 2007; Hackney,
2013; Knott, 2015; Kouhia, 2016). But how does this understanding
of autonomy apply to a group of amateur makers rather than the
individual?
In Table 5 we see an understanding of three stages of motor learning
by psychologists Paul Fitts and Michael Posner, as presented through
an understanding of sports coaching by Jeffrey Huber in the book
Applying Educational Psychology in Coaching Athletes [2013]. The
concepts that apply to the swimmer or runner, can be applied to the
quilter, the concept of a team sport such as hockey, could equally be
applied to the MQB. This mode of thinking allows us to engage with
the physical act of quilting as a way of understanding engagement and
application of the process to observe autonomy.
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Cognitive
Stage
Process
Gathering
information
Characteristics
Other
name
Associative
within
MQB
Large gains,
Verbal-
Learning
inconsistent
motor
to hand
performance
stage
quilt
Small gains,
Putting
disjointed
actions
performance,
together
conscious
Developing
Motor
stitch &
stage
piecing
quality
effort
Performance
Autonomous
Individual
Much time
seems
and
unconscious,
practice
automatic,
and smooth
Automatic
Stage
MQB as a
group
Making
communally
Developing of
one
voice/hand
Automatic,
Predicting and
and
subconsciously
consistent
responding to
quality of
the actions of
stitching
others
Table 5 Summary of Three Stages of Motor Learning: applied to the MQB (Fitts & Posner,
1967).
The cognitive stage is one which sees the participant learning not just
from instruction but also from watching (Huber, 2013). If you are a
someone who has never seen how a quilt is constructed, providing
details on how to quilt becomes an abstract selection of signs and
symbols (Risatti, 2007). If, however, you see quilt making in action,
these same signs can be more readily translated and understood. This
cognitive stage happens in the early phase of learning and is one that
draws upon lots of sources of information but does create large leaps
of understanding. At this point, it is most likely that the focus is on the
development of the individual rather than the collective.
The associative stage is the point that takes place over the longest
period. This is about repetition of concept or action (Huber, 2013).
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For the individual this is a time to develop your hand stitching skill and
of building an understanding of the consequences of your action, i.e.,
the way in which you insert the needle into the quilt can create
different visual outcomes for quilting. As a group, this is a time to
explore the value in all carrying out quilting stitches in the same
manner, to give the appearance of one maker, one voice. Or do we
choose to keep those individual identities, which, when they come
together create a new visual language? The repetition of movements
and actions feel like they are creating far smaller leaps of learning, but
the combination of multiple voices, revisiting the minutia of quilt
making, starts to build a more confident voice and one that starts to
understand what it represents.
Within my painting practice, this is a stage that feels familiar. The
repetition of applying paint, the angle you hold the brush, the amount
of water you allow to stay in the bristles requires repetition in order
that you build muscle memory. When making my own paints, the time
spent grinding the pigments and thoroughly embedding into the
binding ingredient requires a repetitive motion that is mediative. This
commitment to time learning is instinctively understood to be
imperative for the process to evolve.
The final stage is the autonomous stage and comes after years of
practice and engagement. This stage occurs when actions are carried
out automatically. We are not required to think as such as our body
has built muscle memory and is now able to automatically carry out
tasks (Huber, 2013). Think about those knitters who can have their
eyes on the television while their hands continue to knit, stopping only
when they automatically know something is not quite right. For the
quilters individually, it is straightforward to understand the translation
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to automatic stitching, however, it is less clear how the physical act of
quilting can be understood as autonomous action. Perhaps, we should
recognise autonomous acts in communal quilting as occurring as a
result of the mind being freed from having to think about the stitching
or piecing? As the group now has time to think beyond the practical,
we can engage with the wider concepts of quilting together. For
example, understanding the consequences of decisions made in the
design stage upon later potential developments, or knowing where to
move the body on the frame as you survey the quilters around the
frame and, predict how their movements and needs may require you
to adjust.
Making Decisions
More chatter occurs as we work; the weather, village happenings, the
news, things we have done in the week. We also discuss what we are
doing on the quilt, I get asked about the development of this PhD,
Debbie disappears under the frame to remove another knot, we talk
about our creative ambitions in the garden and at the sewing machine,
books to be read, recipes to try out, things to do with a set of knitting
needles.
The Greek term Koinonia ‘refers to the atmosphere of impersonal
fellowship rather than personal friendship, of spiritual-cum-human
participation in which people can speak, hear, see, and think freely, a
form of togetherness and amity that brings a pool of resources’ (De
Maré et al., 1991, p. 2). The group analyst Patrick de Maré in the book
Koinonia: From Hate, through Dialogue, to Culture in the Larger Group
[1991], explores the interpersonal relationships, frictions and
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dynamics that take place within groups (small, median and large). For
example, ‘No goal setting was the goal’ as a method of management
was applied in an experiment at a conference, to explore how to get
a large group of people to successfully work together. De Maré et al
had no fixed question that needed answering or explanation of what
was to be done, initially this created heated debates, however, over
time, people naturally distilled into groups that self-managed until a
matrix emerged, and dialogue was re-established.
Within the Meltham Quilting Bee case study, while there were no
heated debates and we had set ourselves a broad goal of creating a
quilt together, we formed our own structure through which we could
operate in a group making environment. We would make decisions,
either through individual actions, for example, the embroidered mouse
or through group discussion which started to emerge in the initial
weeks of meeting. Minimal fabrics were presented to each group; solid
colours in grey and fuchsia or grey and turquoise but it turned out
they expected patterns. Liberty lawns were far from my mind so those
who wished, introduced remnants of cloth from home stashes into
their pieced sections; florals found in their fabric collection which had
been passed on from mothers, fabric purchased on a recent trip to the
United States. This not only represents the de Maré matrix of decision
making and direction but also a high level of autonomous engagement
by individuals for the group.
Using conversation to think through ideas and problems, however,
was not the only process that we adopted. Embedded within the
course of patchworking and quilting were also opportunities to make
decisions. Claire Pajaczkowska refers to this as reflexive looping and
is an opportunity for the physical act of stitching enables the
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development of thought and directions for the group (Pajaczkowska,
2016, p. 86). The ability for the group to make decisions on the
development of each quilt was enabled and strengthened by the very
making of the quilt itself.
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Making Decisions within my own Practice
The Meltham Quilting Bee is a longitudinal case study of group making
through quilting. As a result, aspects of the organisation of the group
are adaptable to an evolving scenario (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018;
Flick, 2018). As the instigator and participant observer of the group I
developed a modular approach for learning how to make a quilt as a
group. I introduced a ‘low-level’ of organisation in order to enhance
the opportunity for self-sufficiency, enable group bonding and to aid
the development of a collective voice (Banks et al., 2019; Leavy, 2009;
Lindström & Ståhl, 2016; Ratto & Boler, 2014; Sullivan, 2010).
A particular ‘bonding’ event emerged from an unlikely occasion that I
introduced; the embedding of a quilters knot within the middle layer
of the quilt [Figure 43]. This was unexpectedly challenging on several
levels. The quilters knot allows you to precisely place a knot at the end
of the sewing thread by creating a series of wraps around the needle
– seems simple yet this technique was still needing demonstration
reminders during the making of the third quilt. The other tricky
element of hand stitching a working quilt is the embedding of a quilters
knot into the central layer of the quilt, so a knot is not visible on either
the front or the back of the quilt. This action requires you to pull
sufficiently on the thread to get it through the top layer of cloth but
not so much that it pulls all the way through or creates a hole in the
cloth. Both actions / processes of hand quilting created an experience
that was new to all of us but also enough of a regular challenge
[perhaps frustration] to create a connection between us.
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Figure 43 Embedding a quilters knot in the batting / wadding at the start of hand quilting
(Clements, 2011)
This same event also provided opportunities for building rapport and
reciprocity (Leavy, 2009) as individual members would show those sat
next to or opposite them on the frame how to approach these
processes. Observing this moment repeatedly in the initial months of
quilting provided further evidence that I had shifted my position from
being the teacher to a fellow quilter; my engagement with the group
transferred from being focused on the group to being with the group.
The quilting process as a research process was creating a dual / 2way relationship and a democratic space (Banks et al., 2019; Leavy,
2009, 2018; J. McNiff & Whitehead, 2011).
The Decisions of Individuals
A constructivist view on this research recognises the individual agency
of the quilters and the experiences they bring to communal making.
The speed and style in which we would stitch was an ever-present
sign of the individual but what about the choices we made that
affected the emerging group identity?
At the end of the making of MQB2, we all stitched in our initials
somewhere on the quilt but a discussion at the very end of the last
session developed about including the MQB initials. Without enough
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time to do this during the session, one of the quilters, Sue, offered to
take the quilt home and do it one evening. It was the summer by now
and we took a break before those who wanted to continue working
together met back up. At this meeting Sue revealed that the quilt
initials had now transformed into a logo, which she had designed and
was beautifully executed in chain stitch. Sue was showing clear signs
of feeling empowered (Maidment & Macfarlene, 2009) enough within
the group to make an autonomous decision (Felcey et al., 2013;
Kester, 2011).
Chain stitch, is a stitch that majority of adults experienced and learnt
as a child completing samplers for school projects, ‘the past and the
present are never far below the surface as histories and traditions
inform group identity yet do not constrain individual agency’ (Sullivan,
2010, p. 166). The addition of this motif points to the individual voice
helping to create a group identity, highlights the past and lived
experiences of the group and the welcoming of autonomous actions
(Lewis et al., 2013).
The signing of the quilt enabled the makers to be clear about their
participation in the making of the quilt and recalls the signed quilt of
the Hadley Abolitionist Quilt of 1842 [Figure 44]. This quilt was made
over a period of a year by a group of women who were all members
of the Indiana Yearly Meeting of Anti-Slavery Friends and met monthly
to quilt together. These same women had been disowned by the
Quakers for engaging in anti-slavery activities, signing their names
onto the quilt, enforced a clear political stance for emancipation
(Hadley Abolitionist Quilt - Ohio Memory Collection, n.d.). Thirteen
years later, they were accepted back into the Quakers, but this quilt,
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amongst others remains as a testament to the decisions and choices
women were making and embedding into quilts (R. Clark, 2001).
Figure 44 [Left] Hadley Abolitionist Quilt, 1842 (Hadley Abolitionist Quilt - Ohio Memory
Collection, n.d.)
Figure 45 [Right] Hadley Abolitionist Quilt, 1842. Detail with signature. (IBID)
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How the Group made Decisions
Each quilt made by the MQB has an individual and unique appearance
that has emerged organically out of the making process but, they also
reference a particular quilt that has been made by another person or
an approach to quilting. MQB 1&2 are a clear nod to the quilts of Gee’s
Bend quilter Annie Mae Young in which you see the idea of large
vertical blocks, divided into random sized stripes in her quilt [Strips,
1975 [Figure 23]. Due to the relatively short timescale for making
these
quilts,
one
module
I
created
was
that
each
group
[daytime/evening] would work with just two-coloured fabrics each,
this was more likely to keep instruction to a minimum and would be
guided by the approach to quilting that we see in Young’s quilt.
Following on with the knowledge that the Gee’s Bend Quilters only
used remnants of textiles within their quilts, members of the group
demonstrated that they could reflect upon and respond to a wider
cultural presence (Milling et al., 2014). Individuals adopted this
approach and put this knowledge into action with the inclusion and
upcycling of old shirts and skirts [MQB 1,2,3 & 5].
MQB3 [Figure 55] was the first quilt made within the homes of
individual members, at the start of this process we only had one goal
in mind, which was to make a new quilt. Everything else, such as the
fabric choices, the designs, the organisation, the timescale was an
unknown and would evolve as we went on. This act of impersonal
fellowship (De Maré et al., 1991) was subconsciously adopted as the
group started to form an understanding of its new identity and
collective voice (Lewis et al., 2013).
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We decided that we all needed to bring along any fabrics we were
interested in using and assumed something would emerge. Some of
us also bought along books and images with ideas, one of these books
was Modern Bee [2013] by Lindsay Conner and provided a basis for a
quilt we were interested in [Figure 46]. The design was selected for
its clarity in instruction but also for its ability to enable us to manipulate
and adjust according to our own developing group taste. Key to this
was the option for all members to include fabrics of their own choosing
while having a solid blue fabric throughout the face of the quilt to pull
it all together. The process of discussion and decision making as a
newly formed group was agreeable, purposeful, open and a further
example of de Maré’s matrix of impersonal fellowship (De Maré et al.,
1991).
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Figure 46 Mosaic Tiles quilt design by Lindsay Conner [inspiration for MQB3], (Conner,
2013)
MQB4 [Figure 57] was an experiment in what happens if we don’t
respond to the work of others and while we had a few people engage
with the making of this quilt as an occasional guest, essentially this
quilt was made by the smallest number of members [three: Sue,
Debbie and myself]. It also differed in that we spent nearly three
quarters of the time on embroidery as embellishment prior to turning
it into a quilt. The inspiration for this approach came from our
experience of the incident in the making of MQB2 when the mouse
had appeared, the direction arose out of discussions about the merits
and memorable aspects of the previous quilts, as co-producers (Banks
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et al., 2019; Gilchrist et al., 2015), everyone was providing insight and
direction for this case study.
We chose to explore de Maré’s concept of Koinonia and ‘no goal setting
as the goal’ (De Maré et al., 1991) further for this quilt; aesthetically
this piece is questionable as it lacks any coherence, clarity or
consistency but it can also be recognised as an action that embraced
the various choices and hand-writing of the makers who engaged in
the making of this quilt (Shercliff, 2014a; Stalp, 2007).
The decision of the group to take this approach demonstrated a clear
change in the status of the members. It was at this point that we fully
saw the value that we each had to add to this research, these quilters
of the MQB had become co-researchers of the case study (Banks et
al., 2019) or as collective creators (Leavy, 2009; Norris, 2000) as we
endeavoured to understand what autonomous making as a group
could look like.
MQB5 [Figure 60] saw the return of previous MQB member Lois and
the addition of a new person [by request] to the group, Liz. MQB5
took reference from a quilt by Rayna Gillman [Figure 47], this quilt
design required a shift in thinking as we did not have any instructions
on how to create it [as provided for MQB 1-3] and, we needed to work
out the maths for sizes, spaces and construction methods, ourselves.
We created our own process for designing the blocks and then, while
we explored the layout as set by Gillman in the original quilt, we
decided to format the blocks in an alternative format. This approach
demonstrates the advanced skills of interchanging and customisation
of a pre-existing design (Atkinson, 2006; Campbell, 2005; Hackney,
2013; Myzelev, 2009; Ratto & Boler, 2014). For this decision, and
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perhaps for the first time, there was a short period when people had
differing views on what layout we would settle on. This resolved itself
quickly and peacefully but did provide a point of recognition within the
group that there were differing opinions but, that these are being
quashed for the overall thinking and identity of the group (Kester,
2011).
Figure 47 Quilt design by Rayna Gillman [inspiration for MQB5], (Gillman, 2017).
MQB5 is the current quilt and is still in production as this is written. It
was during the switch from piecing the top of the quilt to the actual
quilting that I chose to stop working with the group in order that I
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develop some distance for reflection on the case study. This
opportunity would enable me to recognise the popular knowledge
(Leavy, 2009) that had been generated by the group, particularly as I
had now been involved with the group for 5 years at this point.
There were a few options open to the group at this point: to cease
working together, to stop and then restart once the writing up of this
study was complete or, as they chose to do; continue to meet as a
group and quilt, but without me as part of the MQB [but, to re-join
later].
One common factor in all the quilts [except MQB4 which used knotting
to bind rather than a quilting stitch] is the simultaneous absence and
presence of the individual in the handwriting of the individual quilters
[particularly in MQB3]. On the face of the quilt, all the stitches have
uniformity in length, straightness and spacing. It is hard to see that
this was completed by more than one person. However, if you turn
the quilt over there is a very different story; it becomes clear that we
are all stitching differently due to the angle that each of us repetitively
use when inserting the needle from front to back and vice versa
[Figure 48]. The presence of autonomous individuals pervades
throughout the quilt and provides evidence [despite contextual
differences] of David Pye’s Workmanship of Risk through which there
is the mark of the maker and the absence of an automated production
line (Pye, 2010).
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Figure 48 Hand stitch angles in quilting
This type of observation of the seemingly unimportant fine detail
recalls time spent observing and considering a painting or drawing you
have made, the analysis of the methods you chose to use in its
production, the decisions you make when squeezing paint onto your
palette. Such micro actions and observations can also be seen by
fellow painters at a gallery; standing up close to a painting at an angle
which allows the light to glance of the painted surface, their hands
giving away the idea that they are trying to work out how the artist
may have applied the paint (T. J. Clark, 2006).
The designs of these quilts reflect a collective mode of making and
recognition of a developing group identity [solid colour blocks with
smaller, patterned elements] but also the significance of the individual
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member [changing handwriting of the quilting stitch as seen on the
back of the quilts] (Banks et al., 2019; Leavy, 2009; Lindström & Ståhl,
2016; Ratto & Boler, 2014; Sullivan, 2010).
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Aesthetic value of the MQB Quilts
The appearance of the quilts made by the MQB chronologically have
quite a range of aesthetic values that consider proportion, colour,
balance and tell the tale of an emerging exploration of style. As
quilters, the MQB would look to other quilts in order that they generate
further insight into techniques and approaches but also to make
aesthetic judgements. This reflects Glenn Adamson’s point that the
amateur lacks critical distance and is quite at ease with simply selfreferencing, there is an ‘interiority of amateur social structures’
(Adamson, 2007, p. 139). A case in point was the visit by some
members of the group to several quilting exhibitions, during and after
which, quilts were critiqued for their technical undertaking and
aesthetic appeal.
Over the next few pages, each quilt made [or currently in production]
will be introduced with specific reference to its visual language. This
will be supported with reference to moments of interest that occurred
in the making of the quilt.
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MQB1.
Turquoise and grey, bold vertical strips in a quilt made by just three
people: 88 x 135cm [a very pleasing scale to the eye]. Although it was
finished later [due to time constraints] by the long-term members of
the MQB, this quilt was created and designed by the three members
of the daytime group. It has an engaging and uncomplicated
simplicity; with a range of widths of rectangular colour blocks and an
open grid formation used for the quilting. Three small blocks of a
striped fabric provide points to help guide the eye around the quilt, as
you do this, the grey or turquoise shift to the forefront to highlight a
subtle diamond formation. The quilt is framed with a striking black and
white ticking around the edges, and it is finished off with the initials
of the makers.
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Figure 49 [left] MQB1 [front view] (Perren, n.d.).
Figure 50 [right] MQB1 [back view] (Perren, n.d.).
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MQB2.
Fuchsia and grey, following a very similar structure to MQB1 but with
a lot more packed in, reflecting the ten people engaged in its making.
The fuchsia immediately pops out against the grey but the scale [101
x 214cm] when presented vertically just seems odd and not the ‘right
size’, perhaps with our subconscious understanding of the scale of a
bed? However, when presented horizontally it reads more like a coded
chart, a map of DNA and feels to be proportionately accessible.
In this quilt, the strips have a greater range of colour proportions, for
example, mostly grey or, mostly fuchsia. The group spent a relatively
long time deciding on the composition of the strips to each other and
it does have a strong sense of balance. Embedded into the columns
are five additional patterned fabrics with the core quilting coming from
a series of diagonal lines which create a diamond formation.
This is also the quilt that has an additional ‘outbreak’ of embroidered
motifs [Mickey Mouse, sunflowers], and provides elements of
decoration, humour and insight into the personalities that went into
the making (Stalp, 2007). The border is a combination of fabrics found
within the main body of the quilt, the back has fuchsia shards on an
almost whole grey ground and, it has been finished with the initials of
each of the makers and an MQB motif with a date has been chain
stitched in.
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Figure 51 MQB2 [front view], (Perren, n.d.).
Figure 52 MQB2 [back view], (Perren, n.d.).
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Figure 53 MQB2 mouse detail
Figure 54 MQB2 detail
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MQB3
The third quilt made by the MQB but the first to be made in the homes
of the quilters. MQB3 was a version of the Mosaic Tiles quilt found in
the book Modern Bee; 13 quilts to make with friends [2013] by Lindsay
Conner [Figure 46]. The group making this quilt started out with six
but due to changing family commitments, it was reduced to five
quilters. With a solid grey blue ground, this quilt is made with square
flashes of colourful, patterned fabrics, using over 25 different designs
from the fabric stashes of the quilters.
This square quilt [152 x 152 cm] is pieced together as 4 separate
blocks of these confetti like patterned squares, intersected with a wide
cross of the ground fabric. Its border is pieced together with strips of
fabric found in the main body of the quilt and the back is made up of
two large blocks of black, white and grey fabric. The larger piece is a
black & white vintage liberty furnishing fabric, which was donated by
a lady in the village who had wanted to join the group when we first
started to meet but was not physically well enough to do so, the group
were touched by this donation and felt a sense of pride with its
inclusion in the quilt.
The quilting itself utilises the challenging technique called stitch in the
ditch around each of the colourful squares, technically it is quite
accomplished with the idea of this stitch being that it is very subtle
and should not be visible as it disappears between the joining of two
fabrics. Within the larger areas of grey blue ground, a stepping
formation was used through stitch to both reflect the stepping in the
colourful blocking and to draw attention away from the shape of an
off-centre cross through the body of the quilt.
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Figure 55 [left] MQB3 [front view], (Perren, n.d.).
Figure 56 [right] MQB3 [back view], (Perren, n.d.).
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MQB4
MQB4 was made by the smallest number of quilters; just three of us.
Of the two who left the group; one quilter [Lois] was less keen on the
embroidery element we had planned [she did return for the following
quilt] and a further member [Maisie] was now off to University in
Glasgow. This was the most experimental of all the quilts and was
broadly based on the concept of using stitch as a tool to draw. Further
examples of this include Threads – a Mobile Sewing Circle [2010] by
Kristina Lindström and Åsa Ståhl, through which the sharing of stories
and concerns are shared (Lindström & Ståhl, 2011) and the collective
mark-making workshop with students at the Arts University
Bournemouth [2015] by Emma Shercliff. Through this collective
drawing/stitching experience, questions can be asked about the
emphasis on individuality (Shercliff, 2015).
Essentially, we chose to spend a year sitting around the frame,
stitching whatever came to mind at the time but continued to adopt
the idea of nobody having claim over any element. This was further
encouraged through sitting in the place of someone else each week
and often ‘carrying on’ with a motif started in the previous meeting –
but this time you would change it into something else, depending on
how you felt it should develop.
The embroidery was created on just one ground fabric, as opposed to
something pieced together [whole cloth quilt] and was chosen by
Debbie and Sue, it had an ombre that subtly changed from a blue
through to a pink. I deliberately had no part in its selection, to further
embed the notion that I was not a leader in this group. The motifs
are far ranging from an elephant spraying water, to some text stating
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‘why bother’ [following a tough day at work], to appliqued crocheted
butterflies.
On the back of the quilt are 3 pieced panels, each panel was designed
and made by each of us individually and then joined together. While
we did not know what each other planned, we did make a conscious
decision to include the use of the same three base fabrics to create
some form of connection but otherwise, we were free to add in any
other fabrics, use any design and any technique.
A cacophony of ideas and techniques, this is not an example of a
harmonious quilt. Pulled together with a simple but traditional hand
knotting technique, this non-practical quilt has a playful edge to it.
This quilt bears the hallmarks of an opportunity for individuals to let
go of the constant need to ‘do it correctly’.
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Figure 57 MQB4 [front view, hanging], (Perren, n.d.).
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Figure 58 MQB4 back of the quilt
Figure 59 MQB4 detail of embroidery
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MQB5
MQB5 is the first quilt to be made after the Quilting Together exhibition
[see page 246], saw the return of Lois and the introduction of a new
quilter to the group Liz. Based on a quilt we saw on Pinterest by Rayna
Gillman [Figure 47], we took the concept of this quilt and created our
own version. We later discovered this quilt was from a book of hers
called Improv Quilting [2017], in which I am sure there are
instructions, however, the design we developed, was worked out using
our combined knowledge gained from the previous quilts we had made
and our collective knowledge that emerges from reviewing quilts made
by others.
With a pale, speckled grey ground, the collection of 30+ brightly
patterned and solid-coloured fabrics make up sections of a diamond
formation. The back of the quilt uses a dark grey ground and contains
two types of detailed inserts; 3 long narrow strips and 4 small,
rectangular blocks made up of all the scraps from the front of the quilt.
At the point of switching from the piecing stage to the quilting stage
is when I withdrew from the group, now with four quilters, I am not
aware of the quilt’s development, or the decisions being made in terms
of designs [purposefully]. I am however, upon reflection, able to
recognise that the former members of MQB who relied on my
instruction initially, are now tutoring and supporting our new member
of the group Liz. Although she has experience of machine quilting,
like all other new members to MQB, she has no prior experience or
knowledge of hand quilting or of working communally.
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A further event that is now embedded in this quilts story is the issue
of Covid19, currently a project on hold, it is in storage waiting for a
time when people can start working once again closely and safely
together.
Figure 60 [left] MQB5, in progress [front view]. (Perren, n.d.).
Figure 61 [right] MQB5, in progress [back view], (Perren, n.d.).
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Making Choices
Within each quilt there are several stages in which decisions need to
be made: the fabric choices, the piecing [or patchwork pattern], the
quilting [or stitching pattern] and the border. Reflecting the words of
Gee’s Bend quilter Annie Mae Young, it is much like putting a puzzle
together; one which comes in a blank box, with no picture of what it
should look like in the end (Soul Grown Deep Foundation, 2012).
Big decisions such as the idea for the quilt, the full layout of the blocks
and the quilting pattern are made by the group, and we embed
elements that allow individual freedom of choice such as the grouping
of fabrics within a block which create individual connections to the
quilt.
For MQB 3-5, we used a base fabric but then each of us supplied bits
of fabrics from our own stashes or clothes that could be re-purposed.
Our fabric choices would be placed on a table, and we would go
through them together. Once we get over our initial excitement of
what is in front of us, we would discuss what we liked about individual
designs, colour, scale but more poignant moments arise when some
of the fabrics come with personal stories and attachments. A fabric
from mother’s old stash, of childhood times spent living in Africa, a
wrap skirt that was bought from a charity shop because they knew it
would be useful one day. Within each quilt is a story of its making and
holds a glimpse into the lives of the individual makers ‘they leave clues
about their lives in the quilts they make’ (Stalp, 2007, p. 131).
For the making of MQB4, as stated previously, I made a distinct choice
to not be involved in a couple of major decisions, including the
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choosing of the ground cloth for the face of the quilt and the three
base cloths used in the backing. The face fabric was the first core
decision to be made, Sue and Debbie arranged a visit to a local fabric
shop and selected the fabric we were to work on over the next year.
As an approach to the research, a transformative perspective is
welcoming of viewpoints and contributions on a number of levels
which includes the empowerment of individuals who are not the
‘trained designer’ to make decisions that would impact the next
eighteen months of this research (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018). It was
also a moment to re-establish my role which is not as a leader or tutor
of the group but as one of several co-producers and contributors to
the research.
‘it’s not a cross’
During the making of MQB3, there came a moment for the whole
group when it became clear that we were thinking about our quilts
and what they communicated.
Up until this point, focus had primarily been on quality of hand
stitching [or process in general] and what individuals liked about fabric
/ colour choices from a personal perspective. And then, during one
meeting there was a recognition that this quilt had the potential of
looking like a religious cross, there was much discussion about how
we might counter this, even change it as the MQB did not want even
a vague association to being a group that created religious connections
[Figure 55]. This discussion re-asserted an engagement with the
‘lived-experiences’ of the MQB members as recognised within a
Constructivist worldview perspective (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018)
and moved the group closer to an emerging aesthetic of a group
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identity (Lewis et al., 2013; Maidment & Macfarlene, 2009). In the end
we chose not to rebuild it but to use stitching [quilting] to reduce the
emphasis that the piecing had created. We effectively used a stepping
formation for a quilting pattern to shift the dominance of the cross
shape as it draws the eye to the pieced work sections.
Figure 62 MQB3, detail of stepping sequence within the 'cross section' (Perren, n.d.)
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Purpose
Prior to the commencement of this case study, I needed to make
several decisions including the idea that these would be working quilts
and that when complete they would be donated to a charity. As
working quilts that could be used as covers on beds meant that several
practical aspects would need to be considered such as the stitch
length, ability to be machine washed and that the fabrics should feel
good against the skin (Clements, 2011; May, 2014). These decisions
were made to provide a more defined set of parameters as would be
required for a functional product and to ensure that people did not
feel overly precious with its ownership. Being too precious can often
be creatively debilitating (Berkun, 2013; Perren, 2015).
As a group [or two groups at one point], we all considered where these
quilts would go, and it was decided that they would be donated to a
local women’s refuge centre. This making of quilts to be passed on
for charitable reasons although not a new concept, it is also recognised
as part of the contemporary craftivism movement (Newmeyer, 2008).
All the working quilts will be passed on upon the completion of this
research. Photographic records, the exhibition Quilting Together
[discussed later] and the publication Temporary Contemporary (Vol.
1) (Bailey et al., 2020) provide a record of these quilts to date.
Currently, there is only one quilt that could not be considered as a
working quilt: MQB4. This is due to the nature of the hand stitched
embellishments which make it impractical for general use. During the
making of this quilt, however, it became clear that we would like to
return to making quilts that were practical and by doing so, allowed
us to focus on the techniques of patchwork piecing and quilting.
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Experience of group making
The experience of making as a group was built upon several factors:
the social, friendship, learning, making and connection. While political
activism is not a driving force or motivation for the group, we share a
number of connections with DIY feminism as discussed by Red
Chidgey in the text “Developing Communities of Resistance? Maker
Pedagogies, Do-It-Yourself Feminism, and DIY Citizenship” [2014],
the context for which is the politically motivated zine.10
The idea that making together as opposed to as an individual holds
more power for those making outside of usual parameters, is reflected
in the adopted acronym changes of grassroots groups, such as the
Copenhagen Queer Fest, from DIY [Do-It-Yourself] to DIT [Do-ItTogether] (Chidgey, 2014, p. 103) or the use of the term Do-ItYourselves as used by the Yes Men who create politically motivated,
media hoaxes (Reilly, 2014, p. 128). Chidgey goes on to say that ‘DIY
feminism promotes informal, peer-to-peer pedagogies and critical
making practices’ (Chidgey, 2014, p. 105). Much like the makers of
feminist zines, whether consciously or not, the group making
experience of the MQB quilters included multiple experiences of
learning from each other and critically assessing the work we were
undertaking e.g., the recognition and subsequent editing of the cross
like format.
10
A zine is usually produced using low-tech such as a photocopier, it is a noncommercial, amateur text which is produced on the fringes of academia and
journalism and cover subjects from knitting to political analysis and fiction to how to
manuals.
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A further development that can be attributed to group making is the
slow but consistent build in confidence of the quilters. An example of
this was when Sue decided to sign up for a group workshop on the
traditional Japanese technique of Sashiko which took place during a
small group outing to Harrogate for the Great Northern Quilt and
Needlecraft Show [2018]. This was a technique that Sue had been
interested in for a long time but now had the confidence to try it.
During our quilting sessions, we would discuss a range of textile-based
crafts including hand knitting, crochet and boroboro. To add to the
discussion people would bring examples of items they had made and
books which expanded our understanding to create a rich but natural
learning environment. This experience over time had given Sue the
assurance needed to attend a class with a group of strangers to learn
a new skill. This is a prime example of the contagion effect in which
participation in one activity, encourages engagement with another
(Crossick & Kaszynska, 2016).
Amateur
Amateur, within the context of this research is about using time as a
group to create quilts that are not being made for monetary gain. If
quilt making was to be carried out by an individual, although not
always the case, it can be considered as relatively expensive [approx.
£120 for a single quilt + time and equipment] and therefore supports
the idea that engaging with such a hobby is reliant on paid labour due
to a need for funds and therefore are a condition of its unfreedom
(Adamson, 2010; Knott, 2011). Jane Milling et al also remind us that
there is a need for the amateur to exist in order that commercial
sectors can thrive, ‘Amateur creative cultural activity is vital to the
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subsidised and commercial sectors through reciprocal sustainable
relationships’ (Milling et al., 2014, p. 1).
With the potential high costs of quilt-making in mind, the MQB has
created a more democratic approach to the making of quilts in a bid
to make this an accessible activity. We have engaged with a range of
approaches such as upcycling from items we already have in our
households, a focus on hand sewing [so no need to own a sewing
machine] and using the houses of people with a big enough space to
work in. According to Graeme Sullivan, ‘art making practices in
communities include artistic forms that draw on all manner of human
expression and take place in a variety of settings as the aesthetic
interest and educational appeal tends to be inclusive and democratic’
(Sullivan, 2010, p. 168). Sullivan talks of democracy often being
inherent in a group such as the MQB but at the request of the
members of the group; it became a fundamental aspect of the group.
A challenge started to emerge through conversation [and later through
an interview] from about a year into our making together: the use of
the term amateur to describe ourselves. Several members of the group
felt the term to be an insult, with reference to the inference that we
were lacking in skill. Sue, who had notably been formally trained in
the clothing industry, understandably found this to be a challenge,
upon talking of the term amateur:
It’s been used in a derogatory manner. Phrases that came to
mind like, “that was a very amateurish attempt” or “no, just an
amateur”. And, and I think that thing has lodged so much in
my mind that it almost covers up, the other kind of amateur,
which is people who are skilled in what they do but do it for
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fun, do it for pleasure or, do it as a sport or whatever. So that
to me just gets pushed to one side. Because all the way through
my life it has been these derogatory terms of “that was very
amateurish”, so it fits very personally.
(S. Mortlock, personal communication, August 23, 2020)
Despite my reassurances that this was not the case, the conversation
would return on several occasions over the next few years. BryanWilson and Piekut bring our attention to the darker side of the term
that was similar to the concerns of the quilters, ‘we write in 2019 under
a US president […], Donald Trump’s amateurism in governance
betrays a contempt for knowledge, skill, expertise and craft’ (BryanWilson & Piekut, 2020, p. 20). Such blatant disregard for skill or
knowledge gained through training and experience is recognised as a
trait of the amateur being played out on global platforms as well as
historically within creative fields (Adamson, 2007; Knott, 2011;
Lippard, 2010; Sheppard, 2013), this disrespect of the amateur or
towards the amateur, was clearly playing out in the minds of some of
the quilters.
Amongst the longer-term members of the MQB, Sue was the only
person who felt this strongly. However, it should be recognised that
with Sue’s prior professional training in a similar field, and the time
that Sue dedicates to quilting on a weekly basis [creating 2-4 quilts of
her own per year outside of the group], as we will learn a little later,
Sue has moved / or is moving into the field of expert quilter, and this
does impact on this study, in particular, it demonstrates the changing
status of the amateur.
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Although not concerned with the term in the initial year, all the MQB
quilters were equally mindful of the associations of the label amateur.
While not claiming to be authorities on quilting, we had certainly
developed skill and expertise, we sought out opportunities to learn and
know more through visits to quilting exhibitions and exploring quilting
or quilting concepts in our own time.
Sue goes onto reflect this
understanding of the group ‘I also don't feel that the word amateur
really applies to what we're doing. Because it's an activity, it's a
learning experience, and I just feel as though we've got this, we've
gained the skills, the knowledge and the application’ (S. Mortlock,
personal communication, August 23, 2020). Liz goes onto agree, it
‘just doesn't seem an appropriate kind of label to what, what we're
doing at all […], it kind of devalues what we are doing’ (L. Simmonds,
personal communication, August 23, 2020).
Debbie provides an
alternative perspective and goes onto refer to her main reference point
for understanding of amateur, is that of the amateur sportsperson,
e.g., Olympic athletes, who until relatively recently we all considered
amateurs as they were not paid.
This connection between being
considered elite, yet also an amateur return us to the notion that this
position, can simply be a reference to with or without payment.
So where do I sit within this debate? As a participant in the case
study, it seems appropriate to consider my position. With years of
high-level training in textile processes, and as the instigator of this
research, I was perhaps showing my privilege in not having a concern
with this label. I was focused on aspects such as freedom from a brief,
things not going to plan, compromising with the aesthetic handwriting
of others; to me, this was an exciting opportunity that could inform
my own arts practice. Milling et al push the ‘celebration’ of the amateur
in a very specific acknowledgement that in some fields, quilting
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specifically, the amateur is considered as the most expert within its
subject
(Milling
et
al.,
2014),
demonstrating
knowledge,
understanding and skill that goes far beyond its ‘professionally’
produced counterparts in terms of mid to large scale production.
It was time however, to acknowledge the evolving nature of this
longitudinal study and recognise the changing identity of the amateur
through the communal craft making. Over several sessions, while
quilting we would discuss the validity of terms that might more
accurately indicate the status of individual makers. Professional and
craftsperson were amongst those considered but it was the simple
term of quilter, that has come to be accepted. The simplicity of the
term reflects approaches to descriptors used by others where there is
an assumption of professionalism embedded in the role i.e., lecturer,
banker, sculptor, painter, maker.
It should also be recognised that some members of the group are
vocal about retaining the term amateur and I observe that there is a
difference in the practices of individuals who feel comfortable with the
term, and those who wish to distance themselves as an individual from
the amateur label. For those who have engaged in multiple quilting
and other sewing related activities since the start of the MQB, this
term has posed the most questioning. For those who have not
completed any quilts outside of the group [but have engaged in other
textile-based activities], amateur is felt to be an accurate descriptor to
prefix the term quilter.
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Changing status
In the text “There are No Amateurs in Far West Texas” [2020], art
historian Josh T. Franco acknowledges that skill is not the only
measure by which we should recognise the amateur. Time, seriality,
persistence, re-imagining and repetition are also factors for which we
should consider and understand someone’s position or identity
(Franco, 2020). And, while we are a way from Richard Sennett’s
reference to the 10,000 hours it takes to become an expert
craftsperson (Sennett, 2009), it is clear that there is a sliding scale by
which we might move between the status of amateur and its opposite
position [expert, professional, specialist].
Educator David Kolb recognises the experience as an effective mode
for learning in the book Experiential Learning [2014]. Although this
theory has since been expanded to recognise nine elements that adapt
and flow according to each specific scenario (A. Y. Kolb & Kolb, n.d.),
the original four point cycle (D. A. Kolb, 2014) [Figure 63] provides an
insight into the process of short term development of both the
individual member, and of the MQB group as a whole. I stress short
term because it is cyclical, however the repeating nature of this
process leads to long term developments [Figure 64].
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Figure 63 Kolb’s Experiential Learning Cycle (D. A. Kolb, 2014)
Philosopher, Hubert Dreyfus and engineer, Stuart Dreyfus provide
further articulation of the stages of knowing and awareness in the
development of skills, that supports Kolb’s understanding of ways of
learning. Dreyfus & Dreyfus provide a clear understanding of skill
levels in the text A Five-Stage Model of the Mental Activities Involved
in Directed Skill Acquisition [1980] that we might refer to as a sliding
scale of the amateur quilt maker. They describe the process as moving
from the abstract, which is a point in which all elements in a process
are disconnected and skill is random to the concrete, when all aspects
are interconnected, and skills are consistent.
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Drefus model
The status of the quilter, when quilting as part of the MQB.
Stage
Description
Stage
Novice
Has an incomplete understanding, approaches
1
Novice
2
Amateur
3
Amateur
tasks mechanistically, the activity is carried out
[quilter]
Description
All the elements that go into making a quilt are always considered separately, there is no thinking forward as to
the effects of decisions made in the present.
without context and needs supervision to
complete them.
Advanced
Beginner
Has a working understanding, tends to see
actions as a series of steps, can complete
[quilter]
Can complete aspects of quilt making without supervision but there is still a lack of understanding about the
connections of all the processes. Making skills lack consistency [in piecing and quilting]
simpler tasks without supervision.
Competent
Has a good working and background
understanding, sees actions at least partly in
[quilter]
With previous experience of completing a full quilt, makers can understand the consequences of most decisions,
at times, these observations are raised by another person. However, they still do not understand how to rectify a
context, able to complete work independently to
problem in order to avoid a situation later that is currently developing in the making of a quilt. An aspect [either
a standard that is acceptable though it may lack
designing, piecing or quilting] shows signs of consistency in quality.
refinement.
Proficient
Has a deep understanding, sees actions
holistically, can routinely achieve a high
4
Quilter
The quilter is now able to respond to changing situations. They recognise the matters that will have an impact on
their making and are able to block out the noise of elements that should bear no consequence on current
decisions i.e., doubts of ability, what someone else is doing. Their making qualities are of a high level and
standard.
consistent. Will look to other quilts for inspiration and to self-improvement.
Expert
Has an authoritative or deep holistic
understanding, deals with routine matters
5
[expert]
Quilter
They understand and know all ‘the rules’ but will often quilt and alter directions intuitively [without concern].
They can look at the work of others and analyse how it has been done. This experience of knowing, helps
intuitively, able to go beyond existing
provide elements of originality in their own work and continuously completes all elements of the quilting with
interpretations, achieves excellence with ease.
precision.
Can become so absorbed in the process, at
times they even supersede their usual high
levels.
Master
Ceases to pay conscious attention to their
performance and therefore all energy is put
6
[master]
Quilter
The process of quilting is automatic and consistently executed to the highest of standards. This automatic making allow
quilter to focus their thoughts on producing work that is original and questioning of the parameters of quilting [through cho
into the process itself.
The status of the quilter as an individual [external to the MQB]
Table 6 The Drefus Model [1] of Skill Acquisition [1st 2 columns] (Drefus & Drefus, 1980) in relation to a status of the quilter both within and external to the MQB
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Within
Table 6, we can see on the left, the Drefus’s model, which was built
with reference to the learning of, Air Force pilots, chess players and
the learning of a foreign language. Although the goals of learning to
quilt differ, the application of learning parallels this model well.
Quilting has many stages in its whole process and at some point, it
becomes beneficial to understand the whole, in order to inform the
individual stages. It is a tacit skill in which the process of quilting flows
from being rigid and over thought to becoming intuitive and natural
actions (Shercliff, 2014a). The right-hand side of this table refers to
an equivalent understanding of the MQB quilter.
If we are to look at the members of the MQB as individuals, I recognise
several levels of quilters. Initially, we all started as level 1 or 2 [novice
/ amateur] and currently I recognise all members, when quilting as
part of the group as levels 3 & 4. However, I also recognise that some
members of the group who make full quilts outside of the MQB as level
5. While the group has evolved as one identity, the status of the
individual quilter has developed at different stages.
In Table 7, this time modelled on the Dreyfus & Dreyfus understanding
of skill development, we can perhaps consider the stages of the MQB
as a group rather than the development of skill in the individual. For
recollection, a switch occurs when techniques and skills can be recalled
based on prior experience, recognition adjusts when the group is able
to recognise and connect with ideas outside of the MQB. Decisions
change when they become intuitive, which, as a position for communal
making this is not impossible but is more difficult. I recognise a further
[or exchangeable] stage within the MQB which could be described as
trust. Trust in that each member will quieten their thoughts and trust
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ideas that evolve through group discussion. For the final row of
awareness, this relates to subconscious making; with all the previous
levels happening without question, the mind is now able to focus
entirely on the task at hand and as a result, creates with consistency
and excellence in all matters of quilt making [design, piecing &
quilting].
Mental
Function
Recollection
Skill Level
Novice
Competent
Proficient
Expert
Master
[N]
[C]
[P]
[E]
[M]
Non-
Situational
Situational
Situational
Situational
Decomposed
Decomposed
Holistic
Holistic
Holistic
Analytical
Analytical
Analytical
Intuitive
Intuitive
[Trust]
[Trust]
situational
Recognition
Decision
Awareness
Monitoring
Monitoring
Monitoring
Monitoring
Absorbed
MQB 1&2
MQB 3&4
MQB 5
-
-
Overarching forms:
Primitive
Sophisticated
Table 7 The Drefus Model [2]: Stages of Mental Activity in Skill Acquisition, relating to the
MQB quilts (Drefus & Drefus, 1980)
When reflecting on this model, the distinction between quilts and the
phases of the MQB become apparent. Ranging in skill level and
application, the MQB quilts start out in the Novice category and
currently sits within the Proficient category with some elements
dipping into Expert.
With reference to all three modes of understanding the actions and
consequences of learning we can observe a crossover in application
for the individual and the group [Figure 64].
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Figure 64 Model of MQB learning and development for the individual and the group using
Kolb [2014] and Dreyfus & Drefus Model [1980] models.
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6
A Personal Practice
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Play, freedom to make mistakes, making without concern for a client,
lack of emphasis on time restrictions. These are just some of the
approaches to making and creativity that I sought to experience and
understand through my own practice with regards to the term
amateur. But what if I also added into the mix the experiences of
communal making: lack of control over decisions, the act of making
something with other people, allowing the lived experiences of other
‘non-traditional’ makers to influence my practice?
For the entire duration of the Meltham Quilting Bee case study, I have
been developing a body of work that has enabled me to unpick the
nature of quilting, unpack the essence of communal making, explore
the notion of amateur and consider the multiple visual languages that
merge in a quilt made by a group of committed makers. I use my
maker and artist practice to further understand the experience of
communal craft making: ‘[the] use of artistic intelligence by applied
arts professions to solve problems and understand experience makes
complete sense’ (S. McNiff, 2013, p. 4). Essentially this is a body of
work that creates thinking time (Adamson, 2007; Ingold, 2013;
Sullivan, 2010) and is responsive (Fish, 2019) to the MQB with an emic
[insiders] perspective (Schensul & LeCompte, 2012).
A good proportion of this work, as stated previously, is responsive but
it is also thinking through the medium: ‘artists think in a medium and
particular dispositions and habits of mind help individuals give form to
meaning during the process of making’ (Sullivan, 2010, p. 135).
Although some work is planned i.e., Quilt Studies, most of the work
evolves as the making is taking place based on my prior experiences
and knowledge; I allow the form to emerge intuitively.
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Within this chapter I will focus on four elements of the research folio:
Quilt Studies, Making Experience Tangible, MQB Portrait and Quilts of
Delusion. In support of this written analysis, there is a visual portfolio
to view of the broader range of work that was developed over this
period [see PhD Portfolio in the Appendix for details].
Responding to the experience of group making
As I found myself falling into the complex, addictive, old fashioned,
gendered, life affirming, slow world of quilt making, I developed a
parallel collection of painted studies of quilts. I wanted to create a
meaningful connection with the quilts and the makers of Gee’s Bend,
but without the ability to see the quilts first-hand due to geographical
limitations, I turned to painting to think through the complexity of the
situation these women were making quilts in.
My initial studies, completed in gouache paint were not copies but they
were mapping the shapes of the blocks used in the quilts. At times,
there was reference to a range of materials used but overall, the
‘flattening’ nature of gouache paint enabled me to focus on thinking
about the physicality of cutting, fitting and stitching together of
fragments of cloth that they were able to make use of. As I completed
these studies in my evenings after a tiring day at work, I was left to
reflect on the abhorrent circumstances of these women, labouring in
cotton fields as slaves and then themselves, carving out time to create
quilts. The painting and study of the quilt by Annie Mae Young [Figure
65], provided the initial inspiration for MQB1 & 2.
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Figure 65 [Left] Painted study of a GBQ by Annie Mae Young [1975], gouache on paper. Nicola Perren [2015].
Figure 66 [Right] Adapted painted study of a GBQ by Sally Bennett Jones [1966], gouache on paper. Nicola Perren [2015].
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Figure 67 Adapted painted study of a GBQ by Lucy T Pettaway [1945], gouache on paper.
Nicola Perren [2015].
Additionally, I carried out studies of historical and contemporary quilts
of the Quilters Guild Collection held at the Quilt Museum in York [now
closed]. This collection of studies can be seen in the supporting
portfolio for further visual information. This collection of studies
enabled me to engage with the cultural, social and historical
significance of quilting today. This manner of research reflects, in part
the approach of anthropologist Tim Ingold in the book Making [2013]:
‘the only way one can really know things – that is, from the inside of
ones being - is through a process of self-discovery’ (Ingold, 2013, p.
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1). Over the entirety of the case study, I have returned to this process
of creating studies of quilts, but the subject has switched to being of
the quilts completed by the MQB and of those made by myself. Like
the earlier studies, they carved out time to consider the qualities in
the quilts and build a firm foundation of understanding.
Through the slow process of drawn and painted observations of quilts,
I endeavoured to uncover elements of the quilting process I may not
pick up on through more traditional methods of observation and
written notes. An excellent example of this repetitive, observational
approach can be seen in The Fabiola Project by artist Francis Alÿs
[2016-2018], for which he has gathered over 450 replicas of a lost
painting by Jean-Jacques Henner in 1885 of Saint Fabiola. The
majority of these replica paintings have been created by amateur or
‘Sunday painters’ (Menil Collection, 2016) and while they are all copies
of the original, each is different in terms of its scale, application of
media, colour. When you are confronted by over 400 copies of this
painting on one wall at The Menil Collection, Houston, Texas, Alÿs
hopes ‘the viewer will start looking at the differences, because it’s all
about difference, the more you look at them, the more you pick up,
the different interpretations and projections of each woman’s profile’
(Menil Collection, 2016).
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Figure 68 The Fabiola Project, Francis Alÿs [2016-2018]. (Alÿs, n.d.)
The collection of works titled Making Experience Tangible includes
drawing, painting, painted textiles, quilt tops [as collage] and quilts. I
have developed my insider’s viewpoint on the experience of making
as part of the group, as opposed to just being about the quilts.
According to Marybeth Stalp, the process of quilt making is not
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generally the subject of research in this field: ‘Scholars have examined
quilts as cultural and artistic objects, but the process of making quilts
and the gendered cultural production that occurs during this process
have had very little academic attention’ (Stalp, 2007, p. 27). This
collection of works drew my attention and research to the central
aspect of the study which is the experience of communal making and
in turn this would come to inform a dialogue that was not centred on
the quilted outcome of the study. This feminist perspective (Shulamit
& Lynn, 1992) allowed me to engage with the points of views and
actions of women who choose to quilt together.
Through selected drawings [Figure 69, Figure 70], I explored the
overlapping nature of the practice of working around the frame;
hunched forms sitting opposite each other, arms leaning across each
other, the passing of the needle. The making of these drawings drew
my attention to the amount of negotiation needed during a communal
making experience; we not only negotiate our ideas for the quilt but
also the space we take up around the frame as personal space gets
eradicated. This mediation of space is reflective of the time and
methods used historically for women who have needed to carve out
time in the family home and to have the physical space in which to
engage with acts of non-labour (Bratich & Brush, 2011; Jefferies et
al., 2016; Lippard, 2010; Maidment & Macfarlane, 2011; Rentschler,
2019).
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Figure 69 [left] Communal Ebb & Flow, 2016, Nicola Perren
Figure 70 [right] Conversation Pockets, 2016, Nicola Perren
Close attention was given to the social framework of the group
through the making of a number of quilt tops and quilts [Figure 71,
Figure 72]. Within these pieces are a lack of hierarchy of process /
medium; drawings are created onto cloth that is then cut up and used
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
in the piecing of the quilt top. At times the drawing is the dominant
visual element and at others the blocking together or collaging of
several elements takes precedent.
Figure 71 [left] Quilt Top: Side to Side, 2016. Nicola Perren
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
Figure 72 [right] Quilt as Drawing #3, 2016. Nicola Perren
These pieces were then studied, and paintings emerged in a similar
manner to those of the Quilt Studies series [Figure 73]. This process
of building, unpicking, layering and reducing allows me to ‘listen
beyond words’ (Fish, 2018, p. 338) and consider the shifting hierarchy
of my position initially as tutor in the group towards being an equally
considered quilter of the MQB [and not as the tutor]. As the group
move towards an equal sharing of knowledge, learning and insight, it
is possible to pick up on group autonomous learning experiences.
Choosing to not have deadlines and multiple aesthetic ideas
transitioning into one are occurring because the quilters trust a system
that they themselves are [communally] the architects of.
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Figure 73 Study of Side-to-Side Quilt, 2017. Nicola Perren
The act of painting itself within my practice can be broken down to
two core approaches: intuitive and layered [Figure 66] or flattened
and slow [Figures 70 & 73]. The intuitive approach specifically enabled
me to consider and decipher the denseness of conversation through
the gradual build-up of translucent mediums that are more often
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
created with raw pigments on my palette as I go. The process is
spontaneous and engages with unpredictable elements, I need to be
responsive to the raw materials and use all my senses to understand
what it is communicating to me, how it wants to work and interact
with the other elements being placed together on the paper. This
process bares an uncanny resemblance to differing perspectives of
individuals within a communal making practice and prompted me to
navigate through the complexity of positions.
A flattened approach to painting however engages with quite a
different approach. Choices are made prior to the act of painting in
terms of colours, composition and content of the image and may be
more closely aligned with a design process. I would spend a significant
amount of time pre-mixing paints to specific shades, and particular
attention would be given to ensuring a consistency in the fluidity of
the paint, in order that I may later paint in a blocked and flat manner.
When it came to the painting, with most things planned and prepped,
I could work in a more hypnotic state as I fully engaged with creating
flat planes of colour by hand. This simplified approach to image
making enabled me to reflect on my engagement with the MQB
through the texts and papers that I would also be reading in the
development of this research. I was able to engage with consistency
of the paints and maintain a longitudinal study and, I created
breathing space through colour blocking to allow voices to be heard
and acknowledged.
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Portrait as statement
The Language of Many Hands [Figure 74] was a quilt I produced to
explore the nature of the Meltham Quilting Bee in general. What ended
up being addressed in more detail was the notion of the many voices
and hands that come together to make a quilt. As an artist, maker and
designer, I am mindful of the number of different ideas that I bring
into a single piece of work; too many and it becomes a shouting
contest. Within the MQB quilts though, despite soft attempts [by
everyone in the group] to maintain a visual or narrative thread there
are a lot of visual references and ideas compressed together. Several
years ago, I was challenged to ‘create something ugly’ and while it
was not the ambition of this quilt, the concept of letting go of my own
hard-wired preconceptions formed the initial framework for this piece
of work. It has a lot of elements; beading, hand painting, English
paper-piecing, applique, embellishment, piece work, foiling, machine
/ hand stitch and knotwork support a range of approaches to colour.
In short, this became a portrait of the experience of communal
making. Furniture maker and author of Why We Make Things & Why
It Matters [2017], Peter Korn, explains how the making of an object
can embody experience and act as a form of coded memory devise
that only the maker is able translate ‘… the object becomes a memory
devise – a tablet on which the maker inscribes a complex of ideas so
that he can have recourse to them for further thinking’ (Korn, 2017,
p. 60).
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Figure 74 The Language of Many Hands, Quilt, 2018.
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Adjustments in practice [what has noticeably
changed]
Prior to the start of this PhD, my practice was primarily using painting
and drawing as a medium to explore the provenance of materials used
to make art; principally it was focused on the process of image making.
An initial line of enquiry within this research was required to see how
engaging with the concept of the amateur could have an influence on
my practice.
Quilts of Delusion [Figure 75, Figure 76] is an ongoing series of
paintings that started to emerge during the making of MQB4. This
collection of works visualised my piecing together of my overall
experience and, as a note to the self, to carry forward the learning I
had gained from being one of several quilters, where the voices of all
decided on creative directions. They of course have the now recurrent
‘clashing’ ideas embedded in them, but they also consider further the
idea of mapped spaces; the difficulty of creating and chiselling out
space to make our quilts together. From one painting, emerges the
idea for the next ‘each completed work becomes a springboard for the
genesis of its successor’ (Korn, 2017, p. 60) and, in a time precious
environment; I can play with ideas that would require years to make
[as a quilt] in reality.
They act as a prompt to a future me; keep pushing beyond what you
know and think you can achieve and make it happen. These are
blueprints for quilts I will make when I have finished this thesis. I
already know that I will need to design and print fabrics specifically
for each quilt and extend my knowledge of piecing in order to
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construct such a fantasy. Each will require me to reflect on the time
so many of us put aside to quilt together, to embrace the
consequences of unusual process or design combinations.
Figure 75 Quilts of Delusion II, Gouache, Nicola Perren.
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Figure 76 Quilts of Delusion VI, Gouache, Nicola Perren.
Upon review of the work, I now recognise that the presence of textiles,
either as drawn subject or as process, is quite overt and there is a far
clearer connection with craft as a process of making. The work
remains to be about image making but rather than its driving force
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being about the process [much like the work of the MQB], it is arguably
leaning towards the content and narrative of the image.
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Quilting Together Exhibition
The Quilting Together exhibition took place at the Market Gallery
(Temporary Contemporary) in Huddersfield from 24 June – 13 July
2019. Temporary Contemporary: Creating Vibrant Spaces to Support
the Conditions for Creative and Cultural Activity (Bailey et al., 2020)
was later published to support a year of exhibitions [including Quilting
Together] and events that took place in and around the gallery.
Temporary Contemporary is a collaborative initiative between the
School of Art, Design and Architecture at the University of Huddersfield
and Kirklees Council. Included within this collaboration is a white cube
gallery in which Quilting Together was exhibited, and this sits within
Queensgate Market, which, is a rather spectacular Grade II listed
building with a hyperbolic paraboloid roof.
Concept of exhibition
Mindful of the remit of Temporary Contemporary and the site of the
venue, I was keen to not only represent the MQB members as ‘cultural
producers’ (Stalp, 2007, p. 129) through the exhibiting of their quilts,
but also to engage with members of the public and those who frequent
the market. With the making of a new quilt over the duration of the
exhibition and in the gallery environment they could make an active
and live contribution with members of the public. In support of the
quilts made by the MQB on display were selected works that I have
created as part of this research. This solo exhibition opened up
dialogue with visitors, prompted by information on the wall about
amateurism, communal making and autonomy.
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Figure 77 [left] Quilting Together exhibition, Temporary Contemporary, 2019. [photo taken
by Andy Bedford]
Figure 78 [right] Quilting Together exhibition, Temporary Contemporary, 2019. [photo taken
by Andy Bedford]
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One final quilt
For the Market Quilt, 150 Voices [Figure 81], I created a simple
blocked quilt using just three fabrics as a basis upon which, visitors to
the exhibition could sit at and stitch into. Reflecting the process used
in MQB4, it had a freeform approach to quilting and while I showed
everyone the traditional quilting stitch line, virtually everyone who
engaged in its making chose to embroider a motif that reflected or
meant something to them. By the end of this process there were over
80 motifs and quilted patches on the quilt.
Within the design of the quilt, I had specifically used fabrics that had
lines printed onto them. Although a little wider apart, the lines are
reminiscent of an A4 notepad and I had hoped, would provide
guidance for straight stitch lines. However, several contributors to the
making of the quilt commented that having the lines already printed
felt less intimidating as it did not seem like a blank canvas. As a result,
members of the public felt at ease doodling with stitch onto the cloth.
The quilt at this stage was cut as one very long narrow length [50 x
800cm] which enabled large groups of people to work on it at one
time, experiencing the physical closeness that is communal quilting,
this can be seen in Figure 79.
Strangers sat side by side and bumped knees, old friends chatted
about missed loved ones, visitors to the exhibition were able to further
identify with the making of the quilts that hung around them on the
walls. Colleagues discussed challenging issues from work, families and
children sat around the frame and made together, new concepts of
maker mending spaces for the market were debated, grandfathers and
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grandsons waiting for the bus out of the rain participated. Over 150
people were involved in the making of this individual quilt; it holds the
stories of its makers and carries the handwriting of everyone who
engaged with it.
Once the exhibition ended, despite all the motifs and quilting, the quilt
was not technically quilted enough to hold together sufficiently;
guidelines suggest that there should be no more than an open hand
width of space between any element of stitching. So, it was taken on
a tour for events such as the Making Futures conference [2019] in
Plymouth where all the delegates for a particular themed event
stitched into the quilt, and a local sports team, Halifax Bruising
Banditas – a Roller Derby team
11
used it to quilt into while discussing
a future vision of their team. During this time, lines were chalked onto
the quilt and individuals completed running stitches along the set
guidelines; passing and taking the needle as they went. Once the
quilting was complete, I then finished the quilt by cutting it into 4
shorter lengths and joined them together to make one quilt that is
180cm squared.
11
Roller Derby is a full contact team sport on roller skates, usually played by women
and is well known for the phrase ‘for the skater, by the skater’. Having been remodelled in the early 2000’s, it is recognised as a feminist, inclusive sport that
globally, has over 100,000 skaters; all of whom are unpaid, amateurs (WFTDA, n.d.)
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Figure 79 [left] Market Quilt in progress, Temporary Contemporary, 2019. [Photo taken by
Laura Mateescu]
Figure 80 [right] Market Quilt in progress, Temporary Contemporary, 2019. [Photo taken by
Laura Mateescu]
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Figure 81 Market quilt, 150 voices
Responding
Observations by visitors highlighted two different perspectives on
viewing / engaging with the work. One set of people were more
interested in stepping back and looking at the quilts; these people
tended to prefer MQB1 and would comment on the size ‘which seems
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just right’ (anon, personal communication, July 2019). The other
visitors all focused their attention on MQB3 and were most concerned
with looking up closely [virtually nose to quilt]. Further discussion
made it clear that this group were all quilters and were keen to
understand the process involved in the making. The aforementioned
group were, on the whole, non-quilters and spoke more of their
interest in the design of the quilt and its practicality. This reflects the
idea that for quilters [and other craft related activities], as an
individual or as part of a group, the process of making supersedes the
importance of the outcome or product (Adamson, 2007; Hackney et
al., 2016; Knott, 2011, 2015; Kouhia, 2016; Ratto & Boler, 2014; Stalp,
2007).
Most visitors to the exhibition were interested in discussing the ideas
of the work in person and a small number also completed a short
questionnaire. In discussion, most people felt that the term amateur
automatically connects with terms such as unskilled, non-professional
and inexperienced, reflecting the concerns of this association with
some members of the MQB. However, there was also a recognition of
the effort that often goes into such activities: ‘[amateur refers to]
someone who passionately engages in producing work outside of the
constraints of accepted “professional practice”. Usually unpaid and
doing something as a hobby. Not recognised in an academic or
business context’ (Ibid).
When considering the communal making aspect of the exhibition, the
overarching thoughts were on the connection you can have with other
people. Of those who had engaged in this approach to making, most
had only experienced it as a short one hour or half-day day moment;
the idea that people had worked together over months and years on
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one quilt was something that people had not experienced themselves.
One visitor recognised the connection through storytelling and the
lived lives of the makers as being a key, appealing factor: ‘I find the
experiences and stories of the members as the most interesting part
of community making’ (Ibid). A further visitor who had experienced
communal making themselves on several occasions as a child, and
later as an adult, drew attention to the self-improvement that occurs
when making alongside others: ‘I love the openness and the
opportunity to work together without barriers, the inexperienced don’t
have barriers and make you break down limitations that you may have
perceived’ (Ibid).
This understanding of the benefits of communal making reflected
comments from a previous discussion with MQB members. Several of
the quilters had recalled how, after the making of MQB 3, they had
felt far more confident in approaching creative activities outside of the
group. Having always been concerned about doing things wrong, to
the extent that they never took chances, they now felt perfectly at
ease tackling a more advanced project. They no longer recognised
things as being right or wrong creatively, pushing themselves to take
risks and perhaps more importantly, enjoying the process as the fear
of failure had dissipated.
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7
Conclusion
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As research, a combination of practice-led and practice-based
methods have been used alongside participant observation. This
triangulation of insights has enabled the longitudinal development and
understanding of autonomous actions within communal activities, with
specific reference to quilt making as a form of textile craft.
The nature of this case study has provided alternative understandings
of communal and/or amateur making practices to that of studies in
similar fields. Of note is the work of Stephen Knott and Fiona Hackney,
who have provided a thorough grounding in terms of understanding
why people may engage in such work, but this research finds other
understandings due to its longitudinal nature.
Essentially, what I
understood at three months and at the one-year point of the research,
mirrored Knott and Hackney, but thereafter, there were differences –
particularly in the creation of a new voice and identity through the
consensual quietude of the individual and, in turn, a collective sense
of empowerment and creative autonomy. Despite the decision to not
focus on textile making as a fundamental provider of wellbeing, it
would be remis of me to not also point to the acts of care, mindfulness
and connection that emerged as a result of a communal approach to
making quilts.
The key findings in this research are:
1. The amateur, in a communal making environment is not a static
position. The longitudinal nature of this research provides an
understanding that the amateur is never fixed, it is always on
a journey towards expertise.
2. Co-creation
and
co-production,
when
explored
through
communal quilting has unique properties. The process of
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quilting around a frame together lends itself towards the
development of a truly collaborative voice and vision that is
sustainable not only over time but in part, because of time.
3. There is little current research into the home as a site for
amateur communal making to the extent that it was noted as
an area for future research in the AHRC report Understanding
the Value of Arts & Culture (Crossick & Kaszynska, 2016). This
research contributes to this field and its longitudinal nature
certainly creates a new conversation.
4. Individual autonomy can be observed and celebrated within a
communal making environment while also striving to develop a
collegiate and collaborative singular voice.
Shifts
The landscape for communal craft making, specifically when its
starting position encompasses the amateur and a need for basic skill
building, is one that continuously shifts. This shift is multidirectional
and flexible, allowing changes and dialogue to spiral, move back and
forth and take sidesteps. The spiralling that occurs has a very specific
role, one that creates a non-hierarchical framework through which a
multitude of voices can be heard, haptic knowing can evolve and the
making itself becomes informative.
These shifts have been observed by others. For example, Culturescape
(Kouhia, 2016), Temporal Zone (Knott, 2011) and Fabriculture (Bratich
& Brush, 2011) are terms that describe these shifts in making but they
have not been considered in direct relation to the communal making
of craft or as a means to flatten any sense of a hierarchical system.
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A network of elements contributes to this understanding including site,
method, skill and status. In Table 8 you can see how these shifts can
evolve and merge into varying aspects of, in this case, the Meltham
Quilting Bee [MQB]. For example, if we consider skill, which entails
elements of the workmanship of risk (Pye, 2010) and bricolage (Lévi
Strauss, 1962), we move through an initial phase of [instructive]
learning onto a stage that enables flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1996).
Initially, flow can be recognised in individuals, but over time flow can
be recognised as a group experience. This then progresses into a
process of spiralling (Gilchrist et al., 2015) during which, all makers
contribute to both the learning and the designing of the work that is
being made as a method of communal making which, avoids
hierarchies in practice.
Table 8 Shifting grounds of a communal making practice [MQB]
Re-imagining the home as a site for making work communally disrupts
the normative experience and understanding of the home. As we
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know, the home is conditioned to be recognised as a site of unpaid
labour and oppression for women in particular. Any making that occurs
within this space is pejoratively referred to as women’s work but the
making of work [which in this case is recognised as co-researching]
and the re-appropriation of the home at will, for a space of craft
making [a feminist move], shifts the making of quilts in the home from
the passive to the empowered. Contemporary feminist thinking
recognises that historically women rejected domesticity and making
craft in the home, in a move towards greater equality, and we can see
more recent pushes [1990’s onwards] towards reclaiming not just the
home but crafts as well (Cameron, 2018; Grady, 2018). A particular
example of this can be seen in the Craftivist movement, for which
environmental, sustainable and freedom from exploitation are a
driving force for making quiet political interventions (Buck, 2016;
Corbett, 2013; Greer, 2014). This in turn re-engages with an agenda
for making, up-cycling, mending, re-cycling and improvements for
mental health and re-engages us with the need to return to craft based
skills and using the home [or public spaces] as sites for production
(Newmeyer, 2008).
The quilting group first came together to learn about the skills of hand
quilting and to experience quilting communally. This initial phase
dominated the sessions during the simultaneous making of MQB 1&2,
but the skills and ambition of the group grew over time.
For
subsequent quilts the need to learn new skills moved beyond the most
obvious towards more embedded and transformative experiences. The
group researched and developed designs for quilts, questioned the
merits of processes, critiqued the use of materials, applied greater
levels of democracy, and indirectly questioned the narrative of the
home [for women] while building a shared identity: ‘the conservative
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image and practice of crafting is being turned on its head and infused
with subversive messages that communicate dissent and protest’
(Newmeyer, 2008, p. 440).
Methods for quilting can require regimented ways of working, this
approach of rules i.e., stitch sizes, stitching methods and precise
piecing can enable people to work together but, this may not empower
or value the contribution of the individual. A non-binary understanding
of quilt making can afford that value be attributed to the individual
and the many voices that go into a quilts production. Specifically, the
singular voice as represented on the on the top side of the quilt,
highlights a multitude of attitudes and approaches on the reverse.
Celebrating such differences creates a situation where we can
understand how people maintain autonomy and freedom yet clearly
relish the opportunity to make work communally.
The status of individuals and the MQB group shifted consistently. As
was discussed previously, there was a level of discontent with the term
amateur as individuals shifted into a position where the term quilt
maker would be recognised as more appropriate. For the MQB, we
transformed from a group of women, intrigued to learn about quilting
to a communal unit of quilters who chose to work towards goals of its
own (Knott, 2011). As a result of a fluid or spiralling method of
discussion, decision making and ambition, all members of the group
became recognised as co-designers and developers of not only the
quilts but of this research itself. In its early formation, the MQB would
more appropriately be described as a community of people with a
common interest in quilting, being led by myself as the instigator of
the group. This status, however, shifted to a communal group of
quilters with a flattened, rhizomatic understanding of hierarchy.
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In the movement of site from the Church Hall to the homes of the
quilters, we can see a distinct shift in the identity of the MQB as a
communal making practice. When we look to the research that
currently exists about group and/or amateur making environments,
which despite being quite sparse, it is clear to see that a particular
angle of understanding is taken. Most studies look to or focus on the
learning that takes place or the sense of well-being that occurs with a
focus on the individual [even when in a group].
Hackney et al
observed a discontent that is aired through debates around skill
[aspirational and actual], particularly when older and younger people
work together in groups (Hackney et al., 2016). For Knott, he
concluded that there is a reliance on the kit or pattern for the amateur,
which in turn leads to a lack of authenticity (Knott, 2011), while other
bodies of research draw our attention to the mindful aspects of making
either as an individual (Kouhia, 2016) or for the group (Maidment &
Macfarlene, 2009). All these understandings come from a result of
short-term studies, and while I would agree that these mirrored the
key observations of the MQB in the first stage, and arguably up to the
first year of meeting, after this time, other observations became more
dominant.
Due to the longitudinal nature of the case study, it was possible to see
an identity of the group emerge that differed to the narratives of other
research. Over this period, while there were clearly individuals within
the group, these voices became quieter and a new, confident
communal voice emerged that moves beyond an understanding of a
group that is centred around learning. Authenticity, adaptive [that
occurred both overtly and as a natural progression] and a conviction
in the making. As a result, for the individual there were moments of
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transformation and as a group, we were changing the narrative of the
home, from a site of women’s alienated labour to that of a temporary,
communal maker studio.
As quilters, we would observe the work of others. Although we were
not so direct as to copy or use a kit, we did, for one quilt use a pattern.
As a step into quilting as a communal group [as opposed to being led],
this afforded us the freedom to spend nearly two years discussing,
debating and forming an identity as a group of makers; we found out
what we each liked and disliked, we developed our own goals and a
shared set of standards in quality. The next quilt took a sharp turn left
as we embarked on ‘making something that resembled a quilt’ with no
rules or prior knowledge of work that existed in a similar realm. As a
result, the following quilt [and arguably the next quilt/s] emerged with
a voice that speaks of the group rather than individuals. We employed
our skills of craftiness and the capitalist bricoleur [working, by choice
with items that we have to hand or freely available], we pulled on our
group knowledge and experience to develop a design based on a
concept we had seen elsewhere and we re-appropriated to make our
own version (Certeau, 1988). In return, this provided an experience
of authenticity where originality in experience is the primary concern
over an innovative output.
When communal making is established, dialogue amongst quilters and
questioning of our making creates opportunities to develop new
identities, both individually and as a group (Kester, 2011). We adapt
to the maker space and evolve through our practice, fresh
understandings can emerge as we establish common ground (Hackney
et al., 2016) and we push against or exploit our conditions of
unfreedom (Adamson, 2010; Knott, 2011). Micro practices and
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adaptions within the group emerge (Newmeyer, 2008), such as the
physical adjustments we make when working in close confines or the
adaptation of individual ideas that are patchworked together to create
one whole. Yet it is not that we adapt to make do, adaptation has
become a signature and identity of the group.
A sense of ownership of our approach to quilting has evolved over the
years in the MQB. From an initial position of vague interest and
perhaps distance when learning, the outcomes grew to become the
focus points and the group has developed an empowered conviction
in what we do. This could be both seen and heard in the actions that
took place during the Quilting Together exhibition, with members of
the group critiquing the work and demonstrating skills with members
of the public as well as invigilating when I was not available. While we
do still giggle amongst ourselves when we consider choices or actions
we have made, we have all come to recognise niggles in quality or
approaches to design as being part of a bigger whole. In effect, the
experience takes precedence over the outcome. Initially, all the
participants were concerned about doing things right and not making
mistakes, however, over time, this was dropped as a concern and is
welcomed in the quilter’s other practices outside of the MQB.
As an academic who teaches all levels of degree studies, this can be
recognised as one of the biggest hurdles most design-based students
have to overcome, so that they may move from creating work that is
arguably stunted to work that can be innovative, questioning and
authentic. This recognition of acceptance to fail, occasionally emerges
in the second year of study but from experience, a true embracing of
this approach mostly happens in the final year, following a year’s
industry placement. I am recognising this same attitude and conviction
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within the MQB group and despite only meeting twice a month, it was
after two to three years, that this understanding started to emerge
around the quilting frame.
Communal Voice
Creating a space in which a group can develop a quilt making practice
without formal structures or hierarchies was a key factor in developing
moments of autonomy for individuals and for the group. Creating a
shared space, both physically and mentally, created an environment
that Paul Gilchrist et al would recognise as a Collaborative Stories
Spiral [CSS] which allows for sharing and the development of new
narratives in which there are no leaders (Gilchrist et al., 2015).
One of the focal points in this research was to observe and make work
as an amateur within a communal making environment, but a core
observation, and perhaps highlight of this work is the development of
a new, communal voice that speaks for the group as opposed to the
individuals, so how can there be autonomy? In this instance it can be
seen in actions that we are not expected to do [through conditioning]
and doing this by choice. For example, the embracing of a flattened
approach to the organisation and decision making of the group, while
we are tied to economic forces and incomes that come out of capitalist
forms of labour, we reject their traditional structures of management.
This, I recognise as moments of group autonomy as participants set
their own group agenda and alter the parameters of this research.
But these autonomous instances spread beyond the group. While we
have developed one voice as a collective, we each take this experience
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into our own practices external to the group. The freedom of not
worrying about doing something wrong has already been raised but
this extends to trying something new that makers found inaccessible
previously as it was considered too difficult. But we also see prime
examples of participants rejecting the rules of patterns or kits and
either adapting what they see or creating something that does not
come with instructions. Micro-actions take place in the unravelling of
half completed knit projects that have weighed heavy on the mind of
the maker for years as it sat in the basket at the side of the sofa, this
unravelling and rewinding back into balls of yarn created a sense of
relief as they took control of a situation. These are autonomous actions
happening as a result of creating personal structures of what can be
achieved with one’s own time.
As a group, we developed an ongoing critique of the quilts we were
making, our practices outside the group and of the work of others as
they became embedded in our daily or weekly routines. This can be
recognised as emergent modes of political activity (Ratto & Boler,
2014) and this mode of discussion would lead into being critical of our
own conditions and those of others outside of making (Hackney,
2013).
The choice to create a more democratic approach to quilting through
using our homes, recycling of materials and donating the quilts to
women’s shelters demonstrates a diverse economy model (GibsonGraham, 2008) through which monetary value is no longer the sole
marker for economic value, social significance or professionalism.
Through this research, we can see the changing identity of the
amateur through the communal making of craft. For some, it
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challenged their identity as a maker and no longer represented the
knowledge and skill they had worked hard to develop. For others, they
preferred to hold on to the ‘title’ of amateur, almost as a badge of
honour as it represented moments doing stuff without the rigour of
rules and structures. The temporal nature and shifting understanding
of the amateur pushes against binary understandings of the term;
dissolving the walls that confine us and the making of networks, to the
development of a creative practice that works for the individual, marks
the amateur as an inclusive, enquiring and connected proposition.
Upon reflection, my own troubled relationship with how I might
describe my practice and observe its merits has shaped and
unconsciously pushed a narrative of flattened hierarchies and the
search for autonomy. I recognise myself as an artist maker in its
simplest terms, I am inextricably linked to academia and therefore
research. This very particular position while unsettling at times,
creates a distinct narrative thread in this research which is to celebrate
and drive towards people with differing levels of skill, and processes
that are deemed of lower value, to have an equal standing, be heard
and to be acknowledged.
Evaluation of methods used
A downfall of this research is directly tied to its strength, that is the
longitudinal study. The breadth or number of case studies is minimal
and this in turn can lead to a narrow frame of reference. Where other
researchers have observed a greater number of makers, either as
amateurs or in a group context, their input has been utilised in the
building of a framework for understanding in this work.
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What has been observed as a result of this research, does differ to
that of most other research in which the encounters or data has been
drawn from short term studies. This opens an avenue of investigation
for further research in which the knowledge that has emerged in this
body of work i.e., not just learning or well-being, can be used to
observe and engage with other groups who have engaged with socialmaking, amateur as an identity and autonomous experiences over a
longer period, specifically from two years onwards.
Further understanding of long-term communal making would benefit
from a continued use of thinking through practice as the investigator.
Within this research, I was embedded in the case study as well as
being a participant observer; using methods of analysis through the
process of painting, drawing and making, an additional strand to this
field of study may benefit or provide alternative insights if I were to
observe as an outsider.
The use of Gee’s Bend documentary videos and historical archives; to
understand a method of communal working [making around a frame],
can be understood as Arts Based Research [ABR] through which
answers and directions may emerge. One such revelation was to work
in a way not normally associated with current UK quilting groups
[around a frame], the other was to adopt a simple piecing approach
in the initial quilts until the group started to develop a visual
handwriting and aesthetic of its own. ABR, with its recognition that
human experience is everchanging (S. McNiff, 2018) provides a clear
way of recognising the adaptive nature of communal amateur making
(Leavy, 2018). The process of quilting around a frame together sat
outside mainstream rules or practices of group quilting in the UK, this
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
practice creates a space that required physical closeness, adaptability
and close observation of each other’s process. These characteristics
push towards a communal method of working and a negotiation of the
self to lean towards true co-production of not ‘just some quilts’ but of
the research itself.
Contribution to knowledge
This research has evolved out of a dual approach; practice-led and
practice-based, through which a new approach to making work has
emerged within my own artist and makers practice.
The practice-led strand of this research has provided a fresh
perspective of the amateur as a result of a longitudinal study. The
amateur is multi-faceted and equates differently to individuals, often
connected and considered as a reflection of a skill level, once we move
beyond a focus on the learning that an amateur undertakes, we can
understand the term to be provocative, liberating and progressive. For
those who consider the concept to remain attached to a derogatory
comment on one’s ability, there is a sliding scale of terms that can be
adopted; quilter, maker, designer-maker, after all, this is an
empowering endeavour in which the maker is able to act with
autonomy and choose a title that they deem more appropriate.
A practice-based element has demonstrated or uncovered an
approach to quilting that is unique in the UK amongst contemporary
quilting groups. With a distinct lack of information available publicly
on ‘how to quilt as a group’, I developed a method of quilting that was
very similar to the quilters of Gee’s Bend. From the frame to the
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passing of the needle we engaged in the communal making of quilts,
which, as it turns out is not generally practiced in the UK. A more
traditional method of a group making a quilt in the UK is for individuals
to have responsibility for one element i.e., design, blocks, piecing,
making the sandwich, quilting or the binding. Further to this, as these
types of quilts are usually made for charity, they are almost always
made with a sewing machine as opposed to by hand.
The research method I used to start the MQB, unknowingly [to start
with], re-introduced a method of quilting that is believed to have not
been used in the UK for at least 50 years, if not longer. In part, this
will be due to the shrinking of craft, due to changes in society,
particularly during the second wave of feminism when such acts were
marginalised and, due to the rise of accessible items being available
commercially, i.e., clothing and interior products. However, with the
re-framing of craft as a mode of making through [women’s] free
choice, a developing global understanding of the impact of capitalism
and a return to social making emerged in a different format; that of
individuals making their own items in the company of others, usually
in public spaces or through online communities. For the MQB, making
quilts is a truly communal method and within the home provides a new
narrative of understanding and innovation in social making.
Throughout the MQB case study I have pleasingly observed moments
of individual autonomy. Upon reflection, the times when individuals
have stopped and questioned a design direction or the language of
the amateur, presents the communal quilting experience as a ‘stitched
manifestation of democracy’. This democracy can also be spotted as
it extends its way into my painting practice where numerous visual
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Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
ideas and languages shift alongside each other: all given a chance to
speak up and contribute to the wider conversation.
The specificity of patchwork as part of the wider quilting process can
and should be recognised as a social practice that can enhance
communal
interaction.
Negotiation,
compromise,
rethinking,
adjustments and decision making are not confined to choices of cloth,
the space they take up or methods of connecting; these are mirrored
in the manner through which effective communal creativity evolves as
social practice. Essentially patchwork is a methodology of thinking
through doing. Within the group, democratic communication takes
shape and form through interaction and as a critical tool for
questioning how cultural value is made, experienced, used and
understood in, and through an amateur practice.
The AHRC Cultural Value project has provided a clear framework of
‘how culture happens’ in the UK. Of note is a recognition of the role
the amateur plays, not only in terms of its financial contribution but
also as a necessary part of the cycle of big culture. As mentioned
earlier, the report highlights a lack of research, insight and
engagement into the role the home plays in a nations culture. This
research can add further insight and gravitas to the ongoing debate,
in particular, an understanding of how the home or domestic setting
affords space, growth and empowerment to the amateur, specifically
as a communal venture.
The third practice element within this thesis is my own work. It has
been used as a method for understanding and engaging with the
experience of communal making, it has endeavoured to represent the
pulling together of individual voices that have, over time, harmonised
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into one and it has been visually, aesthetically affected by this very
special encounter. While it had been decades since I shed the cloak of
concern over making mistakes or doing something wrong, I had
developed a very singular voice in each body of work. While these
voices may evolve and jump to new concepts, the work would always
be visually focused. This experience and narration has enabled work
to develop that aesthetically clashes and purposefully hacks together
multiple visions and identities, a blueprint has emerged for an
expansive body of work that is eager to launch into a contemporary,
cultural field that crosses traditional boundaries of what is acceptable
rather than sitting statically in pre-conditioned schools of thought.
Fiona Hackney argues that while we continue to think of amateur
activities or hobbies as a middle-class past-time; we simply close the
doors on recognising the experience and outputs of such activities
(Hackney, 2013). Hackney is not wrong, for some members of the
MQB, they engage with activities relating to quilting in their own time
[trialling other design ideas in practice and on paper], and all seek out
opportunities to learn [reading, visiting exhibitions, doing workshops,
attending talks, undertaking research online]. These quilters are
actively looking for cultural opportunities, are contextually savvy,
innovative, complex, creative, reflective and skilful (Adamson, 2007;
Hackney, 2013; Hackney et al., 2016; Knott, 2015).
In addition to a renewed understanding of this group of amateurs,
there is a recognition that we are developing our own designs or
hacking the designs of others so that we may make work together. By
developing work that is not off the shelf is an empowering and quietly
political act: ‘maker cultures are seen as strategic processes through
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which people reclaim power in their everyday lives’ (Ratto & Boler,
2014, p. 104).
The combination of the self-motivation to learn and pushing one’s
skills beyond the pattern books as tools to reclaim power within
everyday lives, clearly demonstrates the importance of looking beyond
the overly familiar understanding of the amateur maker as that of just
a middle-class past time.
Research such as this is important as it distinctly takes what we know
about the possibilities of communal making beyond the shorter term
understanding of learning and wellbeing. While these are clearly
important factors, understanding that there are further, equally
valuable experiences to be gained when an environment is created
with a flattened sense of hierarchies and some low-cost approaches
to creativity.
For the researcher, this insight propels the discussion beyond shorter
term studies and contributes to a wider discussion of the impact long
term investment of time and engagement with making for the amateur
can have. In an expanded field, looking to all marginalised groups
within
society;
opportunities
for
communal
authentic
making
practices
interactions,
could
provide
empowerment
and
companionship.
Dissemination of this research into the amateur can happen in several
ways. Emma Shercliff and Amy Twigger-Holroyd have already created
a platform and started a big conversation through Stitching Together
(Shercliff & Twigger-Holroyd, 2021b). The longitudinal case study in
this PhD certainly adds to the discussion and provides a valuable
272
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
insight into amateur craft making over time. There are further
opportunities for communal making engagements through events
such as WOVEN in Kirklees and the British Textile Biennial. As for the
MQB, I am certain that the shift will continue to evolve, particularly
following the Covid enforced break.
Quilting, in the context of long-term communal making creates a space
in which open discussion, debate and dialogue emerge. The ‘forced’
closeness of individuals around the frame creates an environment of
trust, inclusion and human contact – this as we have all come to know
and experience during Covid isolation is a powerful act. Not only is it
clearly visible to record and analyse the processes of the group as well
as the individual but, the observation of the quilt in a non-binary
manner, metaphorically records and opens the proposition of multiple
complex ideas, concerns and direction.
The research methods used in this thesis such as ABR and practicebased have become patchworked into the quilts themselves. The
piecing together of seemingly disparate concepts and concerns, such
as individual autonomy within a group, to the status of the amateur.
The quilt provides a visible representation of allowing thinking to
emerge and reveal itself [ABR] and it was only through the physical
making of the quilts rather than as a theoretical proposition, that we
can reimagine the process of communal quilting in the UK [as practicebased research]. Essentially quilting and the quilts themselves become
critical tools. The quilts question what we understand as cultural value
in that they recognise the significance of the amateur maker, they
challenge representation by putting women front and centre of a
conversation about autonomous actions within communal production
of craft. This problematising and questioning of the quilt as a critical
273
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tool, recognises the transformation of identity for the individual maker
which, seems to be clearer when undertaken as a collaborative
journey.
As we pass the point of one year of battling Covid-19, the memories
of times spent in the homes of our friends around a quilting frame;
chatting face to face, bumping hands and sharing in the making of a
quilt
simultaneously
highlights
the
loss
and
importance
of
companionship, human touch and compassion.
This research and all the quilters who acted as co-producers or, from
a distance as the remarkable quilters of Gee’s Bend, reflect care and
provocation, connection and empowerment, kindness and autonomy
through the communal making of the humble quilt.
274
Activating the Amateur in a Crafts Practice
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