21 2018
ISSN 1301-2746
ADALYA
The Annual of the Koç University Suna & İnan Kıraç Research Center
for Mediterranean Civilizations
(OFFPRINT)
ADALYA
The Annual of the Koç University Suna & İnan Kıraç Research Center
for Mediterranean Civilizations (AKMED)
Adalya, a peer reviewed publication, is indexed in the A&HCI
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Contents
Gizem Kartal
The Neolithic Cave Settlements of the Antalya Region in Southwestern Anatolia:
A Comparative Perspective in Terms of Chipped Stone Assemblages ........................................................................................... 1
Derya Yalçıklı
Two Neolithic Ritual Centers in East Mysia (NW Turkey): The Baltalıin and İnkaya Caves ............................. 19
Nurcan Kayacan
Oval Points and Cattle-Hunting Practices in Central Anatolia during the 8th Millennium BC ..................... 45
Yalçın Kamış
Acemhöyük Buluntuları Işığında Erken Tunç Çağı’nda Orta Anadolu’nun Güneyinde
Çark Yapımı Seramiğin Ortaya Çıkışı ...................................................................................................................................................................... 63
Murat Akar – Demet Kara
Into the Hinterland: The Middle Bronze Age Building at Toprakhisar Höyük, Altınözü
(Hatay, Turkey) ............................................................................................................................................................................................................................... 85
Gonca Dardeniz – K. Serdar Girginer – Özlem Oyman-Girginer
A Pottery Kiln from Tatarlı Höyük (Adana, Turkey) and its Implications for Late Bronze Age
Pottery Production in Cilicia and Beyond ......................................................................................................................................................... 117
S. Gökhan Tiryaki
The Sanctuary with the Relief of the “Twelve Gods” in the Elmalı Highlands: On the Iconography
of “Leto, her children, and the Nymphs” in Ancient Southwest Anatolia ............................................................................. 135
Elif Özer – Murat Taşkıran
The Sillyon Main City Gate .............................................................................................................................................................................................. 151
Şükrü Özüdoğru – Düzgün Tarkan
Kibyra Geç Antikçağ Hamamı ...................................................................................................................................................................................... 175
Mustafa Adak
Die Melas-Brücke bei Kotenna und die Familie des Stanamoas
.................................................................................................
Urs Peschlow
Die Gabriel-Platte in Antalya. Rekonstruktion und ursprünglicher Kontext
Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
211
................................................................
229
....................................................................................................................................................................
245
Aytaç Dönmez
Xanthos West Agora II: Alteration and Transformation in the Byzantine Period ...................................................... 277
Contents
IV
Hüseyin Metin – Salih Soslu
The Altıkapılı Cave Church at Pisidia
..................................................................................................................................................................
315
Merih Erol
Becoming Protestant: Greek Orthodox Responses to Conversion in 19 th-Century Ottoman Anatolia .. 335
Evren Dayar
1853 Antalya İsyanı
................................................................................................................................................................................................................
363
Funda Solmaz Şakar – Neriman Şahin Güçhan
Building System Characterization of Traditional Architecture in Cappadocia, Turkey ..................................... 379
ADALYA 21, 2018
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
Ünal DEMİRER – Nilgün ELAM *
Abstract
Öz
In this article, twelve Byzantine lead seals
found during the excavations of 2010-2017 in
Kibyra Magna are, published. The inscriptions
on these seals show that they formerly belonged to persons who can be identified with
certain administrative and fiscal officials. They
served between the 7th to early 8th centuries
in the strategiai of the Anatolikoi and of the
Kibyrraiotai, which then developed independently of the other themes. The seals in question include: those of an archon (Georgios)
and two apo eparchontes (Pantoleon and
Eusebios), a chartoularios (Theophylactos), a
protector or protiktor (Martinos), and two prelates (Zotikos and Prokopios) who are thought
to be the bishops of Kibyra Magna. The remaining five seals fall into anonymous category since no authority or family name of their
owner is depicted on them. This study aims to
present and evaluate their data concerning the
history of the city and the region.
Bu çalışmada Kibyra’da 2010-2017 yılları
arasında yapılan kazılarda bulunan on iki
adet Bizans kurşun mührü yayımlanmıştır.
Üzerlerindeki yazıtlar, bu mühürlerin kuruluşu
7. yy. - 8. yy. başı arasında daha sonra birbirinden bağımsız birer thema’ya dönüşecek olan
Anatolikoi ve Kibyrraiotai strategia’larında
görev yapmış bir archon (Georgios), iki apo
eparchon (Pantoleon ve Eusebios) gibi idari
görevlilerle mali bir bürokrat olan bir chartoularios (Theophylaktos), bir protektor ya
da proktiktor (Martinos) ve iki kent piskoposuna (Zotikos ve Prokopios) ait olduklarını
göstermektedir. Geriye kalan beş mühür ise
üzerlerinde herhangi bir makam ve aile ismi
bulunmadığından anonim kategorisindedir.
Bu çalışma, bu materyalin kent ve bölge tarihi
ile ilgili verilerini sunmayı ve değerlendirmeyi
amaçlamaktadır.
Keywords: Kibyra Magna, Byzantine sigillography, lead seals, monograms.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Kibyra Magna, Bizans
sigillografisi, kurşun mühürler, monogramlar.
Seal impressions/seals1 found from around the 5th millennium B.C.2 onwards are usually
double-faced official stamps that were, designed to prevent a document or object from
unauthorized usage. Materials such as clay3 or wax were initially used as bullae in seals
with a small ring in the neck or a hole within the seal through which a string or rope was
*
Assistant Prof. Dr. Ünal Demirer, MAKÜ GMYO, Mimari Restorasyon Programı, Gölhisar Burdur.
E-mail:
[email protected]
Assistant Prof. Dr. Nilgün Elam, Anadolu University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of History, Eskişehir.
E-mail:
[email protected]
1 Cheynet – Caseau 2009, 133 write “The history of this tradition for Byzantine studies is complex, but
G. Schlumberger, the founding father of Byzantine sigillography, is probably responsible for the use of the word
‘seal’ instead of ‘bulla’”.
2 Branigan 1976, 158; Feind 2010, 33.
3 It is suggested that the number of clay seals of the Roman period found only at Zeugma was 100,000; see Doksanaltı
– Sağlan 2008, 79.
246
Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
passed 4 . As a solution for the fragility and durability of such materials, the Romans began to use lead 5 (very rarely gold and silver), among the metals which are more durable and resilient and then compressed by double-mouthed boulloteria 6 . Lead seals
(molybdobullae)7 were also usually used for commercial purposes in the Roman era8. Lead
seals were also used extensively in the Byzantine world between the 5th and 15th centuries. In
every area of life since the 6th century onwards, the use of sacred figures is evidence of the influence of Christianity. Along with iconographic elements, the name of the owner, his honorary
title(s), his office along with the name of its location and sometime (but not always) his family
name were depicted on the seals. Therefore, they provide important information on the administrative, military, social and religious issues of their time due to the religious symbols and titles
on them. These titles and names provide important prosopographical information concerning
the religious and bureaucratic hierarchy9. The office accompanied by the title of owner secure
the authenticity of the document and trade goods on which the seals were bound. These elements symbolized trust in communication or commerce10.
An important part of the lead seals of Byzantine Anatolia in the collections of Turkish
museums have already been published by sigillographers of the Western world. During the
last years, Byzantine seals found during excavations and preserved in inventories of archaeological museums or some private collections have started to attract the interest of Turkish
researchers11.
The city of Kibyra was situated at the intersection point of the Roman provinces of Phrygia,
Pisidia, Caria and Lycia. After the administrative reform under Emperor Diocletian (284-305),
the region in which the city is located was included in the administrative district of Caria12.
After the abolition of the prefectural system, the city seems to have still been part of the
administrative unit governed by a Quaestor Justinianus Exercitus who commanded the troops
of Caria, Cyprus, Dodecanese, Cyclades, Moesia and Scythia13. After the establishment of the
strategiai which developped to the themes, the military troops stationed in the region including
Kibyra (Kibyratis) called droungos which formed the central core of an administrative district
controlled by a droungarios. The narrative sources make us think that the region of Kibyratis
the troops established geographi-cally would have been under the jurisdiction of a strategos 14
of the strategia (στρατηγία) of the Anatolikoi15.
4 Grünbart 2006, 13; Grierson, 1966, 239.
5 Cheynet 1997, 110; 2005, 39.
6 Bulgurlu 2007, 17-18; Cheynet 2010a, 97-98; Jordanov 2003, 187; Grierson 1966, 253, fig. 9; Nesbitt 1977, 111.
7 Feind 2010, 35.
8 Farhi 2009, 295.
9 Feind 2010, 37, Abb. 3; Oikonomides 1983, 147; Bulgurlu 2007, VII.
10 Jordanov 2003, 187.
11 Kaygusuz 1982, 299-306; Bulgurlu – İlaslı 2003, 131-151; Bulgurlu 2005, 251-260; Bulgurlu 2007; Bulgurlu 2011, 277-
292; Erol – Ünal 2012, 117-123; Elam 2015, 227-235; Elam 2017, 335-366; Elam forthcoming (a); Elam forthcoming
(b).
12 Kapsalis 1968, 356-357.
13 Seeck 1876, 45. This status remained valid until the time of the emperor Justinian I. At that moment, the islands
were detached from the administrative district of Asia and became part of Scythia; see Yannopoulos 1990, 203
n. 11.
14 For strategos (στρατηγòς), pl. strategoi (στρατηγοì) and his role in the Byzantine theme, see ODB, 1964, 2034-
2035.
15 The literary sources mention these four military districts -- Anatolikoi, Armenianiakoi, Opsikioi, and Thracesioi as
“themes (θέματα)” and locate them in the final decades of the 7th century. The most important information comes
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
247
The territory was donated by the administrative authority and entrusted to strategoi in the
last decades of the 8th century. The strategos of the Anatolikoi controlled the area stretching
from the Aegean coast to Lycaonia and Isauria until the area of the exercitum Armenianus,
which was organized as military district of the Armeniakoi. The eastern jurisdiction area of
the Anatolikoi has been identified with the territories of the provinces of Pisidia, Lycaonia
(partly), Cappadocia Secunda, Cappadocia Prima (partly), Galatia Secunda, Phrygia Pacatiana
and Phrygia Salutaria. Amorion remained the capital city of the Anatolikoi until the Arab invasion in 838. After the fall of Amorion to the Arabs, the strategoi seem to have moved their
office to Polybotoi (modern Bolvadin)16. After the detachment of the territories of the first
Anatolian strategiai, the region including Caria, formerly under the control of the Anatolikoi
and not the Karabisianoi17, was annexed to the new strategia (pl. strategiai) of the Kibyrraiotai
from De Thematibus (Περί θεμάτων), the work of Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennetus, and many Tactica
(military books of tactics) of that period as well as the political and military organization of the Byzantines; see De
Thematibus, 13-39. The theme of the Armeniakoi is mentioned for the first time in Theophanes’ Chronographia in
667; see Theophanes 1883, 348, 352. The reference of the theme of the Anatolikoi in 669 is also mentioned. The
theme of Opsikioi is mentioned for the first time in 680 on the lists of the officers who accompanied Emperor
Constantine IV (668-685) during the Ecumenical Council; Mansi 11, 1765, 209. The theme of Thracesioi appears in
687 first in the iussio of Emperor Justinian II (685-695/705-711) to the Pope for the ratification of the acts of the
6th Ecumenical Synod (680/681), which also mention the naval theme of Karabisianoi; see Mansi 11, 1765, 737.
The emergence of the themes is dated by the majority of researchers to the first half of the 7 th century. Modern
historiography has adopted their term. Several theories have been formulated for the creation of this military and
administrative unit. Ostrogorsky 1981, 163-165 argued that the themes founded under Emperor Heraclius (610641), shortly before or after the Persian War (620-628), constituted his military and administrative reform. The
army was reorganized into major military units called “themes”, which settled in Anatolia in administrative units
and took that name. Both the military and the civilian administration passed into the hands of the military unit’s
head, strategos. This view, based on anachronistic references to the term “theme” in Theophanes’ Chronographia
for the reign of Heraclius, has been contradicted; I. Karayannopoulos 1959, 16 formulated a second theory on the
issue by suggesting the long-term evolution of this institution. It began in the Early Byzantine period (6th century)
where the first examples exist of the union of the military and civilian administration under the military chief on
the exarchates. He believed that, based on the fact that the military estates and consequently the institution of
soldier-farmers are testified by the sources only in the 10th century, their existence before the end of the 9th century
must be excluded. This view is partially contradicted by Lilie 1976, 29-30 who believed the emergence of the
themes should be placed around 635-670 and should be seen as a consequence of the Arab attacks which led to
new conditions on the eastern border of the Empire. The issue of the themes has become a major issue greatly
discussied among historians. For the various views of scholars on the historical development of the themes see
Kyriakides 1953, 392-394; Haussig 1957, 90-114; Koder 1990, 155-165; ODB 89-90, 2035; Treadgold 1997, 315;
Haldon 1993, 8; and Lounghis 1998, 69-111, 113 ff. For further information see Vlysidou 1998, 69-111, esp. 89-91.
16 For the evolution of the theme of the Anatolikoi see Vlysidou 1998, 96-97; Gregoriadou-Ioannidou 1982, 203 n. 3,
218 n. 66; ODB 79-80.
17 Another “so-called theme” -- the Karabisianoi -- is unified by the scholars with the theme of the Kibyrraiotai as its
allegedly origin. The Karabisianoi theme or theme of the Karabia (καράβια=ships), is considered a military and
administrative unit of the Byzantine Empire from about the 7th to the 8th centuries. The fleet of the Kibyrraiotai
evolved from the fleet and seafaring tradition of the Karabisianoi in the 8th century. For the discussions on this,
see also Ahrweiler 1966, 19-31; Lemerle 1981, 154-162; Antoniades-Bibicou 1966, 63-98; Nesbitt – Oikonomides
1994, 150-151 and Pryor – Jeffreys 2006, 25, 32, 267; Another opinion suggests that the Karabisianoi came from
the Quaestura exercitus of Justinian I (527-565). According to this view, they were greatly strengthened under
Emperor Justinian II (685 - 695); see Haldon 1999, 8, 74; and Ragia 2004, 293-296. The first mention of the theme
is in the 7th century during the reign of Constantine IV (668-685); see Leontsine 2001, 49-56 and Florin 2014, 276297. The first “strategos of the ships” refers to Sisinnios in the “Miracles of St. Demetrius” dated to around 680.
Besides Sisinnios, two other generals of the Karabisianoi are documented by sigillographic evidence: Theophilos
(710-711) and Ioannes (-715); see Avramea 1997, 100-101. The fleet constituting the theme is believed not to have
had a territory or a permanent harbour, but stationed where the empire needed it. Some others believe that it had
its headquarters in Pamphylia, Kalymnos, or Rhodes even perhaps Samos. According to this view, however, he
had the administrative structure of a “theme” with a chief-general and inferior officials, so he was also referred to
as a strategida or strategato. The fleet of the Karabisianoi was used against the Arabs in the 8th century. But after
the revolt of the Karabisianoi’s strategos named Ioannes in 715, it was divided into smaller parts. It is believed that
in this way the Kibyrraiotai emerged as a separate fleet as well as a naval “theme”; see ODB 1105-1106. Scholars
who connect the personnel of these two navies seem to believe that they depended on a single naval command.
Zuckerman 2005, 117-121 indicated reasonably that “this scholarly construction has no support in the sources and
248
Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
presumably about 74018. The institution of vassilikon (imperial) kommerkion (pl. kommerkia)
(or apotheka)19 of the strategia, which is considered the nucleus of the later Byzantine themes,
developed from the 730s onward. Four examples of sigillographic material give evidence
on the chronology of the establishment of the imperial kommerkia in the strategiai of the
Anatolikoi and the Kibyrraiotai. Three of them belonged to officials of the kommerkion of the
strategia of the Anatolikoi and the last one belonged to their counterpart in the strategia of the
Kibyrraiotai. The first Anatolikoi seal dates to around 732/33-736/37, the second to 739/40, and
the third to 920-95020. The first two coincide with the joint reign of Leo III and Constantine V
(720-741) while the third with the reign of Constantine VII Porphyrogennitos (920-959) who
gives extant information about the themes in his De Thematibus. The fourth seal issued by the
imperial kommerkion of the strategia of the Kibyrraiotai is solid evidence for the chronology
of its establishment to 739/4021 before the organization of the theme of the Kibyrraiotai22. The
should be dismantled”. Gregoriadou-Ioannidou 1982, 203-217, 221 claimed earlier that until the last decades of the
8th century, we cannot talk about any Byzantine navy which can be connected with the so-called “theme of the
Kibyrraiotai”. Based on the information provided by three Byzantine chroniclers this historian emphasize that in
the 7th century there was not even any permanent Byzantine navy. Theophanes, Nikephoros and Zonaras record
an encounter that occurred in 678 between the fleet of the Byzantines and the fleet of Arabs that was on its way
home after five year-long unsuccessful siege of Constantinople. Their fleet was devastated by a terrible storm
which dragged it to the coast of Syllaion (Sillyon) in Pamphylia. They also write that the Byzantine contingents
fought against the enemy “on the coast” under the strategos of the Kibyrraiotai. However Byzantine troops which
fought on the coast against the Arabs had no relation with a navy but were actually a land army; see Theophanes,
354.8ff.; Nikephoros, 32.21 ff.; and Zonaras 1870, 224.4-8. For the extant discussions on the alleged connection of
the Karabiasianoi with the Kibyrraiotai, see Gregoriadou-Ioannidou 1982, 203-211, esp. 208-209. Vlyssidou 1998
(b), 153, n. 25 suggests that the navy of the Kibyraiotai was established by Emperor Leon III (717-741); see also
Zuckerman 2005, 107-125. For Syllaion of Pamphylia see also Hild – Hellenkemper 2004, 395-402 and ODB 1980;
For strategis see also ODB 1963.
18 The links between the Anatolikoi and the Kibyrraiotai districts seem not to have been broken even after their
elevation to the rank of the “theme”. According to Tactica 1863, col. 980C-D dating to the reign of Leo VI (886
- 912), the strategos of the Kibyrraiotai was obliged to put at the disposal of the strategos of the Anatolikoi
the adequate means necessary to transport by sea the forces of the Anatolikoi. Since such an obligation is not
mentioned for other themes, this appears to be a tradition dating back to the time when the district of the
Kibyrraiotai and their troops were still called a droungos and commanded by a droungarios. They formed a
subaltern unit of the strategia of the Anatolikoi. This contrasts with the definition as the theme of Anatolikoi given
by Yannopoulos 1991, 527, not. 38. For more on the droungos, see also ODB 664.
19 Late Roman administration system in provinces maintained in the 7 th century. It is considered that “it was
adjusted to the late Roman provincial division in the 7th c., and at that time, at least, it would have been neither
possible nor desirable to replace it with a completely new system”. The existence of the ἀποθῆκαι (apothekai,
warehouses) of the provinces attests this information. The warehouses as an economic institution proves the idea
that the provinces continued to play in this period a functional role. Thus, this shows that the “thematic” provincial
administration, which is attested by the sources of the 10th century, is an institution which dates later than the
7th c. For apothekai see Ragia 2009, 195-243, especially 196-197; Ragia 2008-2012, 113-144.
20 The first is dated to 732/3 by Zacos - Veglery 1972, no. 245, while Nesbitt - Oikonomides 1996, no. 86.37 date to
736/37. The second seal found by N. Elam in the Pamukkale Museum (no. E 4203). The combination of titles on
the Pamukkale seal makes it very interesting and unique, because there is not a parallel specimen which associates
all its titles (imperial kommerkion of strategia of the Anatolikoi). On the other kommerkion seals only the title,
imperial kommerkion, and the name of the location are visible, but not the special term strategia. The Pamukkale
seal was first presented during the ARISTEIA workshop in 2015 at the Academy of Athens. For the details see
Elam forthcoming (a), no. 1. For the third seal (Hermitage M6094) see SBS 1993, 172, n. 8. Among all the imperial
kommerkia, only that of the Anatolikoi functioned until 776. The regular function of the institution is confirmed by
the seals dated to 755/6, 758/9, 760/1, 773/4, and 776; see Ragia 2012, 125, n. 59. The seals related to the Byzantine
“kommerkia of strategiai” were generally ignored by scholars until a seal of kommerkion of the Thrakesioi was
quoted by Brandes 2002, 557, no. 234a; see also Cheynet 2010b, 9 and Zuckerman 2005, 131, 177.
21 For the emergence of the kommerkion of (the strategia) of the Kibyrraiotai see Zacos - Veglery 1972, no. 261;
Brandes 2002, appendix 1, no. 236; Cheynet 2010b, 9, no. 5. Ragia 2008-2012, 130, n. 79.
22 Until the discovery of the related seals the time of establishment of the theme of the Kibyrraiotai, because of the
silence of the literary sources, remained unknown. The question of the chronology of the theme as well as how
it emerged (from which theme) has been expressed by the scholars in various point of views. According to the
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
249
strategos of the Kibyrraiotai is believed to have been based first in Syllaion and most probably
Attaleia after the 9th century23.
As examined recently by Zuckerman, although the Byzantine literary sources of the 7th century mention the settlement of the thematic armies in the Anatolian provinces, the themes took
their full shape as administrative units in a long process which followed in the second half of
the 8th century. The 300 year-long process of the development of Byzantine themes and the
transformation of these military districts to administrative units was not completed until the end
of the 8th or beginning of the 9th century. In order words, the themes were the product of the
late 7th-early 9th centuries and originated in the late 7th-early 8th century strategiai, which go
back to the exarchates of the Emperor Justinian I (527-565). The evolution and completion of
the Byzantine theme as an administrative unit was accomplished by the iconoclastic emperors
and completed by their Macedonian successors by creating a functional army. It also seems
that the strategoi, who commanded the thematic armies, did not immediately become the civilian administrators of thematic land, where the soldiers were colonized. The emergence process
for the theme of the Anatolikoi, which started with the colonization of military units on the
ground in the 680s was completed especially by the 10th/11th century. But the time of creation
of the theme of the Kibyrraiotai coincided with the detachment of the territory of the theme of
Anatolikoi in the second half of the 8th century24.
A new source for this view comes from the term “imperial kommerkion of strategia”
(βασιλικόν κομμέρκιον στρατηγίας), which appears in the seals 25 worthy of a detailed
earlier historiographical explanation, the “theme” of Kibyrraiotai was developed from the first known Byzantine
maritime theme i.e. that of the Karabisianoi in early 8th century and before the Kibyrraiotai elevated to a theme
their territory were governed by a drungarios who was subordinated to the strategos of the Karabisianoi”. When
the Kibyrraiotai emerged as a “theme” in 731/2 (or 732/3, a date of their first strategos, named Manes, mentioned
by Theophanes), the Karabisianoi allegedly vanished. See Savvides 1990, 139-165; Savvides 1989, 121-162;
Savvides 1998, 24-45 (= Συμβολές, no. 25, 235-256). Gregoriadou-Ioannidou, rejecting the status attributed by
scholars to Manes as first strategos of the theme of the Kibyrraiotai, stated that he was only the droungarios of
the Kibyrraiotai, not an independent person from the strategos of the Anatolikoi, but completely subjected to the
latter. See Gregoriadou-Ioannidou 1982, 203-212, 220, especially 211-212 and 217-218. The emergence date of the
“theme” of the Kibyrraiotai discussed extantly by the scholars who put the date before 732. See Vlyssidou 1998 (b),
204, not. 25; Yannopoulos 1990, 212. Yannopoulos points out that other testimonies, except from Theophanes a
9th century source (Theophanes, 370.24) should be taken into account. In the Taktika of Emperor Leon VI (886912) the strategos of the Kibyrraiotai is recorded to have been obliged to put at the disposal of the strategos of
the Anatolikoi. See Tactica, 1863, col. 980C-D. In 743/4 when Artavasdos strategos of Armeniakoi revolted, “a fleet
of Kibyrraiotai” appeared to act on the side of the Emperor Konstantinos V (741-775) against the rebel general.
The presence of the fleet of the Kibyrraiotai at this time clearly demonstrates the establishment of the first naval
theme of the Byzantine State. Therefore, it seems reasonably to accept the idea that the “theme of the Kibyrraiotai”
was established in the last years of the reign of Leo III (717-741) or at the beginning of the reign of Konstantinos
V (741-775). It should be remembered that the thematic institution is a product of a long-lasting development.
Gregoriadou-Ioannidou 1982, 220-221; For this long-process of the establishment of, especially, the theme of
Anatolikoi (with sixteen other themes) see Vlysidou 1998, 69-111. Only during the reign of Konstantinos V (741775) one finds the first evidence of a unification of military and political authority under a strategos of the theme
in the sense of the military-administrative institution. See I. Karayannopoulos 1956, 470, 501-502; Karayannopoulos
1959; especially 34ff, 59-71; Dölger 1955, 191, n. 1, 192; Gregoriadou-Ioannidou 1982, 221. For the literature on the
Byzantine theme see Zuckerman 2005, 128-134.
23 For the theme of the Kibyrraiotai see Gregoriadou-Ioannidou 1982, 203-212; Savvides 1989, 121-162; Savvides 1998,
24-45; ODB 79-80.
24 For discussions regarding the formation process of the Byzantine themes and the importance of the strategiai in
this process, see Zuckerman 2005, 127-134. For the evolution of the theme of the Anatolikoi and the relationship
between the Anatolikoi and the Kibyrraiotai, see Vlyssidou 1998 (a), 69-111, esp. 90, n. 129 and 103. See also
Krsmanovic, 2008, 20-21 and n. 38; 27-28 nn. 57, 59, 29; n. 67; 31; 39; 43; 58; 64; 65 n. 150; 65; 69; 76; 78 n. 5, 95 n.
99, 110, 162 n. 374; and 177 n. 16.
25 This group of three pieces consists of three Thrakesioi seals that were struck by the office of imperial kommerkion.
The first is dated to 741/742 (indiction 10), the second to 745/746 (indiction 14) and the third to 744/745 (indiction
250
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explanation. As is known, the kommerkiarioi of the 8th century were responsible for supplying
military troops on behalf of the emperor26. After examining a seal belonging to the imperial
kommerkion of the strategia of Hellas, Stavrakos stated that this title on the seals reveals that
the Isaurian emperors since Leo III aimed for direct control of supplying military troops and
taxes. It is also evidence of the transformation that occurred in these thematic posts in the 8th
century. That is, the control of these posts had been transferred from the local officials (kommerkiarioi) to the domains of the strategoi, and hence attached directly to the control of the
central administration. Their offices (in strategiai) were called imperial kommerkia (βασιλικὰ
κομμέρκια)27. Cheynet, after examining the seals belonging to the Kibyrraiotai alongwith the
Thracesioi and the Hellas that bear the same title, implies the existence of strategiai of the
Kibyrraiotai (likewise of the other two) as new territorial divisions existing only since the
7th century28. He also claimed that the process of the establishment of strategia especially in
Anatolia has been completed before the middle of the the 8th century. He emphasizes that “the
seals are evidence for the definition of a provincial administrative reform in the whole Empire,
which enacted ‘an extremely rational organization with valid rules’ in all provinces”. As noted
by Cheynet, the dates of the seals enable us to follow the steps of territorialization and until
the beginning of the 8th century29.
On the difficulty of determining the exact time of the appearance of the themes, Cheynet
thinks that the themes of the Anatolikoi (also Thracesioi and Hellas) had already gone through
the same transformation at 744/45. In the final third of the 8th century the strategoi and their
subordinate personnel, i.e. tourmarches, along with their locations of function, appear on their
seals with the same title but with restricted authority30.
As the posts of the strategoi, strategiai were officially in use around 750. Cheynet states
that this development of the Isaurian period may have marked an important step in the evolution of the districts (strategiai) toward the themes. The small number of seals bearing the term
“strategia” prohibits definitive conclusions, as Cheynet underlines, and their concentration
within a few years is probably not a coincidence. So the appearance of the first land-owner
13). All were struck during the joint reign of Leon III and Constantine V (720-741). The last piece has the legend
“imperial kommerkion of the strategia of Hellas” and dates to 738/739 (indiction 7). See Zacos - Veglery 1972,
no. 261. Munich Staatmuseum no. 499 and Seibt-Zarnitz 1997, no. 1-3-8 (ind. 14 [745-746]. The Hellas seal was
firstly published by Schlumberger and examined later by other researchers; see Schlumberger 1895, 221-222, no.
37, drawing; Konstantopoulos 1917, no. 35; Lihacev 1924, 107-198, no. 8; Millet 1924, 313-314, fig. 37; Laurent
1929-1930, 622, no. 4; Bibicou 1963, 231, no. 67; Zacos - Veglery 1972, no. 254. See also Brandes 2002, 556; and
Stavrakos 2010, 149-150.
26 For the imperial reforms on the kommerkiarioi, see Oikonomides 1986, 33-53; and Cheynet 2010b, 3; For
kommerkiarioi generally see Oikonomides 1972, 113,33; 313, 343; Cheynet 2010b, 7; ODB 1141.
27 Brandes 2002, 556; Nesbitt - Oikonomides 1994, no. 8 stated that “the term strategia of Hellas was used before
the appearance of the term ‘theme of Hellas’”. Stavrakos follows the opinion Nesbitt and Oikonomides. After
examining the bulla of imperial kommerkion of the strategia of Hellas dated to 738/739 and that of the imperial
kommerkion of diocese of Hellas dated to 736/737 Stavrakos 2010, 160, no. 444 concluded that “they are evidence
of a shift in the control of imperial kommerkion from diocese to a more central economical department of the
themata, i.e. strategia, so that it would be under the control of the strategos of Hellas”.
28 Cheynet 2010b, 10.
29 Cheynet notes also that no sign exists indicating an existing link between the new commanders and the
administration of traditional provinces. A bulla of a topoteretes of Pakatiane of the first half of the 8th century is the
only evidence of a link between a military command and a traditional province. For the Pakatiane seal see Seibt –
Wassiliou Seibt 2004, no. 339. Cheynet 2010b, 11-12, note 45 also underlines that in these dates the topoteretes was
an officer of the tagmata but not of the military themes, that is, the new provinces. The tagma, (pl. tagmata) unit of
the elite regiments created by the Byzantine emperor Constantine V and formed the central army of the empire in
the 8th to 11th centuries. For tagma see ODB 2007.
30 Cheynet 2010b, 12.
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251
families of Anatolia as representatives of the military aristocracy under the Isaurian emperors
is a natural result. This shows, according to Cheynet, “a certain stability which corresponds to
a provincial organisation of older troops and leads to the formation of territorial themes during the first half of the 8th century”31. Having accepted the possibility of the creation of some
new but relatively small-scaled military posts to fight against Arabs and the Slavs, Cheynet suggests that primitive functions may have transformed later, giving example of the disappearance
of the themes of Thracesianoi, Karabisianoi, or Hellas. He argues that this significant course
of change was not realized immediately, and that complete authority in thematic administration was not suddenly transferred to the same person, i.e. strategos. He states also that “the
strategoi did not hand over the fiscal functions, because the ‘old Roman dioceses’ were acting
within the framework of the divided districts into the traditional provinces. In addition to that
kommerkiarioi and their appointments have been put into practice directly depends upon the
the imperial decision since the reign of Leo III”32. Cheynet locates the reform of the provincial
administration, which created large military units, that is στρατηγίαι in Anatolia, between the
7th-9th centuries33, not in the time of the emperor Constantine V (741-775), but specifically in
the reign of Leo III (717-741)34.
Remembering also that the Arab invasions continued to harass the territory of the Anatolikoi
until the 10th century, the reason for the necessary long-range formation of the themes can be
understood. This transitional period between the old and the new administrative systems was
completed as thematic formation with its political-military feature during the 10th century, as
indicated by B. Krsmanovic35.
Kibyra is confused by Theophanes with the other Kibyra (Kibyra Mikra of Isauria)36 and is
located by Constantine VII erroneously among the coastal cities along the coasts of Isauria37.
He does not even mention it perhaps because of his lack of interest in the cities of inland of
Anatolia38. However, as duly noted by Yannopoulos, there were two cities named Kibyra in
31 Cheynet 2010b, 13.
32 Cheynet 2010b, 14.
33 Cheynet 2010b, 14.
34 Cheynet 2010b, 10.
35 Krsmanovic 2008, 20-22, 24, 58, 64, 76, 86, 100, 130, 174, and 176.
36 In his narration Theophanes Theophanes 1838, 367.10-12 omits Kibyra Magna (Great), but refers to Kibyra Mikra
(Small). Yannopoulos 1991, 524, not. 26 thinks that Theophanes does not mention Kibyra Magna. We think the
Byzantine historian actually mentions Kibyra Magna but confuses the city with coastal Kibyra Mikra, because of the
same reasons as Constantine VII.
37 Constantine VII Porphyrogennitos (913-959) located Kibyra between Antiochia Micra and Selinonte, and recorded
that the name of the theme of the Kibyrraiotai was derived from Kibyra. See De Thematibus, 1952, 79.25-27: “…
Ἀντιόχεια ἡ μικρά. Ἒπειτα Κιβύρρα πόλις ἐκείνη, …εἶτα Σελινοῦς, μικρόν πολισμάτιον ...”, 79.35-39: “καὶ τοσαύτη
μἑν ἡ τοῦ Κιβυρραιώτου περιοχή. Ἒλαβε δἑ τἡν προσωνυμίαν, ὥσπερ ἔφαμεν, τοῦ καλεῖσθαι Κιβυρραώτης ἀπὁ
Κιβύρρας, εὐτελοῦς καὶ ἀκατονομάστου πολίσματος ...”, 152; Yannopoulos believes that Constantine VII speaks
only of the Kibyra Mikra which is located along the coasts of Isauria, between Selinonte and Antiochia Mikra, and
seems to ignore the Kibyra Magna of Caria. Yannopoulos 1991, 524, not. 23, 527 thinks that Kibyra Magna is not
even mentioned by the Notitiae Episcopatuum, and the conciliar acts are completely silent. However we think that
the city mentioned by the Notitiae and the conciliar records as Kibyra is Kibyra Magna not Kibyra Mikra. In our
communication Hild expressed his opinion to us that that he does not believe that the name of “Kibyrraiotai is
coming from Kibyra; Yannopoulos pointed out that the Emperor did not know the district making many mistakes
without having mentioned the names of the more important cities.
38 In his De Thematibus, the emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennitos does not mention cities like Kibyra located
in the interior of Anatolia, but only places useful to define the boundaries of the themes. For the theme of the
Kibyrraiotai in particular, he seems to have disposed texts to be able to mention the boundaries of the theme and
to locate the cities. But neither Hierocles nor the Notitia Episcopatuum is attributed to the emperor Leo VI the Wise
and patriarch Photios (858-867, 877-886) seem to be among the sources he quoted because the De Thematibus 79,
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Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
the Anatolian territory covered by the strategia/theme of the Kibyrraiotai39. Kibyra Magna located in Caria and near the borders of Lycia was well-known in Antiquity. It was the center
of the whole the region called Kabalida of Caria. It was the chief city of the district Kibyratis.
In 84 B.C. the city was occupied by the Romans. During the reform of Diocletian, the province of Asia was divided into smaller seven ones: Lydia, Caria, some Aegean islands, Phrygia
Pacatiana, Phrygia Salutaria, and Pamphylia. The emperor had Kibyra encompassed in the
administrative district “prefecture of Caria”, which was governed by a “provincial proconsul”
in each province40. The city appeared also as an episcopal seat, dependent on Aphrodisias/
Stauropolis (city of the Cross), the Ecclesiastical Metropolis of Caria. The city remained as a
suffragan bishopric of the metropolitans of Stauropolis until the 7 th century. Hierocles mentions Kibyra as the second largest settlement (οἰκισμός) of Caria after the city of Stauropolis41.
Kibyra was represented in eight Ecumenical Councils. Bishop Letodios (Λετόδιος) or
Letodoros (Λετόδωρος) attended the first Council held in Nicaea (325)42. Leontios (Λεόντιος)
participated in the Council of Constantinople (381)43; Apellas (Ἀπελλᾶς) took part in the
Council of Ephesos (431)44. The city seems to have not been represented at the Council of
Chalcedon (451), while bishop Erasmios or Erasimos was present at the second Council of
Constantinople (553)45. The bishop of Kibyra was absent at the third Council of Constantinople
31-38 does not mention several coastal cities mentioned by these two sources. See De Thematibus. Emphasizing
this fact, Yannopoulos states that the documents consulted by Constantine VII should not have been unfamiliar to
the army, since all the cities he mentioned were of strategic importance. The emperor’s care to specify the position
of the islands, coastal towns, mouths of rivers, capes, and sometimes distances, indicates that his sources on the
coastal cities were of maritime origin, a species of portolan charts. This explains not only the presence of Little
Kibyra in the enumeration of the cities of the theme of the Kibyrraiotai, but also the presence of other settlements
known only for their port facilities. Yannopoulos 1991, 527-529 claimed that the etymological origin of the theme
of Kibyrraiotai is coming from Kibyra of Caria, not the other small coastal town Kibyra of Isauria, as Constantine
VII writes. He added the main reason was the emperor’s ignorance about the existence of the important city of
Kibyra in Caria; see Yannopoulos 1987, 161-163, and especially 1989, 307-314. Yannopoulos 1991, 527, not. 29529 states that contemporary historiography overestimated Constantine VII’s knowledge and sense of precision,
something to be continually controlled. He criticizes Loungis 1990 saying that he “cannot follow Loungis, who
attributes to Constantine VII fabulous knowledge and considers the emperor as an infallible authority, even whose
errors are voluntary in order to make the reading of his writings impossible”.
39 Yannopoulos Yannopoulos 1991, 520-529 excluding the other homonymous cities, identified Carian Kibyra as the
city from which the name of the theme of Kibyrraiotai originated. For the theme of Kibyrraiotai see also ODB 1127.
40 Under Galerius and Maximinus (305-311) the province of Pisidia was detached from the province of Lycaonia and
annexed to the diocese of Asiana; see Jones 1964, 43, 284-602; Kapsalis 1968, 356-357; Yannopoulos 1991, 524-525.
See also the quotation from ancient sources by Pertusi 1952, 151, as well as the brief bibliography in Janin 1951,
col. 826-827.
41 Hierocles Synecdemus, 690.1, 33; De Thematibus, 79.35: “... καὶ παρέρχεται τἡν Ταυρόπολιν ...” 79.39: “Καὶ
τοσαύτη μἑν ἡ τοῦ Κιβυρραιώτου περιοχή. Lequien 1740, 904 locates Kibyra in Caria. However, Turner 1899,
76-77 identifies Kibyra as Kibyra Mikra, another episcopal seat (modern Horzum of Adana) in provincia Isauria.
Laurent 1963, 382 adopted the Turner’s localization. Fedalto 1988, 196 and Ruggieri 1996, 229 followed the
Lequien’s identification and put Kibyra as an episcopal seat in Caria. Kibyra is mentioned in the ecclesiastical lists
given by Notitia Episcopatuum; See Notitia 1, 284, Notitia 2, 347; Notitia 3, 465; Notita 4, 302; Notitia 7, 362; Notita
9, 244; Notitia 10, 296; Notitia 13, 300; also Darrouzès 1981 and Janin 1912, coll. 826-827. Yannopoulos 1991, 525
identifies Kibyra as a part of the Caria and locates it in its correct geographical location two km west of a village
named Horzum in the Gölhisar district of Burdur province.
42 Lequien 1740, 904 named the prelate Leontios I; Turner 1899, 76-77 called him Letodorus; According to Janin 1912,
col. 826 he was Letodorus who attended the first council of Nicaea in 325; Fedalto 1988, 196 and Ruggieri 1996,
229, 233 follow Turner.
43 Lequien 1740, 904 named the bishop Leontios II; see also Turner 1907, II, 460-461; Fedalto 1988, 196, Ruggieri
1996, 229.
44 ACO, I, I, II, 5.64: “Ἀπελλᾶ Κιβύρας”; 1,1,7, 86.64: “Ἀπελλᾶ Κιβύρας”; Fedalto, 1988, 196; Ruggieri, 1996, 229, 233.
45 ACO, IV, I, 6.25; 23.5; 35.19; 42.7; 206.16: “Erasimo reuerentissimo episcopo Cibyrae”, ACO, IV, I, 228, 25:
“Erasimus misericordia dei episcopus Cibyritanorum civitatis”; Fedalto 1988, 196; Ruggieri 1996, 229, 233.
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
253
(680/681)46. The participation of Kibyra’s bishop named Paulos (Παῦλος) in the meetings
of the Quinisextum Council (690/691) is evidenced by his signature47. Bishop Gregorios
(Γρηγόριος) participated in the second Council of Nicaea (787)48 and Stephanos (Στέφανος) in
the Council of Constantinople (869)49. The sigillographic material brings two unknown bishops
of Kibyra to light. A seal dated to the second half of the 9th century is evidence of the existence
of a bishop named Basilios and reads Βασίλιος, ἐπίσκοπος Κηβύ[ρ(ρας)]50. The name of a
second bishop of the city, Prokopios (Προκόπιος), is provided by his seal of the 10th century.
It reads ἐπίσκοπος Κιβύρρα(ς)51.
1 - Georgios archon (7th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2010-51
Context: Upper Agora, 1st Terrace
Diameter: 27 mm.
Parallel(s): Obv.: Inscription of three lines. + ΘEOTO| KEBOH| ΘΗ: Θεοτόκε βοήθῃ [Mother of God
(Theotokos) aid]52
Rev.:Inscription of four lines. Inscription starts with a small cross. Border of dots.
+ ΓΕωP|ΓΙΑP|ΧΟΝΤ|ωC
Γεωργίου ἄρχοντως [(sic.) instead of ἄρχοντος)]: of archon Georgios
Commentary: On the reverse the title of the owner is depicted. Archon (pl. archontes) (ἄρχων,
pl. ἄρχοντες) was a title derived from the Greek verb “ἄρχω”, (“to rule, administer).” Archon is
a very rare title and observed only after the 6th century on seals53. Synonymous with megistana
(μεγιστάνα) and dynatos (δυνατός), the term archon was given to any official who obtained
power in the Byzantine world. High-ranking officials like strategoi (στρατηγοί), as well as personal servants or friends of emperor (οἰκείοι), were also given this honorary title. Archontes
carried out various special duties54.
The archontes of Aegean islands like Crete and Cyprus as well as Dalmatia are listed in the
9th century Taktikon of Uspenskij. Archon, except for being a title of any powerful noble or
magnate, is technically, used to refer to a class of provincial governors. In the 8th to 9th centuries, archontes appear as governors of certain peripheral provinces like Dalmatia, Cephaloni,
Crete and Cyprus, which are inferior in status to the themata. Based on the seals dated to the
10th-12th centuries that, commemorate the archontes as governors of various cities like Krateia
46 Lequien 1740, 904; Darrouzès 1975, 45; Fedalto 1988, 196; Ruggieri 1996, 229, 233.
47 Lequien 1740, 904 does not mention his name. Ohme 1990, no. 167, 163 and 296 shows him as the bishop of
Kibyra: “Παῦλος επίσκοπος πόλεως Κιβύρας”; see also Ruggieri 1996, 229, 233.
48 Mansi 13, 1767, col. 393Β:. “Γρηγόριος ἀνάξιος ἐπίσκοπος Κιβύρης”; Fedalto 1988, 196; Ruggieri 1996, 229, 233.
49 Mansi 14, 1769, col. 44D: “Stephano amicissimo episcopo Cibyrae.”; Fedalto 1988, 196; Ruggieri 1996, 229, 233.
50 Cheynet – Morrisson – Seibt 1991, 174, no. 254; Perhaps two additional seals can be attributed to this prelate. See
Laurent 1963, no. 648 and Laurent 1972, no. 1793. Seibt 1974, no. 76 and 79 proposed a correction of its reading.
Oikonomides 1974, 747 suggested a different reading for it.
51 Laurent 1963, no. 520; Nesbitt – Oikonomides 1994, no: 68.1; Ruggieri 1996, 229, n. 51.
52 Diethart 1982, 79-82; Oikonomides 1985, 11; Bulgurlu 2007, 24.
53 Petrides 1906, 215-216; ODB 160.
54 Tsougarakis 1990, 141.
254
Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
(Gerede), Claudioupolis (Bolu), Chrysopolis (Shkodra) and Athens, it is assumed that the term
archontia (ἀρχοντία) referred to the area under the control of an archon55.
Archontes were also placed in charge of various naval bases and trade stations as well as
semi-autonomous Slavic-inhabited areas (Sclaviniae) under Byzantine sovereignty. The holders of several financial posts also received this title, such as the head of the mint (ἄρχων τῆς
χαραγῆς) and administrators of the imperial workshops, arsenals, etc. Foreign rulers were also
honored with this title56. In the 8th to 9th centuries, the title archon was considered important
but of secondary rank between the other charges (chartularios, protonotarios, tourmarches).
These titles are also most often associated with the dignity of kandidatos57.
It is necessary to say a few words about the region and the period to which the Kibyra
seal belongs. The narrations of Nikephoros and Theophanes give some clues by recording
the defeat of Byzantine ships against the Arabs in 697/8. The chroniclers write that the command of these ships was entrusted by Emperor Leontios to the patrician Ioannes, who attempted to retake Carthage from the Arabs but failed. On their way to home, while on Crete,
the officers and soldiers deposed Ioannes. Renouncing Leontios they proclaimed Apsimaros as
emperor. In his work Nikephoros writes “… and they elected a man named Apsimaros who
happened to be the archon (leader), what the Romans used to call droungarios”, and “he commanded an army which consisted of the people named Kourikiotai, who originated from (or
resided in) a region subordinated to the Kibyrraiotai…” Theophanes writes with almost same
words: “… and they elected Apsimaros as emperor and re-named him as Tiberios, who happened to be droungarios of the Kibyrraiotai and he was one of the people named Kourikiotai
…”. Nikephoros recognizes Apsimaros the archon as the droungarios of the military garrison
(στρατός) originating from (or residing in) Korykos (or Kourikos) which was subordinated to
the Kibyrraiotai58.
55 ODB 160.
56 Schlumberger 1884, 412 stated: “It was called ‘the Byzantine archons’, as we said in the West “‘the barons, the high
French barons’”; see also Herrin 1975, 260; Munro-Hay 1991, 145; Bulgurlu 2007, 257.
57 Nichanian 2013, 618.
58 Nikephoros 1880, 40.1-4: “... ψηφίζονται δἑ Ἀψίμαρον ὅνομα, στρατοῦ ἂρχοντα τῶν Κουρικιωτῶν τυγχάνοντα,
τῆς ὑπὁ Κιβυρραιωτῶν χώρας, ὂν δρουγγράριον ‘Ρωμαίοις καλεῖν ἔθος”. Theophanes 1883, 370.23-25: “…
ψηφισάμενοι βασιλέα Ἀψίμαρον δρουγγάριον τῶν Κιβυρραιωτῶν εἰς Κουρικιώτας ὑπάρχοντα Τιβέριον αυτον
μετονομάσαντες …”. The record of Theophanes who relates Apsimaros to the Kibyrraiotai and that of Nikephoros
who describes Apsimaros as the “droungarios of army of Kourikiotai” have been extensively debated by modern
historiography. Zonaras 1870, 224.4-8 is the only chronicler who mentions a droungarios of the Kibyrraiotai that
commanded the troops from Korykos (a city will be connected to the theme of Seleucia) already in 698. The
account of three Byzantine chroniclers is also available in Leon Grammatikos’ Chronographia 166.11. Pertusi
1952, 151-152 translated as: “being chief of the army of the Kourikiotes of the region under the jurisdiction of
the Kibyrraiotai”. He proposed that this would respect much better the structure and the logic of the text of
Nikephoros. Pertusi also noted that these Κουρικιῶται could not be the inhabitants of Korykos, because in this
case they would have to have the name of Κωρυκαῖοι. Therefore, these are soldiers “residing in Korykos”, without
being from the city. So the Kibyrraiotai must also be “soldiers residing in Kibyra” without originated from the
city. See also Yannopoulos 1991, 523, n. 19-21. Antoniadis-Bibicou 1966, 95, n. 5 argued that “the droungarios
Apsimaros simply commanded an army composed of the people of Korykos”, adding that their native town was no
longer part of the empire. But a seal from this period showed the existence of a kommerkiarios and an apotheke
in Korykos disproving, we think, only the second part of her argument. Compare Schlumberger 1905, no. 215
dated by Zacos - Veglery 1972, 180, to 690/1. Wassiliou-Seibt (in TIB 8) 2004, 407 states that the narration of the
Byzantine historians on a strategos of the Kibyrraiotai (638) is anachronistic because their definition of Apsimaros
as drungarios (698) is related to a period prior to the establishment of the theme of the Kibyrraiotai. Mango –
Scott 1997, 517 suggested that the passage regarding Nikephoros may describe only “the squadron of Korykos”.
Recalling that no droungarios of the Kibyrraiotai or Kourikiotai is attested elsewhere, Zuckerman 2005, 122-123,
141-142 points out that Theophanes introduces Apsimaros as the droungarios of the Kibyrraiotai. But he also writes
that this officer is someone who actually belonged to the Kourikiotai, which can be identified with “the squadron
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
255
The records of Theophanes, who relates Apsimaros with the Kibyrraiotai, and of
Nikephoros, who describes Apsimaros as the droungarios of the forces of Kourikiotai whose
town subordinated to the territory of (the people of) Kibyra (Κιβυρραιωτῶν χώρα), may be
ample evidence of the administrative priority of this Kibyra to Korykos. Combining the information of these two Byzantine historians with the data given by the two seals belonging to an archon of Kibyrraiotai (ἂρχων τῶν Κιβυρραιωτῶν), Zuckerman claimed that Apsimaros may be
defined as the first attested civilian official of the Kibyrraiotai59, just like the patrician (eunuch)
Ioannes who was appointed by Leontios as commander of the same naval campaign towards
Carthage60. This is evidence of the non-existence of an organized Byzantine navy in 698 (see
n. 17), which is strengthened also by the accounts of three Byzantine chroniclers who write
about another fight given by the Byzantine armies against the Arab fleet off the coast of Finike
(714/15). Theophanes, Nikephoros, and Zonaras write that any imperial servant upon whom
the emperors relied could be assigned to the command of the “alleged Byzantine navy”, just
like the civil bureaucrat (genikos logothetes) Ioannes was chosen by the emperor Anastasios
II (713-715) to fight against the Arab fleet in that year61. This information reveals that neither
Ioannes nor Apsimaros or the last Ioannes were professionals who had distinguished themselves in seafaring or proved their talent in maritime affairs but were civil bureaucrats. The
command of the land forces on ships was entrusted to Ioannes, while Apsimaros was chosen
by his people because he was already their leader in the district of the Kibyrraiotai where they
were residing or had originated. The interpretation regarding the position of Apsimaros, before
his ascent to the Byzantine throne as Tiberios III (698-705), may be also applied to the status
of Georgios, owner of our Kibyra seal. It could be amply reliable evidence on the status of the
archon Georgios who seems to have shared a similar fate with Apsimaros. They were endowed
of Korykos”. Korykos is defined as the base of “the major naval command” of this time. Hild and Hellenkemper
determined that Apsimaros was droungarios of the Kourikiotai, commander of the fleet of Korykos and also the
high-commander on the Kibyrraiotai ships and droungarios of Kibyrraiotai. For Korykos and further discussion on
Apsimaros’ status, see Hild – Hellenkemper 1990, 46, 315, esp. 316, not. 34, 403, nn (esp.) 64, 77-80. But there is a
very important detail that the scholars have overlooked. As already argued by Gregoriadou-Ioannidou 1982, 207221, esp. 212-218 a droungarios was only a subaltern officer of the strategos, commander of a land army; therefore,
“droungarios of the Kibyrraiotai” can only be the commander of a droungos, which consisted of a thousand men,
under the command of a strategos of the Kibyrraiotai. Neither strategos nor droungarios corresponded to naval
posts in Byzantine military terminology of the 7th to 8th centuries because the Byzantine naval organization was still
under construction. Therefore, droungarios should be considered an officer of the land army. It is a fact that the
Byzantium, which in the vital geographical area included large segments of the sea, during its early epoch (324565) showed little interest in its marine power until the continuing Arab naval threat after the two unsuccessful
sieges of the Arab fleets against Constantinople in 673-678 and 717-718. The Byzantines possessed neither any
unified and independent (from land army) naval administration nor specific naval posts or titles. They had the
same titles applied to the land army like strategos, droungarios etc. The phenomenon is observed even when
there was a unified naval command under a strategos, and later when the naval forces have been divided into an
imperial and thematic fleet, the naval operations often run not by naval officials of career but any officials who
were judged worthy of it. All necessary for someone to be assigned to the highest command of a naval campaign
was to gain the trust of the emperor. See Gregoriadou-Ioannidou 1982, 207-221, esp. 203-204 and 211-219,
suggested that the existence of the Kibyrraiotai as a particular maritime theme could be accepted only when the
naval forces were characterized/mentioned specifically as the naval forces of the Kibyrraiotai.
59 Wassiliou-Seibt in TIB 8, 2004 407, 412-413, n. 146 defines the archon as “das Oberhaupt fremdstämmiger
Völkerschaften (the head of foreign tribes)” Zuckermann 2005, 123, not. 143 thinks that in this case the term ἂρχων
could not designate “the head of foreign tribes”.
60 Theophanes, 370.8-9; Nikephoros, 39.15-16; For the other patricians who led an expedition against Cherson of
Crimea in 711 see Theophanes, 377.22 ff and 379.17 ff.; Nikephoros, 44.14ff and 46.16 ff.
61 According to Theophanes and Nikephoros another civil bureaucrat Georgios (genikos logothetes) was among the
commanders who were sent in a mission against Cherson in 711. See Theophanes, 385.9ff.; Nikephoros, 50.19ff;
For the assignement of the civil officials by the emperors the command of armies see Ioannes Skylitzes, 183.61;
Leon Grammatikos, 66.2.
256
Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
with the same title which means the same authority as city governors as well as its hinterland.
In the 7th century, as indicated above, although the establishment of the first thematic armies
(under the command of strategoi) had already started in the Anatolian plateau, the civil authority was still in the hands of the representatives of the old Roman ruling elite. In this context, we
may conclude that our seal testifies to the existence of an archon who was established in Kibyra
as an active actor of the old state administrative system, still in valid under the strategos of
the Anatolikoi.
2 - Pantoleon apo eparchon (7th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2011-5
Context: Agora, Colonaded Street Diameter: 22,5 mm.
Parallel(s): The most important parallel is another seal
of Pantoleon struck from the same boulloterion and
found in Limyra. It is now preserved in the Antalya
Museum collection (Museum Inv. No. 2008/B 159).
Obv.: Inscription of three lines. Border of dots. ΠΑΝΤ|OΛΕΟΝ|ΤΟC
Rev.: Inscription of three lines. Border of dots. AΠΟ|ΕΠΑΡΧ|ωN
Παντολέοντος ἀπὁ ἐπάρχων (of Pantoleon apo eparchon)
Seibt notes that several other persons named Pantoleon are known by their seals from the
same period. But none of these seals resembles our seal, but only that of one Pantoleon who
appears with the title of imperial spatharios62.
Commentary: Eparchy (ἐπαρχία) was the Greek equivalent of the praefectum, i.e. province
of the Roman Empire. For this reason, eparchy was used especially in the eastern parts of the
Roman Empire to identify the provinces63. The dignity of apo eparchon (ἀπὁ ἐπάρχων) or apo
hyparchon (ἀπὁ ὑπάρχων) (Lat. Praefectus praetorio: former provincial governor) is attested
since the 5th century64. The title ex- prefectus refers in fact to an honorary charge, that of former prefect of the cities or the praetorio who was no longer in office or who had obtained
honorary office. In other words, it is equivalent to an imperially awarded title whose origin lies
in the dignities of the late Roman period65.
62 Seibt 1978, 178; Cheynet et alii 2012, no. 5.67; PBE: Pantoleon 3.
63 Zadornov 2016, 122.
64 According to the 5th century Byzantine historian Zosimos, it was an honorary title, created in the period of the
Constantine I (324-337) and not corresponding to any office. It was given to the emperor’s closest relatives and
children. In Byzantine protocol, the provincial governor “praefectus praetorio” was even above him; see Zosimus
1887, 98.5-18; see De cerimoniis, 158; Guilland 1982, 31. The symbol of the title was a diploma made of ivory.
However the title was removed after 1100; see also Bury 1911, 22, 121, 124; Guilland 1967, 132-169; Guilland
1976, VII-XIV; ODB 1600; Schlumberger 1884, 506. Herrin 1975, 253-284 stated that “studies of the administrative
structure rely heavily on lists of officials and their honorary titles and on records of persons attending important
functions at court, which reflect the significance attached to particular posts and the seniority of offices.” The list
of the offices is as follows: hypatos from ca. 690, but mainly to the early 8th century until 822/3; apo hypaton
mainly ca. 630 to ca. 697; patrikios 659 onwards, 690/2 to 708; protospatharios 727 to 729; spatharios 825 to 826;
stratelates 679/80, up to 689/90; scribon until 691/2; balnitor 718/19 to 724/5; apo eparchon mainly from 698/9 to
720-ca. 729; kandidatos, 717?; silentiarios 776 to 780; see Metcalf 2013, 129-130; cf. Bulgurlu 2007, 256.
65 On this dignity, see ODB 133-134; 1911, 23 ff.; Vitale 2014, 6-7; Oikonomides 1972, 296; Guilland 1982, 30-44;
Guilland 1967, 1, 159, 343; 2, 81, 115, 221-222, 225; Haldon 1990, 393.
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
257
The importance of the dignity is testified in the middle of the 7 th century. The numerous
seals of the 7th and early 8th centuries are the evidence that the dignity of apo eparchon as well
as stratelates (master of the militia) and silentiarios represent titular senatorial dignities in late
Roman times. Apo eparchon, as a senatorial dignity could be combined with other titles66. As a
member of the late Roman senatorial elite, the existence of holders of this dignity, indicate the
dominance of the privileged landowning aristocracy67.
In the 7th century these dignity-holders reached the summit of the Byzantine hierarchy, and
its holders held a place in the group of first – degree - functionaries together with master of
militia and chief. But the excessive increase in the number of dignity-holders seems to have
caused its distinctive status to cease. This led to its devaluation and rapid disappearance in the
first half of the 8th century like other senatorial dignities. The relatively reduced frequency of
this dignity on seals indicates the low value of dignity as early as the 7th century. This decrease
in the number of dignities may not be related to the devolution of its holders over time, but to
the subordinate level of the functions exercised by the small number of active apo eparchontes
in the administration. The subordinated position of the apo eparchontes may also have led
them not to strike seals in a significant number. The circulation of the seals mentioning a dignitary like apo eparchon in a geographical region comes into prominence because it reveals its
social surface and the influence of dignity owners. But the dignity was quickly devalued since
from the second half of the 6th century, second-ranked officials could acquire the dignities of
ex-prefect or stratelates. These new conditions challenged the apo eparchontes’ status or functions and caused to its quick reduction to the second rank. As a main factor, the difficulties
of public finances at the time contributed to the continuous detoriation of the position of the
dignity68. Only one apo eparchon is attested in a textual source the last praefectus Praetorio of
Italy, Theodoros “Kalliopas”. At a later stage of his career in the 7th century he was promoted
to patrician and exarchos of Italy69.
Therefore, the 7th century formed a decisive step in the career of civil servants like these
apo eparchontes. The transformations of the time threatened the members of these dignityholders to a senatorial class of landowners and senior officials. In the same period, holders of
the dignity of apo eparchon survived and still occupied a median position. The dignity listed
after the patricians and consuls but before the stratelates. However, in the first third of the
8th century with the disappearance of the dignities of stratelates and illustrious and the dignity
of apo eparchon falling to the lowest level of dignities, the apo eparchon fell to the lowest level
of dignities. In the first third of the 8th century, new “imperial” dignities appeared, and the majority of the members of this class along with those titled stratelates and illustrious disappeared
completely. The sigillographic study of the apo eparchontes confirms the survival of certain
ruling class beyond the 7th century, which passes through into the service of the emperor and
the imperial administration70. But the new position of apo eparchontes reveals an erosion in
the institutional structures of Late Antiquity. As seen frequently on the seals of this century,
the members of this class lost their former privileges and authority, something related to the
66 Winkelmann 1985, 45ff; Nichanian 2013, 605-606.
67 Haldon 1990, 393, 394, 396, n. 62, 385 sates this turning point to the second half of the 7th century onwards;
Nichanian 2013, 605, 607.
68 Haldon dates this turning point to the 2nd half of the 7th century onward. See Haldon 1990, 393, 394, 396, not. 62,
385; Nichanian 2013, 605-606.
69 Laurent 1962, no. 99 = Zacos – Veglery 1972, no. 2923 = DOSeals 1 no 2.2: Theodore apo eparchon and eparchos
(= exarchos) of Italy. On the exarchos see Liber pontificalis, I, 332 and 338 (PmbZ no 7295): Nichanian 2013, 605.
70 Nichanian 2013, 606-607.
258
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collapse of the old functions in the 8th century. Although for the 7th century, in contrast to the
8th century, it is difficult to differentiate a function usually associated with this dignity, the apo
eparchon stand mostly alone and, not with any other dignity which corresponded to a function
or office71. Now the holders of the senatorial dignity of apo eparchon, like hypatos (consul)72,
seems to have been confined to secondary military and especially civil functions, i.e. control of
state workshops or toll collection; such as notarioi, chartoularioi, etc).73
The dignity of the apo eparchon is never associated with new functions corresponding
with real military or civil authority, such as strategos or logothetes (λογοθέτης)74, but only
with former functions deprived of their power or the new secondary charges. Only the seals
of kommerkiarioi (κομμερκιάριοι)75 at the beginning of the 8th century who begin to use the
title apo eparchon testify to the recovery of the old senatorial dignity by a class of tradesmen
or imperial administrators. They were enriched by the collection of customs duties and by the
imperial apotheke management, and thus acquired a title. The dignity of the apo eparchon is
not mentioned in the Taktikon Uspenskij of 842, and shows that it did not survive the 9th century, for it is mentioned for the last time at the end of that century. Philotheos’ Kletorologion
written in 89976 presents it as the lowest senatorial dignity, immediately below the title of silentiarios77. Reiske followed by Guilland, based on a passage Kletorologion, considered that the
71 Nichanian 2013, 606-607; ODB 133-134.
72 Hypatos (ὓπατος) is the Greek equivalent of the Roman consul. In the 6th century hypatos and apo hypaton (ex-
consul) became honorary titles and lost their importance over time. In the Philotheos’ Kletorologion, the hypatos
is listed after spatharios. Several seals show that the hypatos was associated with spatharios. In the 10th century
Tactikon of Escorial, hypatos appears as an office with judiciary functions. See Oikonomides 1972, 296, 325.
The texts of the 11th century again present hypatos as a dignity but a higher rank than the protospatharios. It
disappeared after 1111. See Oikonomides 1972, 296, 325; Seibt 1978, 342-346; ODB 963-964.
73 Bury 1911, 23-24; Guilland 1982, 30-44; Oikonomides 1972, 89,12; 99,15; Brubaker - Haldon 2011, 593; Haldon
1990, 199, n. 104.
74 Logothetai appear as high official sekretikoi (bureaucrats) in the Tactica of the 9th and 10th centuries, specifically as
heads of one of the many departments but not with exclusively fiscal functions. The origin is not clear. The Notitia
Dignitatum does not include the term, but it was common in the 6th century as a designation for fiscal controllers
on various levels of the administrative ladder. The seals of simple logothetai are concentrated in the 6th to
7th centuries. Their status radically changed around the 7th century when the office of Praetorian prefect lost its
importance and individual departments became independent. The chiefs of some departments (Dromos, Genikon,
Stratiotikon and Agelai) were named logothetai (λογοθέτης του δρόμου, λογοθέτης του γενικού, λογοθέτης του
στρατιωτικού, λογοθέτης των αγέλων). Under Emperor Alexios I (1081-1118) the civil administration tried to
be coordinated under the control of a single official, i.e. logothetes ton sekreton whom the megas logotheres
replaced later. The bureau (sekreton) of a logothetes, logothesion, is visible through the 11th century. For the
detailed information see Guilland 1971, 5-10; ODB 1245-1248. Notarios (Νοτάριος), notary was a title of officials
who were responsible for registering transactions and certifying documents. They are mentioned by various names
(Notarios, taboullarios, tabellion, symboliographos, nomikos), whose meaning changed in time. Late Roman notarii
were primarily stenographers who recorded the minutes of important meetings, while Byzantine tabullarioi were
officials. They were often involved in fiscal operations and served in numerous departments in Constantinople
as well as provinces. Seals of the imperial taboullarioi are concentrated in the 6 th to 7th centuries. Since the
6th century their major function was restricted to the preparation of documents (a function described by the term
“symboliographos/contract composers”). The guild of taboullarioi, as defined by the Book of the Eparchos, formed
a private body under the control of imperial authorities.
75 Kommerkiarioi first appear during the reign of emperor Anastasios (491-518 AD). Oikonomides 1986, 33-53 writes
“These officials were responsible the collection of kommerkion, a tax on the circulation and sale of the goods”. For
further information see Morrisson – Seibt 1982, 223; Ragia 2009, 197-198; Nichanian 2013, 606-607.
76 Oikonomides 1972, 89, 12 and 99, 15.
77 ODB 133-134; Nichanian 2013, 606. A silentiarios (σιλεντιάριος) was a court attendant whose first duty was to
secure order and silence in the palace. These office-holders are first mentioned in 326/28. Low-ranking servants at
the time of Constantine I, the silentairioi became spectabiles in the 5th century, and their decuriones were illustres
in the 6th century. In the late 5th century one of them became emperor, i.e. Anastasios I. After the 6th century
their role decreased and became ceremonial. In tactica and on seals the term is used as a title, not an office.
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
259
title of apo eparchon was equivalent to the stratelates of the themes (ἡ τοῦ στρατηλάτου ἐπὶ
θεμάτων ἀξία ἤτοι ἡ ἀπὸ ἐπάρχων ὀνομαζομένη). According to Nichanian this was an attempt
to reattach the origin of the title apo eparchon to the old prefects (governors of provinces
or eparchies) instead of to the ex-prefects (former governors) of the Byzantine capital city.
Nichanian points out that “the reasoning for linking the apo eparchon to the obscure expression of ‘stratelates of themes’ and drawing an indication of their status as provincial governor is
unclear, because the title of stratelates refers to the master of late Roman militia and in no case
to a civilian governor”. Nichanian emphasizes that Reiske’s attempt to dissociate the title of apo
eparchon from the Late Antique honorary charge of ex-prefect is due to the extreme devaluation of the title in the 9th century. He adds that, like the honorary office of prefect, stratelates
belonged to the group of first-degree functions that followed exactly the same evolution and
was even, in terms of precedence, immediately inferior to the dignity of the apo eparchon in
the 7th century78.
The sigillographic material with the old civil dignitaries is the main evidence for the continuation of the Late Roman administrative system in the Byzantine provinces during the 7th to
8th centuries. A seal from the early 8th century belonging to another Pantoleon who appears
as “imperial kandidatos and archon of Theologos (Ephesos)”79 represents solid evidence for
this continuation. Pantoleon appears on a chronogically earlier seal as a paraphylax, which
reveals his position. He was guardian of St. John the Theologos whose church and relics were
preserved inside the walls of the fortress80. Combining this with the aforementioned seal, it is
understood that Pantoleon was later honored with the dignity of imperial kandidatos and promoted to the rank of archon, i.e. governor of Ephesos 81.
As for Pantoleon, the owner of our seal, might have been an administrative official in
charge who was established in Kibyra (or Aphrodisias, metropolis of Caria addressed to his collocutor in Kibyra) and responsible for a state workshop in the service of the emperor. This seal
seems to have been struck in a period when Pantoleon was positioned under the control of a
strategos of the Anatolikoi, but with valid civilian authorities. Our seal also indicates the existence of a low-ranking land-owner class in Kibyra, the region Kibyratis. They were honored
with the dignity of the apo eparchon and charged with controlling state workshop(s) in the
service of the imperial administration. Moreover, it is evidence of an apo eparchon in charge
of Kibyra who was responsible for its urban administration in behalf of the central administrative mechanism. We think the Kibyra seal with an old Roman civil dignity (apo eparchon) indicates that the Late Roman administrative system continued in Byzantine Kibyratis during the
7th century.
Oikonomides 1972, 296 thinks that the last datable mention of silentiarios comes from the reign of Nikephoros II
Phokas but Guilland 1967, pt. 17, 33-46 concludes that silentiarioi still existed in the 11th-12th centuries. For further
on silentiarios, see Bury 1911, 24-35; ODB 1896.
78 Guilland 1982, 31; De ceremoniis aulae Byzantinae, 158; Nichanian 2013, 605-606.
79 Zacos – Veglery 1972, no. 2282A.
80 Theophanes, 469-470: “εἰς Ἒφεσον καὶ εἰς τὁν Θεολόγον εὐξάμενος τὁ κωμέρκιν ...”; Genesios, 121: “Ἱωάννου
τοῦ θεολόγου τῆς ἐπαρχίας ...”; Anna Komnena, 2, 91.14: “.... πόλιν τινἁ Ἐφεσίων ... ἐν ᾗ πάλαι τέμενος ἐπ’
ὀνόματι Ἱωάννου ἀποστόλου τοῦ θεολόγου ἵδρυτο. καὶ ... ἂλλα φρούρια ...”.
81 Nesbitt – Oikonomides 1996, 30, no. 14.1; PBE: Pantoleon 11; For the archontes serving in coastal areas, see
Ahrweiler 1966, 54-61 and esp. 58 n. 3 and 270 n. 3.
Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
260
3 - Eusebios apo eparchon (7th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2016-9
Context: Agora, Tholos Nymphaeum.
Diameter: 29 mm.
Parallel: Obv: Cruciform invocative monogram. Type I 82. Θ at center, HE ligated to the left, B at bottom,
K on the right and TO ligated at top. ΘΕΟΤΟΚΕ ΒΟΗΘΕΙ (Θεοτόκε βοήθει): Mother of God
(Theotokos) aid
Rev: + ΕVC|ΕBIωAΠ|OΕΠAP|XωN
Εὐσεβίῳ ἀπὁ ἐπάρχων
Theotokos (Mother of God), aid apo eparchon Eusebios!
Commentary: This second seal strengths the idea that in the 7th century Kibyra was governed
by a governor in charge (in the city itself or in Aphrodisias, metropolis of Caria), as part of the
strategia of the Anatolikoi in which the military forces were established and controlled by a
strategos83.
4 - Prokopios (?) (7th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2011-138
Context: A1T, East Stoa.
Diameter: 18 mm.
Parallel(s): Obv: Bust of Christ and nimbus cruciger with wreath border. The iconography on the obverse
represents Christ’s bust because the nimbus (halo) is in the shape of a cross. The widespread
expectation of the figures of Jesus on the seals, which frequently reflect Christian iconography,
is reversed84. Although he is not often seen as a baby in the Virgin Mary’s lap, Christ is rarely
seen as an adult figure, as in this example.
Rev.: Greek cross85, circular inscription, between double-row borders of dots.
ΠΡΟΚΟΠΙΟV or PωCHNIOV or CICINNIOV EΠICK,
Προκοπίου or Ρωσινίου/ or Σισινίου ἐπισκ(όπου) (of Prokopios or Rosinios or Sisinios)
The legend on the reverse is uncertain; the letters are damaged and reading is very difficult.
Προκοπίου ἐπισκ(όπου) is a possible reading, so it is probably the seal of a bishop. The
names Rosinios or Rusenios are unknown while the names of Sisinnios or Prokopios86 are too
common to date the bulla. The most probable reading seems to be Prokopios.
Commentary: It is often the reverse of the seals which provides precise information about the
names, titles and their period87. The find context of the seal is from 5th to 6th century strata.
82 Nesbitt – Oikonomides 1996, 239.
83 see no. 3.
84 Bulgurlu 2007, 21.
85 Cheynet 1997, 108; Koltsida-Makre 1995, 43.
86 Nesbitt – Oikonomides 1994, 170, no: 68.1; Ruggieri 1996, 229, 233; Lequien 1740, 903; Sisinnius was the bishop of
Stauropolis in Caria and attended the Council of Constantinople in 692; see PBE, Sisinnius 9.
87 Cheynet 1997, 108 offers three criteria for the dating of the seals: external appearance, epigraphic characteristics
and the content of the inscription.
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
261
The epigraphic characteristics of the present seal also suggest a date in the 7th century. One
possible theory suggests that its owner was a bishop named Prokopios. He is the second
Prokopios, namesake of above-mentioned Prokopios, whose existence is attested by a seal
at Dumbarton Oaks collection dated to the 10th century. Because this seal has totally different characteristics, we can assume that he is the first Prokopios who served in the same seat,
sometime in the 7th century. That the location of the function is not represented on the seal
make us think that the prelate would not need to mention his position in his correspondence
especially in a region where he was already known.
5 - Zotikos (?) (7th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2014-Etd1
Context: Agora, 1st Terrace Street, East Stoa, 6th Shop.
Diameter: 24 mm.
Parallel(s): Editions: Cotsonis, 2009, 59.
Obv.: Eagle with uplifted wings and head right with wreath border. In the field above the
eagle’s head is a star.
Rev.: I at center, Z (?) on the left, ω at bottom, K on the right and T ligated at top.
(ω, I, T, K, ) attached to a cross potent88, best solution is = Ζωτικοῦ (of Zotikos).
Commentary: The seal is badly damaged, but a good example for seals of the early Byzantine
period (with depiction of an eagle). Above the eagle is a star. On the reverse is a cruciform
monogram including on the top , at the base a ω, on the right there is a K, and on the left the
letter is destroyed. But it seems that in this letter there was a superior horizontal stroke. The
most probable solution is ZωTIKΟV.
The name is attested at this time, particularly for ecclesiastical personages. Zotikos could
have been a bishop. St. Zotikos Orphanotropos is commemorated in the Synaxarion along
with Tarsizios, Kyriakos and Sokios who were martyred in Alexandria. In the Synaxarion
seven martyrs named Zotikos are recorded89. Bishop Zotikos who represented Harpasa (modern Arpaz/Esenköy-Aydın) at the Council of Chalkedon (451) is also attested 90. In the conciliar list of bishops who participated in the Council of Trullo held in Constantinople in 692, a
Zotikos is also mentioned as the bishop of Bareta in Asia. He appears in the Quinisext Council
and signed the acts as Ζωτικὸς ἀνάξιος ἐπίσκοπος πόλεως Βαρέτων τῆς Ἀσιανῶν ἐπαρχίας91. Although the function and the location are not depicted on the seal we think that
the prelate would not have mentioned these data especially in his private or unofficial
correspondence.
88 Taş – Özcan 2015, 225.
89 Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanum, December 31.2: 359.33; December 30: 358.53. January 8: 376.55.-
96.29, 362.26, 376.56. For the other saints named Zotikos see Synaxarium, 1089.
90 Mansi 7, 1762, 157.9-10: Ζωτικός ἐπίσκοπος πόλεως Ἁρπασῶν.
91 Ohme 1990, 145-170; esp. 154, no. 80; Mansi 11, 993 recorded the name of the prelate incorrectly as Zotios.
262
Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
6 - Martinus protector or protiktor (6th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2014-Etd93
Context: Agora, 1st Terrace, East Stoa
Diameter: 23 mm.
Parallel(s): Zacos – Veglery 1972, no: 930. DO 58.106.2942.
Another specimen struck from the same boulloterion is preserved in the collection of the Selçuk
Museum; see: Cheynet 1999, 334, no: 26, pl. 43, 26; Cheynet 2003, 165 (PLRE: Martinus 5)
Obv.: Inscription of three lines. |RI|N (of Martinos). Wreath border.
Rev.: Inscription of three lines. O|IC|OO[S]: of protector or protictor. Wreath border.
Commentary: The inscription on Byzantine seals is usually in Greek, so this seal with a Latin
inscription is exceptionally rare. Especially after the 6th century it is quite unusual to find an
inscription in a different alphabet such as Latin, Arabic, or Armenian92. Other alphabets except
for Greek were completely abandoned after the 7th century93. It is also noteworthy that we
may have the second seal of this person, since one copy was found in Ephesos, and therefore
both are dated to the 6th century94.
The possible reading of Martinus’ title is protiktor (pl. protiktores) (Lat. protectors). The protiktores designated members of the troop which was created ca. 250. They were responsible
for the protection of the emperor. Protiktores were also called protectors domestici who served
as members of the emperor’s staff. They were assigned to fulfill special duties: to arrest and execute political enemies, levies and inspections as well as to supervise posts and customs. After
400 they shifted toward court service. They are considered to have been the predecessors of
the Scholae Palatinae, an elite group fulfilling a variety of missions based in the headquarters
of the Palatine Guards in Constantinople95. The record for Palatine Guards on seals dates from
the first phase of emperor Justinian II’s reign (685-695)96.
The term protiktor is also described as a leading citizen endowed with some duties such as
tax collection in the Byzantine provinces. This is based on information in the Life of Theodoros
of Sykeon97. It is also described as a local aristocrat or notable in the Byzantine cities98. In the
Codex of Theodosianus and Codex of Justinianus, protiktor is mentioned as a rank, whose
holder was director of the arsenal, tribunus or praepositus fabricae and a first-class military officer.. Protiktores seem to have disappeared in 438 according to the Codex Theodosianus99.
The seal obtained during the Kibyra excavations seems to belong to a protiktor (protector) charged with collecting taxes in the region on behalf of the higher fiscal authorities in
Constantinople rather than a person who was a member of Palatine guards.
92 Bulgurlu 2007, 24.
93 Bulgurlu 2007, 8; Coulie – Nesbitt 1989, 121.
94 Cheynet 1999, 334.
95 For protiktores (προτίκτορες) see ODB 1743.
96 Ragia 2009, 204; Haldon 1984, 133, 153; Stewart 2017, 40-41.
97 Kazhdan 1997, 63.
98 Wickham 2005, 203, n. 200.
99 Codex Theodosianus, 10, 22, 3; Codex Justinianus, 11, 10, 2; Codex Theodosianus Novella no. 6, 1; Guilland 1956,
125.
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
263
7 - Ioannes / Theophilos (7th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2016-08
Context: Agora, Tholos Nymphaeum.
Diameter: 26 mm.
Parallel(s): Obv: Cruciform invocative monogram. Ι at center, on the left,
and at top: Ἰωάννου. Border of dots.
at bottom, N on the right
Rev: Inscription in three lines: + ΘΕ|OφI|ΛΟY. Border of dots.
Ἰωάννου / Θεοφίλου = of Theophilos (son) of Ioannes.
Commentary: Names on both sides are quite common on Byzantine seals and generally in
the genitive case. Both surfaces carry monograms, linear inscriptions or as on this example, a
monogram on the obverse. The owner’s name is inscribed on the reverse100.
8 - Nektarios (7th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2017-08
Context: Agora South Terrace Wall.
Diameter: 19 mm.
Parallel(s): Obv.: The Annunciation. Virgin Mary standing (l.) and the archangel Gabriel (r.); holding a
scepter (r. hand) and advancing toward the Virgin who stands frontally. Her gestures are not
clearly visible and she seems to hold a spindle. There is no visible border or inscription. In the
center there must have been an inscription that read Χαιρετισμὸς (salutation).
Rev.: Cruciform monogram. O in the center, TPV on the top, on the base, NE ligated on the
left and K on the right. Possible solution: NEKTPIOV = Νεκταρίου (of Nectarios).
Commentary: The figures and scene on the seal are not very clear, but the presence of the two
sacred figures suggests the great possibility of Virgin Mary and Gabriel at the Annunciation.
Annunciation. Here Jesus’ birth was announced in advance by the archangel Gabriel. The
Annunciation is quite commonly found in iconographic scenes on pre-Iconoclastic lead seals.
Gabriel is generally on the right side of the figure of Virgin Mary, and both are nimbated101.
9 - Nektarios (8th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2017-Etd18
Context: Agora South Terrace Wall
Diameter: 15 mm.
Parallel(s): Obv.: Invocative cruciform monogram of an indeterminate type. The extremities are poorly
preserved except for the T at the top; in the field τῷ - [σῷ] -δού -λῳ. Maybe Θεοτόκε βοήθει
τῷ [σῷ] δούλ[ῳ]: Mother of God aid. Traces of border of dots.
100 Nesbitt 1977, 112-113, type C.
101 Cotsonis 2009, 61-62, figs. 5-6.
Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
264
Rev.: Invocative cruciform monogram; the extremities are poorly preserved. T, Ρ and Ω at the
top, on the bottom, ΝE on the left, K on the right: ΝEΚΤΡΙω (to Nektarios). It is identical to
sample no. 2017-08 found in Kibyra. The name in the genitive case would agree poorly with
the invocation developed in the dative.
Commentary: The monogram on the obverse is classified by Laurent as type V:102 Θεοτόκε
βοήθει τῷ σῷ δούλῳ (Mother of God, aid your servant103) and on the reverse, again that of the
monogram of Nektarios as in 2017-08. There are two persons who used this name as a variant.
The first is Niketas, bishop of Ilion in Hellespontos. He attended the Second Council of Nicaea
in 787 and was known as Neileos or Nektarios. The second is also a Niketas, bishop of Mele in
Bithynia. He attended the same council and is also known as Nektarios104.
10 - Theophylaktos chartoularios (2nd half of the 8th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2017-09
Context: Agora South Terrace Wall
Diameter: 25 mm.
Parallel(s): Obv.: Cruciform monogram, Λ on the left and K on the
right, on the base and T on the top, Θ, Ф and E in the
centre. The name reads ΘEOφVΛKTOV.
Rev.: Inscription of three lines with border of dots. XPT|OVΛ|PIOV
Θεοφυλάκτου χαρτουλαρίου= (Seal of) Theophylaktos chartoularios.
Commentary: Cross motifs began to be used in the 4th century and became widespread with the
prohibition of figurative descriptions during the iconoclastic period. On the obverse of the seals
certain types invocative monograms were used such as “Mother of God, aid”. On the reverse
inscriptions or monograms contained the name of the owner. Occasionally, his title, post, post’s
location sometimes, and family name were provided105. In this case we are not so fortunate.
The term chartoularios (χαρτουλάριος) (pl. chartoularioi) was derived from χάρτης (official
document). It designated a Byzantine administrative official who had various responsibilities at
times. In the 4th century the early chartoularioi, as lower-ranking officials, were employed in
large administrative services at the central administration or provinces, such as of the praefectus praetorio, magister militum, etc. They were responsible for keeping the archives106.
The first attested “chartoularios of the divine logothesion” was during in the 7th century
in the text of Miracula of St. Artemios107. In the 9th to 10th centuries, the chartoularioi became officials with fiscal and archival duties in the central and provincial administrations,
102 Seibt 2016, 7: “Invocative monograms started around the middle of the 7th century. In the second half of the
7th century the type Laurent I dominated, in the 8 th and 9 th centuries the type Laurent V. Both read Θεοτόκε
βοήθει (“Mother of God, help!”), often combined with the tetragram τῷ σῷ δούλῳ (your servant) in the free quarters of the monogram”.
103 This phrase is commonly found on hundreds of major or minor objects; see Rhoby 2009, 68-69.
104 PBE: Niketas 18, Niketas 19.
105 Erol – Ünal 2012, 117-123 esp.120; Tekocak – Mimiroğlu 2010, 120.
106 Schlumberger 1884, 461 considered that “in Byzantium there were countless varieties of chartularioi” and showed
twenty-five examples. See also Bulgurlu 2007, 266; Çakmakçı 2017, 56; Goodwin 2005, 46.
107 Papadopoulos – Kerameus 1913, 23-29.
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
265
i.e. chartoularios of the genikou (χαρτουλάριος του γενικοῦ), chartoularios of stratiotikon
logothesion (χαρτουλάριος τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ λογοθεσίου) and chartoularios of dromon
(χαρτουλάριος τοῦ δρόμου). The parallel functions of chartophylax (χαρτοφύλαξ) who served
in the ecclesiastical hierarchy caused confusion between the two terms108.
In the central bureaucracy a chartoularios could have been the superior of an entire sekreton (office) such as a chartoularios of the sakella or vestiarion. As certain seals indicate, the
“chartoularioi of the genikon” and “chartoularioi of stratiotikon” were entitled “megas” from
the end of the 10th century. They could also command the army during the battle. In the 12th
century some prominent individuals were honored with the title of chartoularios and military
tasks. From the 13th century onwards, the megas chartoularios (μέγας χαρτουλάριος) was a
high-ranking official. Like a protostrator (πρωτοστάτωρ), he was in the entourage of the emperor and expected to lead the horse of his master109. But it seems apparent that this seal belonged to a fiscal bureaucrat who functioned in a provincial sekreton (office) and was affiliated
with the office of kommerkion of the strategia of the Kibyrraiotai110.
Chartoularios was among the main political subordinates of the strategos. They were
assigned from the central offices in Constantinople: the praitor (guardian) or krites (judge)
assumed the litigation of civil and criminal matters together with the strategos. The essential
mission of the chartoularios was to keep the lists of soldiers who were established in the
thematic territory and to report to his superior logethetes in the central named logothetesion
tou stratiotikou (λογοθεσίον τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ)111.
If the Kibyra’s territory remained under the mandate of the strategia of the Anatolikoi until
the second half of the 8th century (ca. 776) and then that of Kibyrraiotai, we may conclude that
Theophylaktos, whose seal is found in the Kibyra excavations, was a provincial chartoularios
who served in the city under the higher fiscal bureaucrats who settled in the capital city of the
strategia of the Anatolikoi or the Kibyrraiotai.
This seal may alternatively be considered as evidence of Theophylaktos’ presence in Kibyra
with a duty to enlist soldiers from the region Kibyratis after having obtained the order of his
superior official who served at the bureau of the stratiotikon logothesion in the capital city of
the strategia.
Our seal may according to a third possibility indicate that Theophylaktos, who settled in
Amorion or Syllaion (or Attaleia), and sent an official document regarding fiscal matters to
his subordinate officer in charge in Kibyra, perhaps ordering the recruitment of troops. This
is a possibility since according to a conciliar account and the Miracles of St. Demetrios the
Karabisianoi who are described as “sailors” serving in the Byzantine ships as well as the soldiers of the Kibyrraiotai, were enlisted from the districts of Lycia and Caria112. If it is not possible to refer to an organised nor a permanent Byzantine navy nor professional admirals who
108 Darrouzès 1970, 20.
109 Bury 1911, 83; Guilland 1976, pl. 18, 405-426; ODB 416.
110 Cf. the comments nos. 1 and 2.
111 The stratiotikon logothetesion (στρατιωτικοῦ λογοθεσίου) was the central service/office in Constantinople with
general responsibilities and responsibilities for the land army. It was directed by a logothetes (λογοθέτης). The
office was formed in the 7th century and replaced the Late Roman Praefecture Praetorio. On the competencies for
this military office and its composition see especially Bury 1911, 90; Dölger 1927, 21-22. On a lead seal at least, the
official mentioned here is called great chartularios. See also Schlumberger 1884, no. 353 and Laurent 1962, 293.
112 Mansi 11, coll. 737-738; For the text of the Miracles of St. Demetrios see PG, 116, col. 1369; Lemerle 1919,
230.30 ff.
Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
266
actually commanded land armies in the ships not specialized sailors for the 7th century then
the fact Kibyra was not important for the seafaring tradition is not itself decisive. The crucial
matter from the empire’s point of view was to enlist soldiers in adequate number for its land
army either the combats on the sea or on the land by means of a provincial chartoularioi like
Theophylaktos.
We do not think it is important whether Theophylaktos worked in the capital-city of the
strategia or in Kibyra. What really matters is that the seal confirms the existence of authorities
in the city who were still connected to the higher imperial bureaucrats even under the pressure
of the Arab invasions.
11 - Neboulos (7th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2017-Etd32
Context: Agora, Main Street, Steps.
Diameter: 18 mm.
Parallel(s): Obv.: Bust of the Virgin, veiled and nimbated, with a medallion before her. Crosses on either
side with no visible border.
Rev.: Cruciform monogram. N on the left, E on the right, on the top and on the base, Λ
surmounted by B. The most probable reading is NEBOUΛ: Νεβούλου (of Neboulos). Wreath
border.
Commentary: Neboulos is extremely rare name. A seal of a bishop named (probably) Neboulos
in the Istanbul Archaeological Museum’s collection was published by Cheynet, Bulgurlu, and
Gökyıldırım113. There is another Neboulos seal in the Numismatic Museum of Athens whose
owner is Neboulos with the title prôtoskribôn114. But the most famous Neboulos was a Slavic
noble or Bulgarian leader. In 692 Emperor Justinian II (685-695) appointed him as commander
of the troops raised from the Slavic peoples who had settled in the theme of Opsikioi. He was
betrayed and defeated at the battle of Sebastopolis of Armenia Secunda by the Muslim Arabs115.
On the Kibyra seal no title depicted, so it is difficult to attach the sigilante to one of the
known individuals named Neboulos. Even so we cannot exclude the possibility that its owner
may be the above-mentioned Slavic leader. Based on the data given on the above-mentioned
chartoularios seal one may assume that Kibyra was a significant military base in the 7th century.
His gold ring was found and Seibt corrected the wrong first reading of the inscription on the
ring as Neboulos116.
113 Cheynet et al. 2012, n. 6. 81.
114 Gorny - Mosch 2007, lot no. 2527.
115
Nikephoros: De Boor 36.24: “… ἱππικα δὲ στρατεύματα πρὸς τοῖς Θρακᾡοις διαγαγὡν χωρίοις κατὰ τῶν
Σκλαβηνῶν εὐθέως ὣρμησε. ... πολλὰ τῶν ἐκεῖσε Σκλαβηνῶν γένη τὰ μὲν πολέμῳ τὰ δὲ ὁμολογία παραλαβῶν,
... ἂρχοντα αυτοῖς ἐκ τῶν εὐγενεστέρων ἐπιστήσας Νεβοῦλον τοὒνομα. Εἰς οὓς θαρρήσας λύει τὴν πρὁς τοὺς
Σαρακηνοὺς παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς γενομένην εἰρήνην ... ἐκστρατεύει δὲ κατ’αὐτῶν, καὶ κατά τὴν Σεβαστόπολιν
γίνεται”. See Nikephoros: Mango - Scott 1997, 38.13; Theophanes: De Boor 6184; PmbZ No. 5233; PBE: Neboulos
1; Gelovani 2007, 174.
116 The initial reading was “Eusebiou Neilou”, see Seibt 1998, 27; Morrisson 2002, 442.
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
267
12 - Unidentified (10th century)
Excavation Inv. No.: 2014-Etd157
Context: A1T, 80-85 m, West Stoa.
Diameter: 34 mm.
Obv.: This seal is in a very poor state of preservation. However, a patriarchal cross can be
distinguished with maybe another cross on
its inferior branch. Also, on three steps there
is a circular invocative inscription.
Rev.: Corrupted. Illegible.
Conclusion
The surveys at the beginning of the archaeological excavations in the city of Kibyra yielded
210 examples of an important group of ceramics, of which thousands were recovered in
the following years. These were published in 2007117. The biconical ceramics identified as
unguentaria and dated to the 6th century provided the first monogram seal imprints from the
excavation. Seventeen of these have been found. The imprint was usually found on the base
of the ceramics and would have been made from rings or with seal stamps. The monogram at
Cat. No. 6 is defined as Eπάρχου and Cat. No. 8 is read as Γέοργου instead of Γεώργου118. An
exact similar to Cat. No. 16 was found in Ephesos and similar examples to Cat. No. 15 were
found in both Ephesus and Limyra119.
Considering the lead seals studied in this article, the existence of Pantoleon at both Ephesus
and Limyra as well as the Kibyra and Limyra seals being produced with the same boulleterion
it cannot be a coincidence that examples of the Martinus Protector seal were found in both
Kibyra and Ephesos. These links were also noticed by Cheynet who worked on the seals
housed in the Selçuk Ephesos Museum120. Unfortunately, the fact that only twelve seals were
found in the course of ten years of archaeological work does not provide sufficient evidence
to give information concerning the names on the seals found in relationship to each other or
to other cities. Furthermore, there is no written source in which any of the names mentioned
in this study are directly related to the city of Kibyra. The names (without family names) on
these seals can be regarded as evidence that the owner of these seals lived in Kibyra. As the
work continues and new archaeological, epigraphical and sigillographical examples are found,
it may become possible to establish links between the people of Kibyra and the above-mentioned cities.
For the time being, it is difficult to draw any broad conclusions based on the small number
of seals found in the Kibyra excavations. It may not always be possible to obtain more
information about the general socio-economic-cultural history of the town. For example, most
of the studied pieces belong to the 7th century, just prior to the establishment of the thematic
system. That is the reason why they were not re-used.
117
We owe many thanks to Mr. Ş. Özüdoğru, director of the Kibyra excavations for giving us the opportunity to
work on these seals; see Özüdoğru – Dündar 2007, 145-178; By the year 2014, it had been determined that 1,720
samples of the 9500 carried seal impressions; see Özarslan 2014, 187-212, abstract.
118 Özüdoğru – Dündar 2007, 174, fig. 13.
119 Özüdoğru – Dündar 2007, 155; Özarslan 2014, 198.
120 Cheynet 1999, 352.
268
Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
It would be a clue, albeit really slight for the transformation in the Byzantine provincial
administration system from the 7th century onwards. In the archaeological excavations carried
out in Kibyra since 2006, the latest inscriptions and coins have come from the Byzantine layer,
which seems to have been heavily inhabited after the 5th century.
Finding (no. 10) testifies the constant connection of Kibyra with the higher fiscal authorities
in the capital city of the strategia of Anatolikoi or Kibyrraiotai as well as with those settled in
Constantinople. It is evidence for the presence of a chartoularios in the city. Two seals of apo
eparchontes (nos. 2 and 3) dated to 7th century also support the idea that Kibyra was governed
by an apo eparchon who probably settled in the city or in Aphrodisias, the capital city of Caria.
Seal no. 5, which probably belonged to another bishop of Kibyra named Zotikos, indicates that the Christian inhabitants of Kibyra had a pastor even in the 7th century, when all of
Anatolia suffered from the Persian and Arab invasions. Another seal (no. 4) obtained during
the excavations in Kibyra in 2014 (2014-Etd.157) and belonging to Bishop Prokopios supports
this idea.
Martinos, who appears as a protiktor (seal no. 6), might have been a notable citizen of
Kibyra and endowed with some duties such as tax collection in the area. The seals (nos. 7, 8, 9
and 12) belonged to individuals who might have been residents of Kibyra between the 7th and
the 10th centuries. These finds support the idea that Kibyra still had inhabitants even during the
“Dark Centuries” of the Byzantine Empire.
The owner of the seal (no. 11), Neboulos, is possibly the Slavic noble or Bulgarian leader
who was appointed by the Emperor Justinian II (in 692) as commander of the Slavic troops
that settled in the theme Opsikioi. Combining the data given by the chartoularios seal (no. 10),
we think that Kibyra might have been a significant military base in the 7th century.
The Byzantine layer of the excavations is dated to the 9th century when Bishop Basileios,
the owner of one seal, held in the episcopal seat of Kibyra121. Based on this seal, one could
conclude that the city was abandoned in the 9th century. But another already published seal of
bishop Prokopios122 is evidence of the continuous existence of the Christian community in the
city during the 10th century.
In addition to two ecclesiastical seals, the last four find of the excavations coincide with
a period called “the dark centuries of Byzantium”. These date from the mid-7 th century to
the first half of the 9th century. It was also a time of great political upheaval in the Byzantine
world. The Arabs achieved one of the most spectacular and rapid conquests of all time first
of all at the expense of Byzantium. During the Arab invasions, middle-sized cities were abandoned because their inhabitants had migrated to metropolises that were much more fortified
and secure123. These seals show that Kibyra was inhabited and was not abandoned during the
entire 7th century, as indicated by the above-mentioned ecclesiastical seals. New sigillographic
material, which will be obtained in the remaining unexcavated parts of Kibyra, we should also
shed light on the circumstances of the Byzantine times, which remained in the dark from so
many perspectives.
121 Cheynet – Morrisson – Seibt 1991, 174, no. 254.
122 Nesbitt – Oikonomides 1994, 170, no. 68.1; Ruggieri 1996, 229.
123 Lounghis 1985, 139-222.
Lead Seals of the Kibyra Excavations
269
Abbreviations and Bibliography
ACO
Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum. 1-4, E. Schwartz – J. Straub (eds.) (1914-1940).
Ahrweiler 1966
H. Ahrweiler, Byzance et la mer: La marine de guerre, la politique et les institutions
maritimes de Byzance aux VIIe-XVe siècles (1966).
Anna Komnena
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Antoniadis-Bibicou 1963
H. Antoniadis-Bibicou, Recherches sur les douanes a Byzance: L’octava, le
“kommerkion” et les commerciaires (1963).
Antoniades-Bibicou 1966
H. Antoniades-Bibicou, Etudes d’histoire maritime de Byzance à propos du “Thème
des Carabisiens” (1966).
Avramea 1997
A. Avramea, Le Péloponnèse du IVe au VIIIe siècle: changements et persistances,
Paris (1997).
Brandes 2002
W. Brandes, Finanzverwaltung in Krisenzeiten. Untersuchungen zur byzantinischen. Administration im 6.-9. Jahrhundert (Forschungen zur byzantinischen
Rechtsgeschichte 25) (2002).
Branigan 2010
K. Branigan, “Early Aegean Metal Seals and Signets”, SMEA 17, 1976.
Brubaker – Haldon 2011
L. Brubaker – J. Haldon, Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, ca. 680-850: A History
(2011).
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Cheynet – C. Sode (ed.), SBS vol. 8 (2003) 131-151.
Bulgurlu 2005
V. Bulgurlu, “Haluk Perk Müze Koleksiyonu’nda Bulunan Dört Bizans İmparator
Kurşun Mühürü, Tuliya I, 2005, 251-260.
Bulgurlu 2007
V. Bulgurlu, İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzelerindeki Bizans Kurşun Mühürleri (2007).
Bulgurlu 2011
V. Bulgurlu, “Seals from the Kadikalesi/Anaia Excavation”, Ηπειρόνδε: Proceedings
of the 10 th International Symposium of Byzantine Sigillography (Ioannina, 1-3
October 2009) (2011) 277-292.
Bury 1911
J. B. Bury, The Imperial administrative system in the ninth century, with a revised
text of Kletorologion of Philotheos (1911).
Cheynet et alii 1991 J.-Cl. Cheynet – C. Morrisson – W. Seibt, Les Sceaux byzantins de la Collection
Henri Seyrig (1991).
Cheynet 1997
J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Byzantine Seals”, 7000 Years of Seals, D. Collon (ed.), British
Museum Press (1997).
Cheynet 1999
J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Les sceaux Byzantins du musée de Selçuk”, Revue Numismatique
154, 1999.
Cheynet 2003
J.-Cl. Cheynet, SBS 8 (2003).
Cheynet – Caseau 2009
J.-Cl. Cheynet – B. Caseau, “Sealing Practices in Byzantine Administration”, Seals
and Sealing Practices in the Near East, I. Regulski – K. Duistermaat – P. Verkinderen
(eds.), Proceedings of an International Workshop at the Netherlands-Flemish
Institute in Cairo (2009) 113-149.
Cheynet 2010a
J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Un nouveau boullôtèrion découvert en Turquie”, in: J.-Cl. Cheyney
– C. Sode (eds.), Studies on Byzantine Sigillography 10, 2010, 97-98.
270
Ünal Demirer – Nilgün Elam
Cheynet 2010b
J.-Cl. Cheynet, “La mise en place des thèmes d’après les sceaux: les stratégies”,
Studies for Byzantine Sigillography 10, 2010, 1-14.
Cheynet et al. 2012
J. Cl. Cheynet et alii, Les sceaux byzantins du Musée archéologique d’Istanbul
(2012).
Cheynet – Métivier 2016
J.-Cl. Cheynet – S. Métivier, “Note sur les sceaux des évêques de l’Anatolie turque
(xiie-xiiie siècles)”, SBS 12, 2016, 33-46.
Cotsonis 2009
J. Cotsonis, “Narrative Scenes on Byzantine Lead Seals (Sixth Twelfth Centuries):
Frequency, Iconography, and Clientele”, Gesta, 48/1, 2009, 55-86.
Coulie – Nesbitt 1989 B. Coulie – J. W. Nesbitt, “A Bilingual Rarity in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection of
Lead Seals: A Greek/Armenian Bulla of the Later 10th/Early 11th Centuries”, DOP 43,
1989, 121-123.
CSHB
Corpus Historiae Historiae Byzantinae
CFHB
Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae
Çakmakçı 2017
Z. Çakmakçı, “Byzantine Metal Objects in the Şükrü Tül Collection of Antiquities”,
TÜBA-KED 15 (2017) 45-63.
Darrouzès 1970
J. Darrouzès, Recherches sur les offikia de L’église Byzantine (1970).
Darrouzès 1975
J. Darrouzès, “Listes épiscopales du concile de Nicée (787)”, REByz 33, 1975, 5-76.
Darrouzès 1981
J. Darrouzès, Notitia episcopatuum ecclesiae constantinopolitanae (1981).
De Ceremoniis
Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, De ceremoniis aulae Byzantinae I. Reiske (ed.), 2
vols. (1829).
De Thematibus
Constantini Porfirogenniti De Thematibus et de Administrando Imperii, I. Bekker
(ed.) (1840).
De Thematibus
Constantino Porfirogenito De Thematibus. Introduzione, testo critico, commento,
A. Pertusi (ed.) (1952).
Diethart 1982
J. M. Diethart, “Κύριε βοήjει in byzantinischen Notarsunterschriften”, Zeitschrift für
Papyrologie und Epigraphik 49, 1982, 79-82.
Dölger 1927
F. Dölger, Beitrage zur Geschichte der byzantinischen Finanzverwaltung des 10.
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Makale Geliş / Received
: 28.12.2017
Makale Kabul / Accepted : 26.02.2018