Philip the Good Bare-headed

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For queries about offprints, copyright and republication of your article, please contact the publisher via [email protected] TECHNICAL STUDIES OF PAINTINGS: PROBLEMS OF ATTRIBUTION (15th-17th CENTURIES) Papers Presented at the Nineteenth Symposium for the Study of Underdrawing and Technology in Painting held in Bruges, 11-13 September 2014 Edited by Anne Dubois, Jacqueline Couvert and Till-Holger Borchert PEETERS PARIS – LEUVEN – BRISTOL, CT 2018 Table of Contents Editors’ Preface In Memoriam Roger Van Schoute 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 VII IX KEYNOTE LECTURE – Willem van Aelst and the Market for Still-life Painting in Paris. Reattribution of an Early Work Melanie Gifford 1 The Beaune Last Judgement. Sorting out Rogier van der Weyden and his Assistants Griet Steyaert and Rachel Billinge 26 Philip the Good Bare-headed. In Search for Original and Copy Stephan Kemperdick 50 The Middendorf Altarpiece by a Follower of Hugo van der Goes Maryan W. Ainsworth 60 Albrecht Bouts in Sibiu: a Unique Self-portrait in ‘Memento Mori’ Valentine Henderiks 74 Le Triptyque de l’Adoration des Mages (Turin-Gênes) et le mécénat d’Hendrik Keddekin, abbé de Ter Doest Véronique Bücken 86 Revising Friedländer. The ‘Underdrawing Connoisseurship’ and the Master of the Turin Adoration Maria Clelia Galassi 98 A New Virgo Lactans of the Gold Brocade Group Caterina Virdis Limentani 112 The Polyptych of the Seven Sorrows of the Virgin in the Museu Frederic Marés. An Unusual Altarpiece Carmen Sandalinas Linares, Bart Fransen and Elisabeth Van Eyck 122 XRF Analysis of Pigments in the Donne Hours (Louvain-la-Neuve, Archives de l’Université, ms. A2) Anne Dubois 138 The Saint Michael Altarpiece in Spišská Kapitula. A Preliminary Report Ingrid Ciulisová 150 The Goldene Tafel from Lüneburg, c. 1420. New Findings about Painting Process and Characteristics Babette Hartwieg 160 13 14 15 16 17 Master or Assistant? Painted Alterations in the Pleydenwurff Workshop Dagmar Hirschfelder, Beate Fücker, Katja von Baum, Lisa Eckstein and Joshua P. Waterman 178 The Painted Wings of the Passion Altarpiece of Güstrow. A Vast Collective Enterprise Catheline Périer-D’Ieteren 196 Reading between the Lines… Attribution Problems regarding Early Sixteenth Century Louvain Painters Marjan Debaene and David Lainé 210 The Triptych of the True Cross in Veurne in Connection to a Drawing in Rotterdam. Working Process and Attribution Judith Niessen and Margreet Wolters 224 The Contribution of Technical Art History to the Reconstruction of the Oeuvre of Pieter I Claeissens Anne van Oosterwijk 238 18 Two ‘New’ Paintings by Jan de Beer. Technical Studies, Connoisseurship and Provenance Research Peter van den Brink and Dan Ewing 250 19 The Calling of Saint Matthew attributed to the Master of the Abbey of Dielegem Nicola Christie and Lucy Whitaker 268 The Oeuvre of Jan Swart van Groningen Reconsidered Katrin Dyballa 284 Identifying Two Family Members in Jacob Cornelisz’s Amsterdam Workshop: Cornelis Buys and Cornelis Anthonisz Molly Faries and Daantje Meuwissen 298 Who is the Man in Red and Who Painted Him? Mary Kempski and Lucy Whitaker 310 Hans Holbein Hans of Antwerp. Findings from the Recent Examination, Cleaning and Restoration Claire Chorley 326 A Case of Mistaken Identity. A Version of the Good Shepherd by Pieter Brueghel the Younger Dominique Allart, Christina Currie, Pascale Fraiture and Steven Saverwyns 338 20 21 22 23 24 Bibliography 351 List and biographies of contributors 371 Photo Credits 374 Ill. 3.1. After Rogier van der Weyden, Portrait of Philip the Good, c. 1500, oil on panel, 52.7 x 38.8 cm, Gotha, Schlossmuseum, inv. SG 1423 3 Philip the Good Bare-headed In Search for Original and Copy Stephan Kemperdick ABSTRACT: Only four painted portraits of Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy without headgear are known today, and two of them, in Madrid and Gotha, are extremely similar to each other. The Madrid version is often judged superior and has recently even been attributed to the workshop of Rogier van der Weyden and dated around 1450, while the other one is generally called a later copy. However, a close comparison of the two panels shows a number of obviously intentional variations between them that rather suggest a common origin. Most important among them is the exchange of a painted fly, on the Gotha panel, for a woodlouse, a unique feature on the Madrid version. These exchanges as well as some other aspects suggest that both paintings were made in the early sixteenth century. —o— Portraits of Duke Philip the Good of Burgundy (1396-1467) still exist in a considerable number, although the vast majority of them were made long after the death of the sitter, mostly in the early sixteenth century. These posthumous likenesses were all ultimately based on a very small number of models that probably originated from the workshop of Rogier van der Weyden around the middle of the fifteenth century.1 While in most of the surviving portraits Philip sports a headgear, a chaperon, there are no more than four paintings known today that show him bare-headed. One of them was in the Schlossmuseum Gotha until 1946 when it was – illegally – brought to the art market. It is known to have been in the Fodor Collection in Paris in the 1970s,2 but during the last five decades no scholar seems to have known it other than by age-old black and white photographs. Fortunately, in 2008 the Gotha Museum was able to retrieve the panel for their collection.3 Now I would like to re-introduce it to the scholarly community (ill. 3.1). The panel and its integrated frame were made from a single board of oak. By its overall dimensions it is 52.7 cm high, 38.8 cm wide and 4 cm thick. The painted surface measures 42.5 ≈ 27.2 cm. On the reverse there are incised lines indicating the outlines of a frame (ill. 3.2) which correspond roughly to the carved frame on the front. This design was obviously abandoned and the panel turned to be worked on the other side. The bust-length portrait of the Duke shows him without hands, his head turned slightly to the right. As usual, he wears a black robe with fur collar over a white shirt. Hanging around his neck is the heavy collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece, the grand collier (ill. 3.3), and a likewise heavy golden cross studded with stones and pearls. Immediately behind the figure appears to be a wall with oak panelling that displays two simulated joints, one on the left, another to the right of the sitter’s head. At the top of the rounded picture surface one reads the inscription ‘le • dvck • phylipe/ de • bovrgvnge’. Next to the sitter, on the left, there is a painted life-size fly, which appears to sit on the surface of the painting 52 stephan kemperdick Ill. 3.3. After Rogier van der Weyden, Portrait of Philip the Good (ill. 3.1), detail: collier of the Golden Fleece Ill. 3.2. After Rogier van der Weyden, Portrait of Philip the Good (ill. 3.1), reverse rather than on the painted back wall inside the picture space. The painting is in fair condition, but the halfshades especially seem to be partially abraded and retouched. The drawing of the features and the painterly execution of the face are rather hard and graphic with details not wholly integrated into the overall plasticity of the head. The fur and the jewellery, however, are rendered with some precision and represent the different materials in a convincing way. Infrared reflectography (IRR) (ill. 3.4) does not reveal much underdrawing; there are thin contour lines visible along the chin, in the lower lid of the near eye and the upper lid of the far eye. Some hatching are discernible on the sitter’s proper right cheek which mark the concavity between cheekbone and jaw. No traces of a mechanical transfer of the outlines onto the ground can be recognized. The head of Philip is extremely close to the other three painted portraits of the Duke without headgear, such as the copy in Berlin (Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie, inv. 545A), made only after c. 1520, and another one of similar date in Antwerp (Museum voor Schone Kunsten) (ill. 3.5).4 The entire Gotha panel, however, is almost identical to the better known version in the Palacio Real in Madrid (Patrimonio Nacional, inv. 10010172) (ill. 3.6) which was present, for instance, in the Rogier van der Weyden exhibition in Louvain in 2009.5 The whole composition, including facial features, cloths and illusionistic oak-panelled background is almost identical. The same applies to the moulding of the frame, which in Madrid is also carved from the same piece of wood as the panel, and the dimensions – the Madrid version being slightly smaller, measuring 51 to 36.8 cm, than the one in Gotha with 52.7 ≈ 38.8 cm. A comparison of underdrawings is presently not possible as nothing is visible on the IRR image published by Madrid.6 The inscriptions on both panels are also very similar too; the one in Gotha was executed in philip the good bare-headed 53 Ill. 3.4. After Rogier van der Weyden, Portrait of Philip the Good (ill. 3.1), IRR mordant gilding and the same seems to be true for the version in the Palacio Real. The somewhat peculiar spelling and the shapes of the letters, including the inverted ‘n’ in ‘bovrgvnge’, are nearly identical and thus a direct relationship between the two inscriptions must exist. It was recently proposed that the inscription on the Madrid panel is a product of the late sixteenth or the early seventeenth century.7 If this was true, we would have to assume that the two, nearly identical portraits were still together around 1600 so that the same inscriptions could be added to both. As this seems highly unlikely, the similarity of the inscriptions rather suggests that they were already added in the course of the execution of the portraits – or at least when the younger of the two, if there is a difference at all, was made. In scholarly literature, the two versions of Philip’s portrait are often judged differently, which to Ill. 3.5. After Rogier van der Weyden, Portrait of Philip the Good, c. 1530, oil on panel, 21 x 30 cm, Antwerp, Koninklijke Museum voor Schone Kunsten, inv. 397 some extent might be due to the fact that the Gotha panel was not accessible for sixty years. Starting with Hulin de Loo and Friedrich Winkler,8 the Madrid version has regularly been accepted as the superior painting and sometimes even been seen as the model for the other one. For Winkler, it was an autograph work by Rogier van der Weyden, but it had been called a copy after Rogier by Max J. Friedländer, Erwin Panofsky, Dirk De Vos and others.9 Recently, the Palacio Real panel has been attributed once again to either the master of Brussels himself or to one of his best assistants in the studio and dated around 1450.10 However, the confrontation of the Madrid Philip with an undisputed portrait by Rogier, like his Antoine, Grand Bâtard de Bourgogne (Brussels, Royal Museums of Fine Arts of 54 stephan kemperdick Ill. 3.6. After Rogier van der Weyden, Portrait of Philip the Good, c. 1500, oil on panel, 51 x 36.8 cm, Madrid, Patrimonio Nacional, Palacio Real, inv. 10010172 philip the good bare-headed Belgium (KMSKB/MRBAB), inv. 1449) (ill. 3.7), is not very favourable for the former. The portrait of the Duke looks hard and stiff, the features appear lifeless in comparison. Details like the mouth are drawn sharply as if cut into the surface. The eyes, with their exaggerated greyish modelling, resemble painted wooden beads. A further and most striking difference lies in the way the collar of the Golden Fleece and the heavy cross are rendered. There is a stark contrast of dark, almost black shaded zones and sparkling highlights in the jewels of the Madrid portrait. In contrast, the Grand Bâtard’s chain looks evenly lit; it possesses a middle-tone ‘gold’ colour which is typical for all the representations of golden objects in the Rogier van der Weyden group.11 The rendering of the collar in the Madrid painting may be of high quality, as has been stated,12 but it is decidedly un-Rogerian in character! Even in comparison to the Berlin and Antwerp portraits of Duke Philip (ill. 3.5) that were made many decades after the sitter’s death, the features of the Madrid likeness look extremely hard. The Antwerp portrait, except for the retouched far eye, comes even closer to the impression of flesh that is conveyed in Rogier’s painting of the Grand Bâtard. The same applies to the Gotha version of Philip without headgear. It may even look harder than the one in Madrid, which is certainly the reason why the latter was generally seen as superior. However, the state of preservation of the Madrid painting seems to play a decisive role for its perception. In large areas, the paint surface is much abraded and the white ground is visible nearly everywhere where there should be half-shades – in places like the temples or along the edge of the jawbone the flesh tones just remain as islands on top of the whitish ground.13 To some extent, the softer appearance of the Madrid version in comparison to Gotha derives from those damages. The hard drawing and the schematic execution are otherwise fairly similar in both paintings, and the eyes for example show the same grey modelling already described in the Gotha version. The most interesting aspects of the two likenesses, however, are three differences that were 55 consciously introduced into both versions. First, there is the placement of the figure’s shadow; it is cast to the right in Gotha and to the left in Madrid. The painter, or painters, assumed two different directions of light in each respective picture. None of them is totally consistent with the way the face is lit. Generally the lighting appears more plausible in the Madrid version, where the light comes from the right and falls frontally onto the face of the sitter. Nevertheless, there are inconsistencies. The Adam’s apple is not lit from the right but from the left. The reflections in the eyes are placed to the left of the pupil and would thus indicate that the light comes from the left. Furthermore, the joints of the simulated panels behind the figure in Madrid are rendered as if lit from the left and are thus again inconsistent with the shadow of the figure cast in the opposite direction. On the other hand, the shadow cast by the golden cross on the Duke’s shirt falls in both versions to our left, which contradicts the assumed direction of light in the Gotha painting. The second difference is to be found in the Duke’s garment. In Gotha, his robe is tied at the neck with two red strings, while the heavy cross hangs from a black string. It is exactly the other way round in the Madrid painting. The third and most interesting difference regards the little animal to the left of the bust of the sitter. In Gotha, we see an ordinary fly but in Madrid there is a woodlouse and this is, to my knowledge, the only example of this species in all early Netherlandish painting. The systematic variation of the three details mentioned speaks in favour of the assumption that both the Gotha and the Madrid painting were made in the same workshop and around the same time. It would not make much sense to introduce such variations if you have to paint a copy of an existing earlier painting. Instead, it is a phenomenon found in other instances of ‘serial’ production, for example the devotional panels with the Man of Sorrows and the Mourning Virgin from the workshop of Albrecht Bouts. In these panels, the garments of Mary can differ with respect to hems and colour but not in terms of the basic design.14 The 56 stephan kemperdick assumption that the two portraits of Duke Philip were made in the same workshop is further corroborated by the above-mentioned similarities in drawing and execution and the matching inscriptions. Certainly, there must have been a model for the likeness of the Duke. Whether this model looked more or less like the two paintings preserved remains a matter of speculation. However, from the observations made on the two versions in question we can at least conclude that the Madrid painting could not have been the model for the one in Gotha. This conclusion is based on the small but obviously intentional variations we have discussed. To exchange the colour of the strings on the sitter’s neck seems arbitrary and without much significance.15 To exchange the fly for the woodlouse, however, tells us something about the relationship of both motifs. The fly is a well-known requisite in the art of painting which goes back to an anecdote conveyed by Pliny and others. A famous painter painted a fly in such a life-like way, that another painter tried to chase it off.16 Flies are therefore found here and there in fifteenth century paintings, especially in portraits like for instance Petrus Christus’ Portrait of a Carthusian Lay Brother (New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art) of 1446 or in Hans Memling’s Portrait of a Man with an Arrow (Washington, National Gallery of Art), c. 1475, or in the Swabian Portrait of a Woman of the Hofer Family (London, National Gallery), c. 1470.17 In these as well as in most other examples the flies are represented in natural size, mostly much larger in scale than the sitter himself. The sense of this discrepancy in scale is clear: the insect is supposed to sit on the surface of the painting itself as a trompel’œil, intended to fool the beholder until he realizes that his eyes have been deceived and he has to acknowledge the painter’s skill. This easily applies to the Gotha painting. As mentioned above, the life-size fly seems to sit on the panel, and the painter may have subtly underlined this idea by lighting the insect from the right, which casts its little shadow in the opposite direction of the shadow of the sitter on the inside of the pictorial space. As a crawling crustacean, a woodlouse, however, does not make any sense in this respect as it cannot fly onto and off the painting. It is remarkable and even logical in this respect that the painter of the Madrid panel did not conceive the animal as sitting on the painted surface but rather on the panelled wall inside the picture. The shadow cast by Philip’s head seems to fall upon the woodlouse which is lit, just like the sitter himself, from the right. Two possible explanations for this difference come to mind: either the painter of the Madrid panel did not understand the ‘art-theoretical’ reference of the painted fly and exchanged it without much thinking for another small animal, simply as a further variation. In this case he would not have realized that the insect was supposed to sit on the surface of the picture. Or, as a much more sophisticated possibility, he was well aware of the significance of the fly but tried a playful variation with a crawling animal which he would have placed logically inside the pictorial space – this would amount to a conscious, ironic commentary on the worn topos of the painted fly! In both cases, the two extant likenesses of the Duke could have been produced in the same workshop. If the first assumption was correct, the motif of the painted fly must have been taken over from the model that was used, i.e. an older portrait of Philip. In the second case, both animals could have been newly introduced as clever variations. In any case, the woodlouse probably was not as misplaced as it might appear to a modern viewer. In folklore belief of the late Middle Ages, a woodlouse was not so much a disgusting creature but was associated with healing powers, a means against fever, spasms and other maladies if consumed from time to time.18 Thus it would certainly not have mocked the Duke behind whose likeness it appears. Concerning the relationship of the two paintings, the Madrid version with the singular motif of the woodlouse can hardly have been the model for the one in Gotha with the standard painted fly. Given the general similarities in painterly execu- philip the good bare-headed 57 Ill. 3.7. Rogier van der Weyden, Portrait of Antoine, Grand Bâtard de Bourgogne, c. 1460, oil on panel, 38.4 x 28 cm, Brussels, KMSKB/MRBAB, inv. 1449 58 stephan kemperdick Ill. 3.8. Pieter Soutman, Jacob Louys, Philippus Dictus Bonus Dux Burgundiae et Belgarum Princeps Potentissimus et Serenissimus, in Duces Burgundiae, Haarlem, 1643-1644, engraving, 40.5 x 27.4 cm, London, British Museum, inv. 1876,0708.85 tion and the above-mentioned systematic variations, it seems more than likely that both originated in the same context. The youngest heartwood ring present in the oak panel in Gotha can be dated to the year 1480, suggesting a creation of the work around 1500 or shortly afterwards.19 Unfortunately, it has not been possible to apply dendrochronology to the Madrid panel whose integrated frame is completely gilded. Nevertheless, in my eyes there can hardly be any doubt that this portrait also was painted around the beginning of the sixteenth century. The overall shape of the panel with its rounded top and the integrated frame with heavy moulding are a further argument in favour of such a date. While it is true that rounded tops already occur in Rogier van der Weyden’s time, examples in portrait paintings are only found from around 1500 onwards.20 By the bye we might also note a minor difference in Philip’s dress between the two portraits in Madrid and Gotha. In the Madrid panel, the black collar of his robe is a little bit lighter on its inside as if there is a greyish lining, while in Gotha it is black both on the inside and outside. When we look at original portraits by Rogier or from his time, like the above mentioned Grand Bâtard, the Duke himself in Rogier’s miniature, Charles the Bold and others,21 we will find that collars are always black on both sides like in the Gotha painting. Even this tiny detail thus betrays a deviation of the Madrid portrait from works of the middle of the fifteenth century. In contrast to the Madrid portrait, the Gotha likeness of Philip – or an extremely similar version – had an afterlife in the iconography of the Duke. Both an engraving published in 1688 by Nicolas de Larmessin in Paris and another one by Pieter Soutman in Haarlem (1643-1644),22 show Philip the Good corresponding to the Gotha painting (ill. 3.8): the strings which tie his robe at the neck are of a lighter colour (red in the painting) than the string for the golden cross which is black. While the De Larmessin print is more generalized, the engraving of 1643-1644 seems to be a very minute reproduction – except for the background – of a painting that must have looked exactly like the Gotha portrait. Inverted, due to the printing process, it repeats all the details of Philip’s face, including the vein on his temple or the wart below his jawbone, and also of his dress down to the folds in his shirt. Even more revealing might be that the individual shapes of the flint stones of his collar (which are more uniform in the Madrid version) are also reproduced. While the first stone to the left of the pendant in the painting is a flat one, its counterpart on the right is wider and marked by a kind of diagonal crack – they are faithfully, only in mirror-image, reproduced in the print. Accordingly, the model for this engraving must have been the Gotha panel or an almost identical version of it – but this was definitely not the painting in philip the good bare-headed Madrid. It might well be that the panel which is first recorded in the possession of Duke August von Sachsen-Gotha-Altenburg (1772-1822) had already been in a well-known collection in the seventeenth century where it was studied and copied as an authentic likeness of the grand Duke of Burgundy. NOTES 1 On the different types, see recently: De Zutter 2014. 2 It was acquired in the time of Duke August von SachsenGotha-Altenburg (1772-1822); Collection Frankhauser, Basel in 1954; afterwards in the Collection G. Fodor, Paris. 3 In 2008 it was acquired by the Ernst von Siemens Kunststiftung, Munich, at an auction at Christie’s, Paris, and given as permanent loan to the Schlossmuseum Gotha (inv. SG 1423). 4 Jochen Sander in Frankfurt/Berlin 2008, nr. 43. Vandenbroeck 1985, pp. 164-166. 5 Châtelet 1999b, pp. 215-216; Lorne Campbell in Louvain 2009, pp. 294-296, nr. 14; García-Frías Checa 2012. After the 2014 Bruges Symposium, the panel was again discussed by Lorne Campbell in Madrid 2015, pp. 122-127, nr. 1. 6 See: García-Frías Checa 2012, p. 172, fig. III.13.3. 7 Lorne Campbell in Louvain 2009, p. 294; García-Frías Checa 2012, p. 175. 8 Bruges 1902, nr. 108; Winkler 1913, pp. 120, 171f. 9 Friedländer 1924-1937, vol. 2, p. 39, nr. 125a; Panofsky 1953, pp. 294, 479; De Vos 1999, nr. B13; he dates it to the sixteenth century. 10 Lorne Campbell in Louvain 2009, pp. 294-296, nr. 14; GarcíaFrías Checa 2012; Lorne Campbell in Madrid 2015, pp. 122-127. 11 Like e.g. the small chain and hanger of the Golden Fleece in the portrait of Charles the Bold (Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie), or the golden vessels and belts in his Columba Altarpiece (Munich); Frankfurt/Berlin 2008, nr. 42; De Vos 1999, nr. 21. De Zutter (2014, pp. 32-35) has already remarked that the collar in the two versions discussed here differs considerably from its representation in other works attributed to Rogier. However, she is trying a makeshift explana- 59 tion as she follows the catalogue of the Louvain exhibition (2009) with regard to the attribution of the Madrid panel. 12 García-Frías Checa 2012, p. 175; Lorne Campbell in Madrid 2015, p. 126. 13 It is called ‘fairly well preserved’ in recent literature, but that description hardly corresponds to what shows up in the original as well as in the large reproduction: García-Frías Checa 2012, p. 166, fig. III.13.1. 14 See e.g. the different versions in: Henderiks 2011, esp. figs. 226, 227, 233, 234, 238, 239. 15 However, according to other likenesses of the Duke, including his miniature portrait on the dedication page of the Chroniques de Hainaut (Brussels, KBR, ms. 9242, fol. 1), probably painted around 1447 by Rogier van der Weyden himself, the heavy cross at his neck seems to have been fixed to the strings of his robe instead of hanging from an extra string. Thus this little detail might be a later variation, not based on the actual attire of the Duke. For the miniature, see: De Vos 1999, nr. 16; Louvain 2009, pp. 280-282, nr. 9. 16 E.g. Madrid/Bruges/New York 2005, p. 163; Kemp 2003. 17 New York 1994, pp. 92-95, nr. 5; Madrid/Bruges/New York 2005, p. 163, nr. 13; Dunkerton, Foister, Gordon, Penny 1991, pp. 300301, nr. 34. 18 Handwörterbuch 1927, cols. 626-628. 19 Report by Peter Klein of June 4, 2010 to the Gotha Museum; the panel has a total of 352 annual rings. 20 This argument has already been put forward by De Vos (1999, p. 372), but was rejected subsequently by Campbell (in Louvain 2009, p. 294), with reference to Rogier’s Medici Madonna (Frankfurt, Städel Museum), with a rounded top (Louvain 2009, nr. 59). For portrait panels of this shape and with integrated frames similar to the one in Madrid and Gotha, see e.g.: Washington/Antwerp 2006, pp. 206-209, nr. 30 (Netherlandish, c. 1500-1510); Brussels, KMSKB/MRBAB, inv. 2797, Southern Netherlands, Portrait of a Man, c. 1520; Brussels, KMSKB/ MRBAB, inv. 3607 (Netherlandish, Portrait of Philip of Cleves, Seigneur de Ravenstein, c. 1500); Brussels, KMSKB/MRBAB, inv. 2596 (Antwerp, Portrait of the Wife of Willem de Meulenaere, c. 1500). See: Catalogue-Brussels 1984, pp. 377, 390-391. 21 For the miniature see above, note 15; for Charles: Frankfurt/ Berlin 2008, nr. 42. 22 For De Larmessin, see: Dhanens 1980, p. 139 (as copy after Jan van Eyck); Jacob Louys, Pieter Soutman (ed.), Philippus Dictus Bonus Dux Burgundiae et Belgarum Princeps Potentissimus et Serenissimus, in Duces Burgundiae, London, British Museum, inv. nr. 1876,0708.85. Bibliography ABRAHAM 1912 Erich Abraham, Nürnberger Malerei der zweiten Hälfte des 15. 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BERGMANS 1971 Simone Bergmans, Le triptyque de 1534 de l’église Saint-Nicolas de Furnes attribué ici à Jan van Amstel, in Bulletin van de Koninklijke Musea voor Schone Kunsten van België, 20, 1971, pp. 39-54. 352 BERGSTRÖM 1956 Ingvar Bergström, Dutch Still-life Painting in the Seventeenth Century, London, [1956]. BERMEJO MARTÍNEZ 1982 Elisa Bermejo Martínez, La pintura de los primitivos flamencos en España, 2 vols., Madrid, 1982. BERMEJO MARTÍNEZ 1996 Elisa Bermejo Martínez, Mestre de la Santa Sang, Mare de Déu de la Soledat o els Set Dolors de la mare de Déu, in Catàleg d’escultura i pintura dels segles XVI, XVII i XVIII. Època de Renaixement i el barroc (Fons del Museu Frederic Marès, 3), Barcelona, 1996, pp. 285-289. BLASCHKE 1978 Rainer Blaschke, Die Meister der Flügelmalereien der Lüneburger Goldenen Tafel, in Niederdeutsche Beiträge zur Kunstgeschichte, 17, 1978, pp. 61-86. 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BORN 1995 Annick Born, Le style et le rôle du dessin sous-jacent dans la genèse du Triptyque de Marie-Madeleine attribué au Maître de 1518, in Hélène Verougstraete-Marcq and Roger Van Schoute (eds.), Le Dessin sousjacent dans la peinture. Colloque X. Le dessin sous-jacent dans le processus de création, Louvain-la-Neuve, 1995, pp. 121-131. BRUGES 2004 Roger Van Schoute, Hélène Verougstraete and Till-Holger Borchert (eds.), Fake or not Fake. Het verhaal van de restauratie van de Vlaamse Primitieven/Restaurateurs ou faussaires des Primitifs flamands, exh. cat., Bruges (Groningemuseum), 2004. BORN 2002 Annick Born, Le Maître de 1518 alias Jan Mertens van Dornicke (?), auteur des volets peints et des sculptures du Retable de la vie de la Vierge de Lübeck?, in Sophie Guillot de Suduiraut (ed.), Retables brabançons des BRUGES 2010 Till-Holger Borchert (ed.), Van Eyck to Dürer. 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