ENCYCLOPEDIA OF
ANCIENT GREEK LANGUAGE
AND LINGUISTICS
Volume 2
G–O
General Editor
Georgios K. Giannakis
Associate Editors
Vit Bubenik
Emilio Crespo
Chris Golston
Alexandra Lianeri
Silvia Luraghi
Stephanos Matthaios
LEIDEN t BOSTON
2014
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Table of Contents
Volume One
Introduction ....................................................................................................................................................
List of Contributors .......................................................................................................................................
Table of Contents Ordered by Thematic Category ...............................................................................
Transcription, Abbreviations, Bibliography ...........................................................................................
List of Illustrations .........................................................................................................................................
Articles A–F .....................................................................................................................................................
vii
xi
xv
xxi
xxiii
1
Volume Two
Transcription, Abbreviations, Bibliography ...........................................................................................
Articles G–O ....................................................................................................................................................
vii
1
Volume Three
Transcription, Abbreviations, Bibliography ...........................................................................................
Articles P–Z ......................................................................................................................................................
Index ..................................................................................................................................................................
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vii
1
547
linguistic variation in classical attic
Internazionale di Dialettologia greca, ed. by A. C. Cassio,
AION(filol) 19:73–107.
――. 2002. “La lengua de Hyperides y Menandro”, Habis
33:73–94.
Löschhorn, Bernhard. 2007. “Weniger Bekanntes aus Attika.”
In: Hajnal 2007:265–353.
Penney, J. H. W., ed. 2004. Indo-European perspectives. Studies in honour of Anna Morpurgo Davies. Oxford.
Pfister, Friedrich. 1914. “Vulgärgriechisch in der ps.xenophontischen Athēnaíōn Politeía”, Philologus 73:558–562.
Probert, Philomen. “Accentuation in Old Attic, Later Attic
and Attic.” In: Penney 2004:277–291.
Risch, Ernst. 1964. “Das Attische im Rahmen der griechischen Dialekte”, MH 21:1–14.
Schironi, Francesca. “Technical Languages: Science and
Medicine.” In: Bakker 2010:339–353.
Schulze, Wilhelm. 1896. Rev. of P. Kretschmer, Die griechischen Vaseninschriften ihrer Sprache nach untersucht,
Gütersloh 1894, Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeiger, 228–256
(repr. Kleine Schriften, 692–717. Göttingen).
Schwyzer, Eduard. 1940. “Syntaktische Archaismen des
Attischen”, Abhandlungen Preussischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften, 3–16 (repr. Kleine Schriften, 443–456.
Innsbruck 1983).
――. 1968. Griechische Grammatik. Munich.
Teodorsson, Sven-Tage. 1974. The phonemic system of
the Attic dialect 400–340 B.C. (Studia Graeca et latina
Gothoburgensia XXXII). Lund.
――. 1979. “Phonological variation in Classical Attic and the
development of the Koiné”, Glotta 57:61–75.
――. 2007. “Diglossie in griechischen Dialekten.” In: Hajnal
2007:463–478.
Threatte, Leslie. 1980. The grammar of Attic inscriptions. I:
Phonology. Berlin – New York.
――. 1996. The grammar of Attic inscriptions. II: Morphology. Berlin – New-York.
Wachter, Rudolf. “chaîre kaì píei eû.” In: Penney 2004:300–
323.
――. 2007. “Attische Vaseninschriften. Was ist von einer
sinnvollen und realistischen Sammlung und Auswertung
zu erwarten? (AVI 1).” In: Hajnal 2007:479–498.
Willi, Andreas. 2010. “Register variation.” In: Bakker
2010:297–310.
――. 2003. The languages of Aristophanes. Aspects of linguistic variation in Classical Attic Greek. Oxford.
Paolo Poccetti
Literary Prose
The phrase literary prose refers to Ancient Greek
texts that, written in prose, have a literary purpose. The ancient Greeks’ concern for the formal, stylistic or artistic aspects of their prose
leads them to including in this definition some
genres that, in modern languages, would be out
of the literary sphere, such as history, philosophy
or scientific prose. This entry pays attention to
the literary use of the Ancient Greek language
(dialectal and grammatical elements as well as,
collaterally, style and vocabulary) in Classical
371
literary prose, from its origin in the Ionic area
of Asia Minor during the second half of the 6th
c. BCE, to its development and peak in Athens,
in the 5th and 4th c. BCE. For the subsequent
development, see → Hellenistic Literary Prose
and → Late Antiquity Prose.
The earliest Greek literature was composed
in verse: metrical rhythms and other stylistic
devices related to this poetry correspond to a
predominantly oral culture that, besides, interprets the world from its own myths and beliefs.
The origin of prose reflects an innovative change
of mentality: for the Greeks, the use of ordinary
language becomes a suitable tool to express the
scientific, philosophical, ethnographic or historiographical thought, in a rational and abstract
way which differs from the mythical and religious explanations. Ancient Greeks, like all other
peoples, presumably narrated stories in prose,
such as fables and tales that were orally spread
(there are, for instance, remnants of this in the
collection of fables that Demetrius of Phalerum
(ca. 350–280 BCE) composed in the 3rd c. BCE).
In addition, from the 7th c. BCE onwards, a
number of laws, public records, lists of different subjects, private letters, graffiti, etc., were
also written in prose. Among these kinds of
documents with a mainly practical functionality (in some cases, with remarkable devices of
style and vocabulary), we still have the testimony of inscriptions. It is commonly agreed
that there was a → Doric scientific prose, which
was employed by the Pythagorean School in the
Italian Magna Graecia, but none of these works
has been preserved for us (the earliest extant
Doric prose writings belong to the mathematician Archimedes of Syracuse, ca. 287–212 BCE).
Therefore, to us, Ancient Greek literary prose
begins on the eastern coast of the Aegean sea,
primarily in the city of Miletus, during the 6th
c. BCE: for the first time ever, not only philosophers and thinkers like Pherecydes of Syros (6th
c. BCE), Thales (ca. 630–545 BCE), Anaximander
(ca. 610–546 BCE) or Anaximenes of Miletus (ca.
585–524 BCE), and Heraclitus of Ephesus (ca.
535–484 BCE), but also geographers and logographers, such as Hecataeus of Miletus (ca. 550–476
BCE) use the → Ionic dialect in order to write
their works. This very first prose has come down
to us in a fragmentary form, through indirect
testimonies that may have altered the original
language. According to Meillet (1975:229), only
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literary prose
languages belonging to civilizations that have
reached a high level of intellectual culture have
prose writings. In fact, in the 6th c. BCE, the Ionic
strip of Asia Minor and the adjacent islands had
become a very important region, not only from a
commercial and economic point of view but also
from a cultural one. To this fact we may add that,
despite the dialectal differences mentioned by
Herodotus (1.142) – even though epigraphy does
not allow us to confirm them –, the Ionian cities
had assumed a kind of eastern Ionic as an official
language that was common to the twelve cities
that made up the Dodecapolis (→ Ionic). Of all
these cities, Miletus was the most innovative
center of science and philosophy. Thus, in the
absence of previous models, this initial literary
Ionic prose became a reference point for subsequent prose writings and such a form of eastern
Ionic dialect – the first attempt to find a common language within the Greek world (→ Koine,
Origins of ) – became the most characteristic
dialect of prose until the final triumph of Attic
prose in the 5th and 4th c. BCE. Yet the prestige
of literary Ionic was so remarkable that it always
remained linked to historiographical and scientific prose: in the late 5th c. BCE, and following
the model of Herodotus of Halicarnassus, historians from different origins, such as Antiochus of
Syracuse (who intended to write the history of
western Greeks) or Hellanicus of Lesbos, wrote
in a standard literary Ionic; even later, in the 2nd
c. CE, Arrian of Nicomedia still used an artificial
Ionic in his Indikḗ or On India. The medical treatises of the Corpus Hippocraticum – ascribed to
Hippocrates (ca. 460–370 BCE) and his school
of Cos, an island inhabited by Dorians in front
of the coast of Asia Minor – are written in literary Ionic, especially the earliest, from the late
5th c. BCE.
Ancient prose was meant to be heard, so it
presented characteristic devices of oral communication, such as recurrence or repetition phenomena, which helped the audience memorize
and follow the plot; besides, many of the earliest
prose writers tended to include poetic elements
in their works (especially from Homer), and this
is why, in Antiquity, they perceived a sort of
dependency relationship between them: as illustrated by Strabo’s famous passage (1.2.6), prose
emerged as a ‘pedestrian’ imitation of poetry, just
leaving the meters behind but maintaining all
poetic devices. However, it is not possible to give
a simplistic and univocal explanation: despite
the fragmentary preservation of this early prose,
the influence of poetry is not homogeneous and
there are at least some differences between philosophers and logographers. Thus, Pherecydes
of Syros (his Theology is considered the oldest
prose work we know), Heraclitus or Anaxagoras
of Clazomenae (ca. 500–428 BCE) employ some
devices, like alliteration and repetition (Pherecyd. Syr. 1; Heracl. D-K B 53; Anaxag. D-K B
12), lexical reminiscences or even hexametric
rhythm (Pherecyd. Syr. D-K 7 B 1; Heracl. D-K B
61), displaying great influence from poetry. The
logographers, on the other hand, use very simple
prose without artifices, and employ a vocabulary
that is closer to everyday speech than to the epic
artistic language, showing stylistic features of
chronicles or inventories. The extant fragments
of the logographers’ genealogies and geographical descriptions present a paratactic style, quasiasyndetic in the sense that their members are
joined together not by the copulative conjunction (→ Conjunctions (Non-Subordinating)) kaí
‘and’, but by → particles, and especially the particle dé (Hecat. FgrH I F 48, F 80; Pherecyd. Ath.
FgrH I F 2). The Milesian philosophers have a
recurrent style, similar to that of gnômai (maxims; → Gnomes), with parallelisms and antitheses (Heracl. D-K B 104; Democr. D-K B 256).
Therefore, we should not think that, in general
terms, prose derived from poetry. There is an
unquestionable influence from poetry – from
Homeric epic, in particular – throughout the
later literature, but it is also true that there are
some linguistic structures and stylistic devices
that are used in both verse and prose, both being
literary vehicles.
The first extensive work written in Greek –
also the first extensive prose writing that has
come down to us – is Herodotus’ historiographical work. Herodotus (ca. 484–425 BCE) was considered to be the last logographer (Thucydides
(1.21) used this term when referring to his predecessors, “less interested in telling the truth than
in catching the attention of the public”), as well
as the father of historiography (Cic. Leg. I 1.5). In
his Histories, he relates the wars between Greeks
and Persians at the beginning of the 5th c. BCE
and, laying the foundations for the universal history that will later be developed by Polybius (ca.
200–118 BCE), he describes the history, geography and ethnography of the peoples who came
into contact with the Persians and took part
in the confrontation between East and West,
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literary prose
between Greeks and barbarians. Furthermore,
he does so with a clear literary purpose. Herodotus was born in Halicarnassus, a city of the
Carian coast of Asia Minor governed by a Persian
satrap and with a remarkable mixture of ethnic,
linguistic and cultural elements (Dorian, Carian,
Ionian) (→ Greek and Carian). He traveled along
the known world and lived in Athens, which,
after the victory over the Persian Empire, had
become the center of culture and power in the
Hellenic world. There, in 446–445 BCE, Herodotus read some of his passages in public (Euseb.
Chron.: Ol. 83,3), written in the Ionic dialect.
However, this Ionic was a literary and heterogeneous dialect, which did not correspond to
any vernacular dialect and has been always
considered as homērikṓtatos ‘the most Homeric’
(Long. Subl. 13.3). In fact, together with Ionicisms
(archaic and recent) and Atticisms, there are
also epicisms. The basis of Herodotus’ language
is the eastern Ionic dialect, but it displays some
features that are specifically characteristic of
the literary language, like the reflexive pronoun
heōutón (‘himself ’; vs. Attic heautón), very little
documented in inscriptions, or the use of interrogative, indefinite and relative pronouns with
k- (kôs ‘how’, kóte ‘when’, hókōs ‘in such manner
as’): the treatment with k- of the original → labiovelar *kʷ- before an o-vowel, instead of the most
extended form with p- (pôs, póte, hópōs), is
documented in authors of the early prose, like
Heraclitus, but also in the poets Anacreon, Hipponax, Mimnermus or Semonides, all of them
from Ionian cities, and some later authors of
scientific and technical writings. We may think
of an eastern Ionic element that was consciously
maintained as a characteristic feature of an Ionic
literary language. At the same time, the influence of Homeric epic is manifest through reminiscences of phraseology (Hdt. 1.27.3; 3.14.10),
catalogues (Hdt. 6.8; 8.1), iterative imperfects
in -skon (ékheske ‘he had’), some datives in -essi
(Hdt. 7.148,15), formations like poliḗtēs instead of
polítēs ‘citizen’, or several words like ameíbeto ‘he
answered’, amphípolos ‘handmaid’, eûte ‘when’,
etc. However, it is generally admitted that, in
the transmission process, Hellenistic copyists
and editors modified the original text in order
to make it, depending on the instance, more
Ionic, more poetic or more Attic, in such a way
that it is sometimes difficult to distinguish the
original form. For example, eastern Ionic was a
psilotic (→ Psilosis) dialect, that is, it had no ini-
373
tial aspiration; yet, in Herodotus the Attic script
with aspirate appears as generalized, something
that is normally explained as editorial intervention, since psilotic forms are maintained in the
compound verbs (apiknéetai vs. Att. aphikneîtai
‘he comes to’, apeílonto vs. Att. apheílonto ‘they
took away from’); nevertheless, there are some
exceptions, such as the Attic aphés (and not
Ion. apés) and méthes (instead of Ion. métes)
for the imp. aor. act. 2sg. of aphíēmi ‘send forth’
and methíēmi ‘let go’. Given that eastern Ionic
did not contract the group [eo] and taking into
account the frequent forms of the Homeric language with no → contraction, it could be possible that, both in Herodotus and in Ionic prose,
uncontracted forms extended to other contexts
like, for instance, verbal endings in -ee, -éesthai,
-éein, when contractions of homophone vowels
had already taken place in all Greek dialects long
before Herodotus’ time: so, Herodotean forms
like ekálee ‘he called’ (Hdt. 2.162.12) or kaléetai
‘he is called’ (Hdt. 1.93.18) are not documented
either in Homer or in Ionian inscriptions. The
use of uncontracted forms, at last, gives an
archaic and Homeric air to his prose, but it is
difficult to determine if the archaizing choice
should be ascribed to the editors or to Herodotus
himself. In the same way, we find other forms
like oúnoma ‘name’ or heíneka ‘on account of ’,
which, in Homer, display an initial long vowel –
with metrical lengthening – in order to fit in the
dactylic hexameter: these forms did not exist in
everyday Ionic but, conversely, are documented
in Herodotus, together with the verb onomázō
‘call by name’, with initial short vowel. On the
other hand, there is also remarkable influence
from Attic in the lexicon (apologéomai ‘speak
in defense’, ep’ autophṓrōi ‘manifestly’, from
the language of oratory, and drámēma ‘course’
from the language of tragedy) and in some specific forms (like the verb noséō ‘to be sick’, that
appears together with the Ionian noun noûsos
‘illness’), announcing the arrival of Attic as a
literary dialect, as well as the later formation of
the Koine. Already Aristotle (Rh. 3.9, 1409a 27)
defines the style of Herodotus as léxis eiroménē
(‘beads along a string’), that is, a paratactic
style mostly characterized by the use of recurrence: verbal predicates are repeated in simple
phrases that are linked through juxtaposition or
coordination through dé or kaí ‘and’ (Hdt. 3.1.1)
(→ Coordination (includes Asyndeton)); the verb
of a clause is repeated as an → aorist participle
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literary prose
at the beginning of the subsequent one (Hdt.
9.106) evidencing that, even if → subordination
is certainly used (Hdt. 1.1), it is still not completely handled; after interrupting the narration,
the thread is picked up through repetition of
words (Hdt. 1.8). Together with the mechanism
of recurrence, there is the creative device of
Ringkomposition in the sense of narration in ring
form with repetition of the initial elements after
an excursus (Hdt. 3.601 and 3.60.4), which can be
found in Attic prose as well (e.g. Ath. pol. 1.1; Th.
1.13.1 and 1.15.1; Antiph. 1.9–10).
The subjects and topics of prose writings imply
the formation of new words to express abstract
and technical notions, something that emerges
from the common vocabulary. Thus, in Herodotus’ Ionic prose, but mainly in philosophical and
medical writings, there are many ordinary terms
that extend their meanings to more specialized
significances (for Anaximander and the Pythagorean school, e.g., kósmos ‘order, ornament’ is also
‘universe’; → Lexical Change), neuter → adjectives are nominalized with articles in order to
express general or abstract concepts (adj. ápeiros
‘boundless’ / tò ápeiron ‘the infinite’, is intended
as ‘first principle’ in Anaximander) and derivation is highly developed through suffixes applied
to nouns or → verbs: -súnē (‘capacity of ’), -íē (corresponding to Att. -ía, to create feminine abstract
nouns), -sis (‘action of ’), -ma (‘result of ’), -tēs
(agent noun, substituting the ancient -tēr), -tēt(‘quality of ’), -ikos / -tikos (adj., ‘relative to’), -ázō,
-ízō (denominative verbs; → Denominal Verbs).
In addition, we may include the productive use
of prefixes (particularly prepositions forming
more precise compound verbs; → Adpositions
(Prepositions)) as well as nominal composition
(for example, according to Diogenes Laertios
1.12, Pythagoras was the first to use the term
philósophos ‘lover of wisdom’ when referring to
himself), so frequent in the technical vocabulary of medicine. This is how Attic prose finds
in earlier and contemporary Ionic mechanisms
of word formation (→ Word Formation (Derivation, Compounding): these belong to a flexible
and versatile language giving way to a new stage
in ancient Greek literary prose, the artistic prose
(→ Greek Lexicon, Structure and Origin of).
At the beginning of the 5th c. BCE, Athens was
a rural, isolated town, which had maintained the
local language, → Attic, as an archaizing and conservative dialect. Ionia, on the other hand, was a
multicultural region, where different languages
concurred; as a result, eastern Ionic eliminated
some archaisms and achieved a faster development. In the mid 5th c. BCE Athens became
the economic, political and cultural center of
the Hellenic world, favoring its own dialect to
genres that, till then, had been written in Ionic,
such as philosophy and history, and promoting
the development of a new genre, intrinsic to the
Athenian democracy, namely oratory. One of the
first prose documents written in Attic is a short
work entitled Athenaíōn politeía (Constitution
of the Athenians), whose author, an old anonymous Athenian oligarch, described at that time
(ca. 420 BCE?) a less isolated Athens: thanks
to their command of sea, the Athenians were
related to other countries; so, by hearing every
dialect, they have adopted something from one
and something from the other (Ath. pol. 2.8). It
is possible that, given the hegemonic situation
after the foundation of the Delian-Attic League
in 478 BCE, the Athenians tried to internationalize their language, by bringing it closer to
other dialects, like Ionic. In fact, in the literary
sphere, the first works written in Attic do not
show a pure Attic, but a confluence of Ionic and
Attic traits. It is important to remember that
the only model for Attic literary prose was the
Ionic one. The prestige of the Ionic dialect as
a literary language (not only in prose, but also
in verse) is so remarkable that the upcoming
Attic prose avoids excessive local or provincial
elements, consciously assuming Ionic features
that give it a literary and international status.
From this early stage of Attic prose we know
the works of two orators, Antiphon of Rhamnus
(ca. 480–411 BCE), the oldest Attic orator we
know (not to be confused with his contemporary Antiphon, the Sophist), and Andocides of
Athens (ca. 440–390 BCE), the last exponent
of the 5th c. deliberative oratory; and we have, of
course, the work of the historian Thucydides of
Athens (ca. 455–398 BCE).
Curiously, in the formation of Attic prose, the
role of masters and intellectuals who came to
Athens from other areas of Greece (Herodotus,
for instance, has been already mentioned) is
essential. In particular, the rhetor and sophist Gorgias (ca. 485–380 BCE), who arrived to
Athens in 427 BCE as ambassador of Leontini (an
Ionian city of Sicily), who was a disciple of Corax,
traditionally considered inventor of oratory, and
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literary prose
Tisias of Syracuse, who probably wrote a missing
rhetoric treatise (Tékhnē) in Doric. Gorgias was
the first presumably Ionic-speaker who wrote
in Attic, being aware that his audience and the
audience of his disciples spoke this dialect. Both
through his own works (there are only a few
fragments apart from his models for epideictic
speeches, Encomium of Helen and Palamedes)
and through his teachings, Gorgias is considered responsible for having introduced in prose
some resources that, till then, were reserved
for poetry (metaphor, allegory, hypallage, anadiplosis, anaphora, alliteration, etc.), as well as
a number of rhetorical devices, such as antithesis, homoeoteleuton (successive clauses ending
with the same sounds, as in a rhyme) and parisosis (exact or approximate equality in the number
of syllables in parallel clauses or phrases); in
addition, he tries to give rhythm to his periods
by using dactylic or trochaic kôla ‘members’ (in
Gorg. B 6, for example). Actually, many of these
devices (called schemata Gorgieia) had already
been used in earlier and contemporary Ionic
prose (Heraclitus, Democritus, Herodotus), but
Gorgias systemized and brilliantly developed
them, even if they seemed to be the trend in
Athens before he arrived there. An excessive use
of these devices made ancient people consider
his prose cold and artificial. Other foreign sophists who also wrote and taught in Athens were
Protagoras, of the Ionic colony Abdera on the
Thracian coast (ca. 490–420 BCE) and Thrasymachus of Chalcedon, a Megarian colony on
the Bosporus (ca. 459–400 BCE). The latter is
believed to have invented the periodic structure
and the middle style (fluid diction, clear expression, thought expressed as a rounded unit). He
frequently applied metrical clauses with paeonic
rhythm at the beginning (–⏑⏑⏑) and the end
(⏑⏑⏑–) of the periods. All of these authors were
influential with regard to the style, the vocabulary and the organization of speech. However,
the influence of rhetoric ‒ especially for its relevance in the training of educated young people –
is not limited to forensic or political oratory;
it also permeated other literary genres, such
as historiography (Thucydides), poetry, tragedy
(Euripides; → Tragedy, Diction of) and comedy
(Aristophanes; → Comedy, Diction of).
As already mentioned, in all these early manifestations of Attic prose there is a tendency
to avoid extremely local features. Instead, and
375
given that these works are addressed to the
whole Greek world, they start to favor Ionic
elements, since they are considered more international and more literary: contrary to the -ttAttic treatment for the groups *-tw-, *-ky-, *-khy-,
*-t-y-, *-th-y-, they use forms with -ss-, typical of
Ionic and almost every other dialect (thálassa
‘sea’ vs. Att. thálatta); the group -rs- (tharseîn
‘to be of good courage’) is maintained, as in
Ionic and other dialects, whereas Attic inscriptions document the evolution towards -rr- by
progressive → assimilation; ephelcystic -n is used
even before words without an initial vowel. On
other occasions, however, they maintain some
typical Attic features, such as the comparative
meízōn ‘bigger’, kreíttōn ‘stronger’ with first long
vowel (cf. Ion. mézōn, kréssōn), the contraction
[eo] > [oː] (gen. génous ‘race’) instead of the
Ionic forms, the archaic form of the preposition
xún ‘with’ (whereas other dialects have sún),
the alternating declension of certain nouns,
like pólis ‘city’ (pólis, póleōs, alternating the predesinential vowel-grade) or the presence of [aː]
after e-, i-, r- (the so-called → Attic Reversion),
where the Ionic dialect has [εː]. This situation
generates mixed forms like prássō ‘to achieve’,
for example, which has the Attic [aː] (práttō),
but also the Ionic group -ss- (prḗssō). In the
morpho-syntactic sphere, they also started to
use some Ionic innovations, such as the first
person plural of the verb oîda ‘know’ oídamen,
instead of the old zero-grade form ísmen; thematic forms of verbs in -mi (apollúousin ‘they
kill’ of apóllumi); the conditional conjunction
eán ‘if ’ that is documented in Attic inscriptions
also appears with the contracted form ḗn, so
frequent in Ionic. Besides, → dual number forms
are restrained, whereas periphrastic constructions are employed in lieu of the simple verb
(naumakhían poieîsthai / naumakheîn ‘to fight
by sea’). However, the language of this early
Attic prose is not uniform: not only are there
differences from author to author, but also in
the same author, what can hardly be explained
as a diachronic process. Thus, concerning Antiphon’s oratory, the speeches that were actually
performed before the court (we have Against
the stepmother, On the murder of Herodes and On
the chorus boy) present a more Attic prose, simple
and close to the Athenian audience, whereas the
Tetralogies, which are mere rhetorical exercises
not intended to be delivered in court, show a
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literary prose
more elaborate and ‘Ionicizing’ prose style. For
example, in the case of the verb apologeîsthai ‘to
speak in defense’, he uses the Ionic form of the
aorist in the Tetralogies, with the passive morpheme -thēn (apologēthênai ‘to have defended
oneself-inf.’, Antiph. 2.4.3); in forensic speeches,
on the contrary, he uses the Attic form of the
middle voice (apologḗsasthai, Antiph. 6.8.4).
Another illustrative example is offered by the
use of -ss- and -tt-: even if there is always a
prevailing form, both are documented in every
author. Once again, to understand this situation
it is important to take into account the weight of
Ionic literary prose. Thus the Old Oligarch who
wrote the Constitution of the Athenians follows
the Attic norm -tt-, but uses -ss- on three occasions, two of them in the word thalassokrátōr
‘master of the sea’ (Ath. pol. 2.2; 2.14): this is
probably due to the fact that this form was documented in Ionian literature (Hdt. 5.83), and it did
not exist in the non-literary Attic of the time.
In the case of Thucydides, the situation is the
opposite: he always avoids the Attic -tt-, in favor
of -ss-, except for the indefinite átta ‘something’
(Thuc. 1.113.1; 2.100.3), probably because the Ionic
form ássa was not attested in the precedent
literature (except for Hom., Od. 19.218). We may
explain in a similar way the alternation between
-ss- and -tt- in the work of other early authors. In
fact, this prose reveals a sort of tension between
a more conservative Attic (similar to the language of the inscriptions) and an innovative
and elevated Attic, Ionicized style, which will
become the official language in the 4th c. BCE
and will be spoken even outside Attica (the socalled Great Attic or Grossattisch, a term coined
by A. Thumb in 1901). Finally, this type of Attic
will be the immediate antecedent of the Koine.
Thucydides claimed that he addressed the
History of the Peloponnesian War to educated
people, recognizing that the lack of mythical
elements in his narration might not be very
appealing for a public lecture: his work was
composed “as a possession for all time rather
than a competition piece to be heard for the
moment” (Thuc. 1.22.4). This initial approach
establishes, together with other factors, a significant difference between his historiography
and the former, particularly Herodotus’ work.
Even if, since Antiquity, the prose of Thucydides has been described as archaizing (a fact
that has been linked to the twenty years of his
exile from Athens), the truth is that many of
his linguistic elements match with the Koine
(e.g. final-consecutive infinitive with the article
in the genitive, hesitation between active and
middle voice, decrease in the use of superlatives
instead of comparatives, etc.). Thucydides’ style
is quite complex, free with regard to syntactic distribution, parenthesis, anacoluthon and a
tendency towards morphological, syntactic and
lexical variation (metabolḗ). Along with more
complex passages (with subordinate clauses,
multiple participial and infinitival clauses), he
frequently uses a plain style in narrative sections, with short and paratactic clauses connected with kaí or dé (e.g. Thuc. 6.100–102). The
most important things are the ideas, the concepts, presented concisely and brachylogically,
which is manifested in the use of abstracts, such
as verbal nouns in -sis (e.g. dià tês Leukádos tḕn
ou periteíkhisin ‘because of the non circumvallation of Leukas’, 3.95.2), substantivization of neuter adjectives, participles or infinitives with the
article (e.g. tò epithumoûn ‘to desire’ instead of
hē epithumía ‘the desire’, 6.24.2); he also employs
archaic and poetic words that differ from everyday language (such as akraiphnḗs ‘unmixed’
instead of akḗratos, anakōkhḗ ‘truce’ instead of
spondaí), word choices that coincide with legal
or Hippocratic vocabulary, constructio ad sensum, preverbs and suffixes to achieve accuracy
and conceptual rigor. All these devices create
many hápax legómena. In this way Thucydides’
debt to the orator Antiphon is also highlighted
through the use of abstract vocabulary, compounds and original expressions, together with
a poetic and archaic vocabulary. The historian is
certainly aware of contemporary rhetoric. In fact,
he includes in his account speeches that were
pronounced on each side, whether at the beginning or during the war: apart from the famous
panegyric of Pericles (Epitaph, Thuc. 2.35–46)
and two other forensic speeches (by the Plataeans and the Thebans to the Spartans, Thuc. 3.53–
67), the great majority are deliberative speeches
(such as the one delivered by Hermocrates to
the Syracusans, cf. 6.3–34). Although in keeping
with the trend of his period, using parallelisms,
symmetry, antithesis and rhetorical figures (cf.
3.82.4), Thucydides does not imitate Gorgias: he
likes variety, practical maxims (or gnômai) and
long periods (still within the léxis eiroménē or
paratactic style: 3.88.2; 6.100.2–3); he masks antithetic parallelisms under their linguistic form
(4.14.3), whereas for him the antithesis is just a
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literary prose
way to attain conceptual clearness and not an
end in itself. Thus, Thucydides, Antiphon (in his
forensic speeches) and Andocides (in his deliberative speeches with a natural and spontaneous
style) represent the improvement of the Gorgian
style, giving way to the prime of Attic prose,
which will be developed along the 4th c. BCE.
After the Peloponnesian War (404 BCE), the
so-called Great Attic became the vehicle for
international communication, being established
as the official language for business and administration among the middle and upper classes.
This Attic tends to converge with Ionic, avoiding
the most peculiar Attic features in favor of Ionicisms. Gradually, at the end of this century Great
Attic will give way to the Koine. Apart from
inscriptions, it is represented in literary prose
by authors like Aeneas Tacticus and the Stagirite Aristotle (384–322 BCE). At the same time,
however, the literary Attic prose of the 4th c.
BCE seems to abandon the features most closely
associated with Ionic, and reaffirms the use of a
‘purer Attic’: it presents dialectal elements that
were avoided before, such as forms with -tt- and
-rr- instead of -ss- and -rs-; the conditional conjunction eán ‘if ’ is more frequent than the contracted ḗn; prose writers – some of them more
inconsistently than others – use the dual number, reflecting the current language of the time.
In this way, it is important to remember again
that the language of prose is not homogeneous,
since some genres or authors (even some works)
tend to show a more elevated style, whereas others use a more colloquial register: as we shall see,
these divergences are illustrated by the different
types of oratory.
Among the genres cultivated in prose, one
of the best transmitted and with the most relevance during the 4th c. BCE is oratory. In Athens, the higher classes used to receive rhetorical
instruction and, even if Plato did not agree with
it, rhetoric permeated every social, political and
intellectual circle of this period. Before being
delivered, speeches are written and then published, giving way to a real literary oratory. Aristotle (Rh. 1358b7–8) sets up the standard classes
of the three well-known oratorical sub-genres:
forensic or ‘dicanic’, in the legal sphere; deliberative or ‘symbouleutic’, in political assemblies;
and demonstrative or ‘epideictic’, for praise or
condemnation, frequently performed in public
ceremonies. The most important exponent of
forensic oratory is the metic Lysias of Athens (ca.
377
458–380 BCE) who, like other logographers (e.g.
Isaeus of Chalcis, who specialized in inheritance
law), used to write his speeches to be delivered
in court by his clients. Apart from some features
that are typical of the forensic genre (rhetorical
formulas and recurrent devices) and regardless
of authenticity problems in certain cases, Lysias
displays a simple and natural style, well adapted
in form and content to the needs of his clients (the ethopoeia or character creation in the
speeches (1. On the murder of Eratosthenes, and
24. For the disabled man) is exemplary). Thus he
shows a pure Attic, relatively current and clear,
far from the Gorgian ornaments but using periods that are simpler than those of Thrasymachus.
Isocrates of Athens (436–338 BCE), on the other
hand, was a master of rhetoric who personally
developed the three oratorical genres, although
he excelled as an epideictic orator, with speeches
like the Panegyric, the Areopagitic or the Panathenaic Orations. Isocrates’ eloquence, with the
characteristic Attic of educated classes, tends to
find the harmony between content and formal
perfection. He moves away from the precepts of
his master, Gorgias, keeping to a minimum the
accumulation of poetic devices and unnatural
antitheses. His eloquence is characterized by
the search for euphony; thus, he carefully avoids
→ hiatus between contiguous words (a collision
that is perceived as dissonant, so the negation
ou, for example, can be ouk or oukh when the following word starts with a vowel) and, following
Thrasymachus, he builds his prose through long
and rhythmical periods (with paeonic clauses):
taking into account a main phrase or idea, he
adds several subordinate clauses in quite a fluid
way (Isoc. Or. 4.8). From the paratactic style
of the original Greek prose, the periodic or has
finally been achieved, the léxis katestramménē
that Aristotle (Rh. 1409a24–1489b8) considered
better than the eiroménē, for it allowed the audience to grasp the beginning and the end of the
periods, something “pleasant and easy to learn”.
Demosthenes (384–322 BCE) surpassed all other
orators of Antiquity with his brilliant eloquence.
He was also a master of rhetoric and author of
speeches within the three genres, although his
most outstanding works are mainly deliberative or political. With these speeches he used to
encourage the Athenians in a highly patriotic
way to face the Macedonian expansion (four
Philippics, three Olynthiacs, On the peace, etc.).
His prose is characterized by perfection of style,
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378
literary prose
avoiding hiatus between words and sequences
of three consecutive short or long syllables (the
so-called Blass’s Law), but also by the variety
of registers: it is, at the same time, elevated
and natural, vibrant, with surprising images and
metaphors, interpellations to the audience, colloquial, poetic or rhetorical. In sum, all these
more or less elaborated periods are used in
the service of persuasion. The mere mention
of other well-known orators, such as Aeschines
(390–314 BCE), Lycurgus (ca. 396–323 BCE),
Hyperides of Athens (ca. 389–322 BCE) and Dinarchus of Corinth (ca. 361–291 BCE), illustrates
the relevance of Attic oratory in this century.
By this time, Attic prose has already become
the model for literary prose and, after Thucydides, other Ionic-speaking historians like Ephorus of Cyme (ca. 400–330 BCE) or Theopompus
of Chios (380–323 BCE), wrote their works in
Attic. The extant historiography of this period
practically belongs to Xenophon’s extensive
work (ca. 430–356 BCE). Xenophon distributes
the homogeneous material he knows in different
monographs, contributing to the process of specialization, which is characteristic of Attic prose
after the second half of the 5th c. BCE. Thus he
writes historical works (Greek History, Anabasis),
but also didactic (Cyropaedia, Constitution of the
Lacedaemonians) or even philosophical pieces
about his master Socrates (Memorabilia, Apology
of Socrates). His prose is characterized by clarity,
simplicity, fluency and vividness; his Attic, on
the other hand, is less pure than that of other
contemporary writers (poetic terms, limitation
of dual, vocabulary from other dialects, agreements with the Koine, etc.). This fact has been
related to the long time he spent away from
Athens.
The third great genre of Attic prose is philosophy, which presents two important innovations
in the 4th c. BCE: on the one hand, its largely
moral approach against the scientific Ionian philosophy; on the other, the origin of a new literary
genre, the philosophical dialog, based on the
Socratic method of question and answer. In fact,
it is Plato (427–347 BCE), Socrates’ disciple, who
brings this genre to the highest level of perfection, exploiting all the possibilities of the Attic
language in order to create an extraordinary
literary prose. Plato employs a pure Attic, which
matches the language of the inscriptions of his
time (in the use of dual number, for example) and
reflects the conversational language of the culti-
vated men of Athens. He frequently uses expressions that have never been attested in any other
contemporary author, such as ên d’ egṓ ‘I said’, ê
d’ hós ‘he said’. The everyday style of spoken language is manifested through different resources,
like colloquial idiomatic phrases, proverbs, plays
on words, anacoluthon, contamination, zeugma,
etc. At the same time, he uses, when necessary,
an elevated tone, with poetic terms and a sort
of tragic vocabulary. The precision and abstraction required by philosophy is achieved through
ordinary language, with mechanisms that were
already known in earlier Ionic and Attic prose,
like nominalization of neuter adjectives, infinitives and participles or derivation through suffixes (-ikós, -sis, -ma, -tēs, etc.). Sometimes, he
gives new meanings to the common vocabulary:
thus, ousía ‘property’ means ‘immutable reality’
in Pl. Ti. 29c; stoikheîon is ‘the first component
of the syllable’ in Pl. Crat. 424d, whereas in
the plural it means ‘elements’, e.g. “the components into which matter is ultimately divided”
(Plt. 278d). Plato brings philosophy to real and
daily life using certain devices, like anecdotes
(La. 183c-d), similes (Ly. 222 c, Euthd. 291b) and
allegories (the so-called myth of the cave from
Resp. 514 a ff. or the aviary in Tht. 197c–198a). He
is a master in the art of adapting his style to his
characters and to the topics he is dealing with;
not in vain, the platonic dialog has a remarkable dramatic component, and probably it is the
closest genre to theater. This is why it is difficult
to define Plato’s style in an univocal way, for it
can be colloquial, rhetorical, sophistic, pathetic,
legal, mythical, etc. In this way, Plato is opposed
to the use of rhythmical clauses in prose, as well
as other rhetorical devices, but sometimes he
uses them in a brilliant way with an ironic or
sarcastic intention (the speech by Lysias in Phdr.
231a ff., the intervention of Agathon in Symp.
194e–197e, where he imitates the Gorgian style,
or the description of the locus amoenus in Phdr.
230b–c, when he plays with poetic devices). He
is able to use a periodic, hypotactic and elaborated style but also the so-called léxis eiroménē,
with short and paratactic clauses (Resp. 328b–c,
360a-b, Prt. 320d); besides, he masters the use
of hyperbaton and → word order (Prt. 310b, Leg.
763a, Resp. 621d). Therefore, Plato represents the
highpoint of Ancient Greek literary prose. In the
late 4th c. BCE Aristotle writes his philosophical
treatises in prose. Yet, there is a change with
regard to his predecessor, for his works (with
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literary prose
raw language and a significant development of
technical terminology) have already abandoned
poetic and literary devices.
Once these genres and variants of Classical
literary prose have been created, they become a
model for literary style in the subsequent periods (→ Hellenistic Literary Prose, → Asianism,
→ Atticism and → Late Antiquity Prose).
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Maria Dolores Jiménez Lopez
379
Local Scripts
1. Ιntroduction to the Greek
Alphabetic Script
The Αncient Greeks occupied themselves a lot
with the question of who was the first to invent
the Greek alphabet. Ηerodotus (5.58) believed
that Kadmos the Ρhoenician, the founder of
Thebes, was the inventor (transl. Loeb Class.
Libr. 1922; A. D. Godley): “These Phoenicians
who came with Κadmοs . . . at their settlement in
this country, among many other kinds of learning, brought into Hellas the alphabet, which
had hitherto been unknown, as I think, to the
Greeks . . .; [the Ionians] having been taught the
letters by the Phoenicians, used them with some
few changes of form, and in so doing gave to
these characters (as indeed was but just, seeing
that Phoenicians had brought them into Hellas)
the name of Phoenician.”
Ηecataeus from Miletus thought that Danaos was the inventor, while the poet Stesichorus asserted that it was Palamedes (Hecataeus,
FgrHist 1 F 20).
Τhe model for the Greek alphabet was the
Phoenician script, which was a West Semitic
script (Jeffery 1982:819: → Alphabet, Origin of).
Τhe Ρhoenician alphabet has 22 letters and is
syllabic; each letter stands for a consonant and
an unspecified vowel, i.e., vowels are not written.
Τhe names of the letters are initial consonants of
words. Τhe direction of the script is retrograde
(from right to left). That the Greek alphabet
derives from the Phoenician is proven by certain
striking similiarities, namely the shape of the letters, their order, their names, and the direction
of the script.
Ιt is significant that Ηerodotus calls the letters phoinikḗia and the same word occurs in
two archaic Greek inscriptions, one from Τeos
(GHI 30.37–38) and another from Crete (Κritzas
2010), while the verb poinikázein and the noun
poinikastás are attested in another archaic Cretan inscription (Jeffery & Morpurgo-Davies
1970); in a third one (IC II xii.11.3) the partly
preserved word poinika[- -] could be restored
either as a verb or as a noun. Also in the new
text of the public imprecations of Teos (Herrmann 1981) another word of the same root,
phoinikographéōn ‘being secretary’, is attested.
Τhe Greeks took the Phoenician alphabet and
adapted it to their needs. Τhey gave to five
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