RAPID RECONNAISSANCE GUIDELINES
FOR AGRICULTURAL MARKETING
AND FOOD SYSTEM-RESEARCH
IN DEVELOPI.NG COUNTRIES
by
John S. Holtzman
Working Paper No. 30
1986
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RAPID RECONNAISSANCE GUIDELINES FOR
AGRICULTURAL MARKETING AND FeOD SYSTEM
RESEARCH IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
by
John S. Holtzman
.
Department of Agricultural Economics
Michigan State University
1986
This paper is published by the Department of Agricultural Economics,
Michigan State University, under Food Security in Africa Cooperative
Agreement DAN-1l90-A-OO-4092-00, jointly funded by the Bureau of
Science and Technology (Office of Rural and Institutional Development)
and the Africa Bureau (Office of Technical Resources), U.S. Agency for
Interna tional Development, Washington, DC. An earlier version of this
paper wa~
developed while the author was em ployed by USAID under the
Small Farmer Marketing Access Project (No. 936-5313).
MSU is an Affirmative Action/Equal Opportunity Institution
,
I
ISSN 0731-34-38
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All rights reserved by Michigan State University, 1983.
Michigan State University agrees to and does hereby grant to the United States
Government a royalty-free, nonexclusive and irrevocable license throughout the
world to use, duplicate, disclose, or dispose of this publication in any manner and
for any purpose and to permit others to do so.
Published by the Department of Agricultural Economics,
University, East Lansing, Michigan 48824-1039 U.S.A.
,,
II
Michigan State
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
These guidelines for rapid reconnaissance have evolved out of my work on food
systems and agricultural marketing with Michigan State University and USAID over the
past eight years. As a doctoral candidate at Michigan State, I conducted studies of
livestock and food systems in Cameroon and Somalia 1 using both rapid appraisal methods
and longitudinal, cost-route formal surveys. Upon completing my studies at Michigan
State, I became a technical advisor in agricultural marketing to USAID (1982-85). In this
capacity I had numerous opportunities to use rapid appraisal technique:; in doing
feasibility studies, identifying and evaluating projects, and initiating programs of applied
marketing research. I also reviewed many agricultural marketing studies carried out in
developing countries. Many of these studies are conducted under limiting time and
resource cons traints, and their quali ty ,varies greatly. The findings of shor t term studies
often seem to reflect the interests or preconceptions of the researchers. Moreover,
biases associated with the timing of the rapid appraisal exercise, as wen as the selection
of places to visit and informants to be interviewed, are often evident.
•
This paper represents an attempt to improve the quality of marketing research
conducted in developing countries under time and resource constraints. It is hoped that
the paper will stimulate discussion of rapid appraisal methods among developing country
analysts, researchers at universities, international agricultural research centers and
other institutes, and technicians in donor agencies and consulting firms.
W~i1e
my
experience in longer term programs of research has instilled an appreciation of the
limits, potential misuses and biases of rapid assessments, I am convinced that rapid
reconnaissance methods are useful for learning a lot of policy relevant information about
marketing systems in a short period of time, and for identifying system problems,
..
I
constraints and opportunities. Rapid appraisals are especially useful as an input into the
design of longer term programs of marketing and food systems research, in the same way
tha t explora tory surveys are invaluable in ini tia ting programs of farming systems
research.
This paper draws heavily on earlier work done at the Institute of Development
Studies at Sussex University, on papers presented at conferences at Sussex on rapid
appraisal in 1978 and 1979, on papers by farming systems researchers at CIYMMT and the
University of Florida, on books on the systems approach to agribusiness management by
Harvard Business
Sch, ~
1 researchers, and on efforts of applied researchers in many
fields, including agricultural
econ mics~
anthropology, geography, development
iii
administration, and agribusiness management. lowe an intellectual debt to colleagues at
USAID and in the Department of Agricultural Economics at Michigan State University.
Merle Menegay provided important substantive and conceptual input at an early stage in
the preparation of the paper. Harold Riley reviewed several drafts of the paper and
made many useful suggestions and comments. Nicholas Minot reviewed the paper at a
late stage in its development and offered valu"ible suggestions on how to improve its
organization and substance. James Shaffer, Stephan Goetz, Michael Morris, Thorn Jayne,
David Smith and David CampbeU provided critical input in the final stages of the paper's
development. Michael Weber offered invaluable critical and edi torial assistance in
moving the paper from draft to publication stage. FinaJIy, I gratefully acknowledge
constructive and critical reviews of earlier drafts of this paper by Edgar Ariza-Nino,
John Abbott, Lehman Fletcher, Jerry Martin, David Atwood, and Michael Burton.
•
,
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter
~
.
-I
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.. . . . . . . . •.• .. .. •. . . . .. .• . . . . . .. ... •. •. .•. ..
iii
LIST OF TABLES. . . . . . . . . .. . .. . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . • . .. . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . .. . .
v
LIST OF FIGURES
I.
;
II.
ix
.
IMPOR TANT CHARACT!:.RISTICS OF RAPID RECONNAISSANCE IN A
FOOD SYSTEM CONTEXT. .. • ... . .. .. . .. . . •. .. . . •. . .• . . . .•. . ... . . ..
5
1
2
2.1
Rapid Reconnaissance Focus. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • ... • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
5
2.2
Ge<>graphic Scope. .. . • • • . • • • • . .. . .. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • .. • • • • . .. • .
6
2.3
Dura tion and Timing of Rapid Reconnaissance...... • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Composi tion of Rapid Reconnaissance Teams •••••••••••••••••••
6
7
AN ANALYTICAL FRAME WORK TO GUIDE FOOD SYSTEM APPLIED
RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
8
Need for an Analytical Framework ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
The Concept of a Food System and Strategies for Food
8
System Development ••••••••.•.•.••••••.•••.•••••••••••••.•.
8
The Subsector Approach: Evolution and Principal
Character is tics .....,........................................
11
KEY AREAS OF INVESTIGATION IN RAPID RECONNAISSANCE OF
COMMODITY SUBSECTORS •• • •••••• • •••• ••••• •• • • •• •• •• • • • •• •. •• • •
18
ANAL YSIS OF PRICES AND MARKETING COSTS AND MARGINS.......
22
5.1 Data Collection and the Quality of Price Data.....................
5.1.1 Who collects the data? •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
5.1.2 What types of data are collected? •••••••••••••••••••••••
5.1.3 Where are data collected? •• •• •• • • • •• •• •• •• • • • • • • • • • • • • •
~.1 5
When are data collected? •• •• • • • •• •• •• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
5.1.5 How are the da ta collected? • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
5.1.6 How are the data analyzed? •••••••••.••••••••••••••••••
5.2
Recommended Typp.s of Price Analysis.. • • •• • • •• • •• •• ••• • • • • • • •
5.3
Analysis of Price Data. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
~.5
Analysis of Marketing Costs and Margins •••••••••••••••••• :....
22
23
23
23
23
3.1
3.2
3.3
VI.
. .. .. .. • .. ..
3
2.l~
V.
.. . . .. . . . .. .• ..
Increasing Interest in Rapid Reconnaissance Techniques ••••••••••
The Appropriate Uses and Context for Rapid Reconnaissance ••••••
Organization of the Paper
"
~
.
1.1
1.2
1.3
IV.
.. . . .
INTRODUCTION
IIIi
III.
.~
2~
2~
2~
29
30
KEY INDICATORS AND PROXY VARIABLES IN RAPID
RECONNAISSANCE...............................................
31
6.1
6.2
31
31
Degree of Commercialization of an Area or Region..............
Vehicle Ownership and Availability............................
v
Chapter
6.3
VII.
The Relationship Between Administered and Parallel
Prices ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
of
•
•
INSTITUTIONAL AND NON-MARKET FACTORS IN FOOD SySTEMS....
34
7.1
Transactions Costs and Market Improvement ••••••••••••••••••••
7.2
7.3
Property Rights ••.••••••••••••.•.•••••.•.•••••••••.••.•••••.
34
35
36
Non-Economic Factors
Ideology
7..3.1
7..3.2
Religion
Cultural Endowments
7..3.3
.
IJ • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
VIII.
PREPARING FOR
.
.
41
41
42
44
IMPLEMENTING RAPID RECONNAISSANCE SURVEyS................
47
Elements of Rapid Reconnaissance Field Work..................
Where to Begin the Rapid Reconnaissance ••••••••••••••••••••••
Processes, Functions and Facilities to Observe
During Rapid Reconnaissance..... • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Selection of Key Informants •••••••• ,.........................
Informal Interviewing of Key Informants •••••••••••••••••••••••
Interviewing Techniques. •• • •• •• •••• ••• • • •• • • • • •• • •• •• •
9.5.1
9.5.2
Building in Consis tency Checks.. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
9.5.3
Repeat Interviews. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Interviewing Village Headmen and Other Local Informants. • • • • • • •
47
48
9.6
50
51
55
55
56
57
57
9.7
Group In terv iews
," .
58
9.8
9.9
9.10
9.11
Informal Delphi Techniques....... • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Recording Ra'pid Reconnaissance Findings ••••••••••••••••••••••
Speeding up Information Gathering in the Field.. •• •••• •• ••• •• •• •
Periodic Meeting of Rapid Reconnaissance Teams and
Exchange of Preliminary Findings •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
59
60
PRESENTING RAPID RECONNAISSANCE FINDINGS.. •• • • • •• • • •• •• • • •
63
10.1
10.2
"0
61
Writing up the Results of the Rapid Reconnaissance
Survey. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
63
Presenting the Principal Findings of the Rapid
Reconnaissance • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
64-
Follow-up to Rapid Reconnaissance. •• •• •• • • • •• •• •• •• • • • •• •• •• •
64
LIMITAnONS OF RAPID APPRAISAL •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
66
11.1
11.2
Time-Boundedness and Bias. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Limitations of the Subsector Framework.......................
66
66
CONCLUSION. . . . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . • . . . . . . . . • . . . . . • . . . . • . • . • . . • . . . • . .
69
BIBLIOGRAPHY.. .•.• . • .• .. •. .. •.. .• •• .. ..•. . •• •. •. •.• .• .. •. •. • .•
71
10.3
XII.
39
Prepara tory Visi t and Planning.. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Selecting the Rapid Reconnaissance Team ••••••••••••••••••••••
Planning the Rapid Reconnaissance Field Work... • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •
Review of the Literature and Analysis of Secondary Data. • • • •• •• •
9.4
9.5
VI.
.36
37
41
9.1
9.2
9.3
X.
RAP~D
.,
RECONNAISSANCE FIELD WORK...........
8.1
8.2
8.3
8.4
IX.
.32
vi
LIST OF TABLES
Table
1.
Senega! Food System Matrix ...................•.................•.
10
2.
Key Areas of Investigation in Rapid Reconnaissance ••••••••••••••••••
20
3.
Price Analysis and Potential Problems ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
25
4.
Key Informants in Food System Research: Advantages
and Disadvantages as Informants •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
53
..
vii
LIST OF FIGURES
1.
A Schematic Representation of the Structure,
CO;lduct, Performance Paradigm as Applied to
the Commodity Subsector Approach ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••
ix
13
I. INTRODUCTION
This paper develops rapid reconnaissance guidelines for conducting research on
agricultural marketing components of food systems. The term rapid reconnaissance (RR)
will be used interchangeably with the designations rapid appraisal, rapid assessment and
rapid diagnostic assessment in this paper. A rapid reconnaissance survey is a broad and
preliminary overview of the organization, operation and performance of a food system or
components thereof, designed to identify system constraints and opportunities. It can
be used as a tool for identifying system dynamics, linkages and overall
esp cia~ly
problems, which can then be examined more intensely during follow-up programs of
research.
1.1 Increasing Interest in Rapid Reconnaissance Techniques
Interest in rapid appraisal techniques has increased during the past decade for
several reasons.
First~
long term programs of farming and food systems research have
become increasingly, and in some cases prohibitively, costly. These studies absorb
significant financial and manag,ement resources and effective techniques are needed to
help keep costs down. There is also frustration with many data-intensive, long term
studies that fail to generate usable research findings within a time frame suitable to
policy-makers. Such studies may be useful over the long run in generating knowledge
about agricultural production and marketing systems. Policy-makers must make
decisions on the basis of limited yet best available information, however, and cannot wait
interminably for research results. At the same time, entry, processing and analysis of
longitudinal survey data are becoming far more rapid as the use of microcomputers in
field research expands.
A second and perhaps most important reason is that many researchers who have
carried out both short and long term studies have found that rapid reconnaissance
techniques, when used judiciously, can yield valuable insights about subtle and dynamic
factors in food systems. Researchers who have undertaken longitudinal surveys often
find that the milnagement requirements are so great that they have little tim€' and few
resources available for informal interviews and case studies. Many who have reserved
time for these less formal data collection methods report that they are often a quicker
and sometimes more effective means (as compared to data-intensive surveys) for
learning about the interrelationships and linkages in farming and marketing systems,
understanding system constraints and opportunities, and identifying potentially viable
interventions. Farming systems researchers have successfully used rapid reconnaissance
techniques to identify farm-level constraints and guide allocation of applied research
resources to help allevia te these constraints. Researchers such as Byerlee and Collinson
report that accurate qualitative and quantitative information can be' generated by
informal surveys which serve as a baseline against which later comparisons can be made
(Byerlee, et. al., 1980; Collinson, 1982).
Notable contributions in the development of rapid reconnaissance methodologies
applied at the farm' level are the work of the Institute of Development Studies of Sussex
University in the U.K. (Chambers, 1980, 1981), papers by farming systems researchers
such as Hildebrand (19""9, 1981), Collinson (1981, 1982) and Byerlee (1980), and papers on
rapid reconnaissance tor developm.ent administration by Honadle (Honadle, 1979 and
1982). Entire issues of two journals (Agricultural Administration, 1981 and Institute for
Development Studies Bulletin, 1981) were devoted to rapid reconnaissance. More
recently, in October 1985, a con ference on rapid appraisal was held at the Univ ersi ty of
Khon Kaen in Thailand.
1.2 The Appropriate Uses and Context for Rapid Reconnaissance
As will be discussed in this paper, RR has several potential uses in marketing and
food system research. First, it can be used by governments or donor agencies in the
identification and design of agriCUltural marketing projects. Second, RR methods can be
used by private firms to evaluate the feasibility of making particular types of
investment, such as a new storage or processing facility. Third, a rapid appraisal can
generate knowledge about an agricultural commodity subsector needed for making a
policy decision or for evaluating the effectiveness of a policy or set of policies. A fourth
potential use of RR is in monitoring and evaluating the effect of an agricultural
marketing project or policy. A fifth use for RR methods is as a descriptive and
diagnostic tool in the design of a program of longer term agricultural marketing and food
system research.
Despite these potentially varied uses, RR surveys are often inspired by policy
initiatives, wherein host country governments and donor agencies require help in
identifying possible projects or need for policy reform. In responding to such short term
2
r..l
planning needs, RR risks being a subjective exercise, resulting in strong advocacy of
j:redetermined positions. In these cases rapid appraisals provide economic or technical
justificatior;s for project proposals that host country governments and donor agencies
intend to implement. Researchers should strongly resist pressures from research
sponsors to simply devise justifications for predetermined food system interventions.
At the sam e time, researchers do need to be responsive to their client groups.
When the cHent is a government organization or a development assistance agency,
researchers are expected to prescribe project proposals or policy reforms. Hence, the
applied research will have an action orientation. In doing rapid reconnaissance this poses
a dilemma. While research sponsors expec! policy prescriptions, rapid reconnaissance
techniques seem most useful as a tool for learning more about commodity marketing or
other aspects of the food system through observation and analysis, for identifying system
constraints and opportunities, and for identifying promising areas of further applied
research. In most circumstances, it should not serve as a basis for generating definitive
policy prescriptions, although policy-makers are free to use the RR prescriptions as they
wish. Policy prescriptions will often be ter.tative and preliminary. In some cases rapid
reconnaissance surveys may generate robust and conclusive enough findings so that
policy-makers can choose with considerable confidence to implement particular policies
or to discontinue policies with adverse consequences. Yet recommer.ded interventions
emerging from rapid assessments, particularly improved technologies, marketing
institutions, and management methods, should be tested as pilot projects and regarded as
experiments.
1•.3 Organization of the Paper
ThE'
re~ap
is organized into two major parts. The first part examines the
substance of rapid reconnaissance in agricultural marketing research--its important
characteristics (Chapter 11), the analytical framework used in rapid reconnaissance of
commodity marketing systems (Chapter
appraisals
~Chapter
110, key areas of investigation during rapid
IV), analysis of prices and marketing margins (Chapter V), proxy
variables and key indicators (Chapter VI), and nonmarket or institutional economics, and
noneconomic factors (Chapter VII). The second part of the paper discusses the process of
rapid reconnaissance (Chapters VIII and IX), including sections on the preparation for RR
field work (Chapter VIII) and implementation of RR surveys (Chapter IX). These include
selection of the RR team, research planning, review of the literature and analysis of
3
secondary data, the elements of RR field work, selection of key informaflts, and
information gathering techniques. Report prep",ration, presentation of RR findings, and
followup to rapid reconnaissance surveys are discussed in a secdon on wrapping up rapid
reconnaissance (Chaptt:r X). Limitations of rapid appraisal methods are addressed in
Chapter XI, and concluding remarks are made in Chapter' XII.
4
II. IMPORTANT CHARACTERISTICS OF RAPID RECONNAISSANCE
IN A FOOD SYSTEM CONTEXT
2.1 Rapid Rt;<:onnaissance Focus
Doing rapid reconnaissance of an entire food system is an unmanageable agenda.
Yet keeping relevant system relationships and linkages as part of a narrowed-down focus
is important. Classifying commodities into related groups, such as staple grains,
legumes, vegetables, fruits and livestock products is a first step in narrowing down that
agenda. The technical characteristics of related groups of commodities are often
similar, which generally leads to similar organization and operation of commodity
subsectors. RR teams may wish to focus on one commodity in each group, because it is
representative, the most important in terms of volume or value, perceived to be the most
problematic, or regarded as having potential to generate the most income and foreign
exchan'ge earnings or savings.
Many RR surveys will focus only on one commodity production-distribution
subsystem and in any case no more than two or three related commodities, such as grains
or ruminant livestock. In a relatively short period it is impossible to look at aU
agricultural commodities in a food system in any depth. Restricting the commodity
focus allows researchers to interview several participants at each major stage of each
subsector, as well as to observe marketing processes and activi ties, wi thin the time
constraints of RR.
Alternatively, researchers can focus on food distribution in one or more urban
markets. The focus may also be on staple commodities which provide most of urban
consumers' calories, particUlarly where expenditures on those staples claim a high
proportion of household budgets or where urban consumers have difficulty meeting basic
daily calorie requirements. In addition, analysts might focus on commodities for which
the urban marl<et is growing most rapidly.
As another alternative to a commodity focus, researchers can do rapid
assessments of particular industries in the food system, such as grocery stores, vegetable
canners and processors, grain millers, or agricultural equipment manufacturers and
distributors. The need for such a delimited study might arise if particular functions in
the food system are performed poorly and at high cost, or if poor performance of those
functions constitutes a system bottleneck.
5
2.2 Geographic Scope
Rapid reconnaissance will often be limited in geographic scope to one region, or to
a major urban market and the rural areas from which it draws its food (food shed). The
geographic breadth of coverage will depend, in part, on resources available for the
study. Area coverage can be expanded if several teams of applied researchers work
concurrently in different regions.
Geographic coverage will also be guided by judgements as to the need for visiting
additional producing areas and markets. Researchers will have to e'valuate whether it is
worth the extra
co~t
to expand coverage. For example, does a producing area appear, on
the basis of limited yet best available information, to be sufficiently different from
other areas (in terms of crop mix, marketed surplus or numerous other criteria) to justify
RR field work? In a survey of grain marketing in Burkina Faso conducted in 1984-85, the
Universi ty of Michigan did RR field work in several surplus and deficit regions (Sherman,
Dejou, et. al., 1986). In an assessment of secondary crops marketing ifl Indonesia, USAID,
the Food Crops Directorate of the Ministry of Agriculture, and several local universities
have carried out RR surveys in several surplus producing regions which are characterized
by different agroecological conditions, cropping patterns, and marketing systems
(Menegay,1985). In some cases RR teams may wish to look at more than one major urban
market and their respective food sheds for comparative purposes. Where food systems
are driven by foreign demand, RR teams may decide to
surV(~y
demand and marketing
opportunities in key importing countries.
2.3 Duration and Timing of Rapid Reconnaissance
Rapid reconnaissance surveys are usually at least one month and less than three
months in duration, depending on prior knowledge of the food system components and
regions where the RR will be conducted. In countries where many commodity subsectors
have been heavily researched, and where the objectives of the RR are quite delimited, a
rapid appraisal could be conducted in a few weeks. On the other hand, if little is known
about a region and subsector, and the objectives of the RR are
~omewhat
diffuse, rapid
reconnaissance has a more difficult time standing on its own, and becomes important as
the first step in a longer term research program, requiring collection of a great deal of
primary data.
6
Conducting RR during a period. of less than three months precludes observation
and data collection over an entire annual agricultural production and marketing c:ycle.
Yet this may not be necessary, as RR uses longitudinal data from previous studies and
secondary sources to document patterns of secular and seasonal change. Participation of
researchers in rapid reconnaissance who have followed commodity subsystems over time
will also improve understanding of trends and changes in the food system, as well as
seasonal variations in agricultural production, marketing and consumption.
The dming of RR will depend upon the per<':eived need for observing particular
marketing functions and processes. Farming s}'atems researchers typically plan rapid
reconnaissance surveys to coincide with the, crop growing season, particularly during
'I
critical periods when crops are flowering, or during pedoda of peak household labor
utilization (e.g., weeding periods in Africa). Timing in marketing and food system studies
will depend in large part on what are initially perceived to be the key food system
constraints and opportunities. If policy-makers are concerned m0st about storage
practices and losses and alleged speculative practices, RR could be undertaken during
periods of storage and sales from
~torage.
If it is suspected that producers receive
unremunerative prices for produce sold during the pdst-harvest period, the RR could be
carried out at this point to observe transactions and terms and condi tions of sales. RR
surveys of particular industries in the food system that are judged to be bottlenecks or
highly inefficient might be timed so that industry performance could be most easily
observed.
2.4 Composition of Rapid Reconnaissance Teams
The composition of the RR team will vary according to preliminary identified food
system problems and needs. Rapid reconnaissance can be conducted by one researcher,
typically a social scientist, or by several researchers with similar disciplinary training. If
the objectives of rapid reconnaissance are limited, multi-disciplinary teams are not
usually necessary. The quality of most RR surveys will usually improve, however, if
researchers with complementary disciplinary skills participate. These teams may include
an agricultural economist or economist: an agribusiness management specialist, an
economic anthropologist, a post-harvest technician, a transport economist, institutional
analyst, or commodity specialist. It is important that an analyst with a general
background in agricultural marketing (typically an agricultural economist) lead the team,
and edit and complete the final RR report to provide an integrated picture.
7
III. AN ANALynCAL FRAMEWORK TO GUIDE FOOD SYSTEM APPLIED RESEARCH
AND DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES
3.1 Need for an Analytical Framework
In conducting applied research under time and resource constraints, it is helpful to
work from an analytical or conceptual framework that is cast 1n a development strategy
perspective. This enables researchers to distinguish between information and factors,
programs and policies which are 1) likely to be relevant and important for helping to
improve performance of the system, as opposed to 2) those which arc
inte ~ ting
but
nonessential or perhaps trivial. Without a framework of analysis on which to ''lang
dispara te observa tions and findings, the researcher risks missing the big picture and
focusing on narrower problem areas, which may not be the most critical ones to
improving system productivitY'and performance.
3.2 The Concept of a Food System and Strategies for Food System Development
The broad analytical framework underlying RR is the food systems approach,
developed and elaborated by researchers at Michigan State University (see Harrison et•
......\:~
al., 1974; Shaffer, 1980; Riley and Staatz, 1981; Shaffer with Riley, Weber and Staatz,
1983). The food system incorporates the agriculture and livestock sectors, and industries
within those sectors. The participants in the food system that produce, transform and
distribute the full range of agricultural commodities include input producers, input
suppliers, agricultural producers, domestic traders, importers and exporters, processors,
retail firms, institutional buyers and consumers.
A food system has both horizontal and vertical dimensions. The horizontal
dimension refers to firms within a particular industry, or to a particular stage of the food
system where a similar set of functions are performed. Examples of this include the
transportation industry, the tomato canning industry, agricultural equipment
manufacturers, and retail stores. The vertical dimension refers to subsystems of single
commodities or relatively homogeneous groups of commodities. This dimension is
conceptualized as vertical because it cuts across stages of the system, where different
functions, such as input distribution, production, assembly, storage, transport, processing
and product distribution are performed. Initially labelled as a subsector (see Shaffer,
8
1973), but better described as a subsystem, a commodity subsystem incorporates
productive transformation and value adding at each stage as il:lputs are supplied and a
product moves from the farm to the consumer.
One tool for usefully thinking about the food system and its dimensions is a matrix
of agricu1t.ural products and functions, as conceptualized by Shaffer•. Agricultural
products are arrayed vertically, corresponding to commodity subsystems. Food system
functions,
are generally carried out by related groups of firms, or industries, are
w~,ich
arrayed horizontally. Table 1 illustrates this matrix as applied to the food system in
Senegal
(Ndoy~
research, it
and Newman, 1984). In designing program:i of applied food systems
i~,
not possible to study each cell in the matrix, given funding and resource
limitations. Subject to the approval of policy makers, researchers C\re forced to make
choices about those parts of the system on which they intend to concentrate their
efforts. These chokes will be governed by numerous possible criteria, including political
factors, the importance of commodities as staples or in generating/saving foreign
exchange, regional considerations, or the degree to which particular functIons or
industries constitute system bottlenecks. Judgements as to the liI<ely payoff from doing
the research, as well as the feasibility of carrying out the research, will of course come
into play.
Another way to think about food systems is to develop an input-output or food
accounting matrix (see Hay, 1980). This approach emphasizes quantification of technical
production and transformation coefficients at different stages of the system, as well as
input and commodity flows between parts or cells of the system. While this
mat~ix
serves as a useful accounting tool, it requires voluminous data and it is essentially a
static construct. It stresses quantification of interrelationships rather than describing
and diagnosing system constraints, bottlenecks and opportunities, and striving to capture
dynamic interactions and disequilibria. It is difficult for all the cells of such an
accounting matrix to be filled with the data available in many developing countries.
The food· systems framework as developed and applied by MSU researchers is a
developmental approach (see Harrison et. al. and Shaffer et. al.). It seeks to identify
promising opportunities for improving the productivity of food systems as well as to
diagnose barriers to improved system performance. Developing stra tegies, programs and
projects for both private and public sector participants is central to the approach. It also
assumes that there are alternative wo.ys to constitute or organize the system so as to
9
.
'; .'.;
Table I
SENEGAL FOOD SYSTEM MATRIX
Commodity Subsystems
Prodl!ction/Distribution
Functions
Millet
Sorghum Maize Rice
Wheat Peanuts
Vegetables
Fruits
Cotton
Sugar
Livestock
Fishing
Wood
Input Distribution
Extension
Production
Transformation
o
Storage
Transport
Exchange. Transactions
Financing
Coordinadng Functions
Prices
Information
Grades and Standards
Regulations
Property Rights
Exchange Arrangements
Risk-Sharing Mechanisms
Consumption
Source:
Ndoye. Ousseynou and Mark Newman. -Approches Methodologiques pour J'Etude de la Commercialisation des Prodults Agricoles et Alimentaires
au Senegal." Actes de l'Atei~r
de Kahone. 8-13 Mars 1984. Institut Senegalais de Recherches Agricoles. Bureau d·....nalyses Macro-Economiques.
Document de Travail 84-2. Dakar. December 1984.
....
improve productivity and performance. These alternatives will vary from country' to
country and political/economic setting to political/economic setting. It also recognizes
the possibility of alternative outcomes of different :;pts of policies and programs, rather
than promoting canned solutions or universally applicable blueprints, such as simply
getting the government out of the food system, or "modernizing" of marketing
institutiolls so they more closely ressemble those found in the US, Western Europe or
Japan.
In contrast, the food system approach argues that the government is able to play,
a.'1d in many cases must play, an important regulatory and facilitating role in food system
development•.The mix of pubBc/private sector roles and activities will vary from
country to country, depending upon historical and political factors, the stage of economic
development, and the level of human capital development. An important part of a food
system analyst's task is to examine the economic viability of alternative institutional
arrangements, policies and technologies and their actual or probable effects on 'food
system performance. Analysts then present the likely costs and benefits of these
alternatives to policy-makers. Researchers are also encouraged to prescribe that set of
policies or interventions that achieves government policy objectives at lowest cost. and is
most likely to foster growth and increased productivity. The extent to which linkages
between different participants in the food system and among the agricultura I, indus trial
and service sectors can be strengthened is also an important considera tion.
In the interest of making agricultural marketing and food system research in
developing countries manageable, the next section will describe the important features
and emphases of subsector or subsystem studies. While not all agricultural marketing
studies in developing countries will follow a subsector format, many of them will, and the
subsector framework is a useful method of examining commodity marketing subsystems.
3.3 The Subsector Approach: Evolution and Principal Characteristics
Given the above strategy for promoting food system development, the approach to
rapid reconnaissance presented in this paper is grounded in the commodity subsector (or
subsystem) analytical framework. This approach has been best articulated by researchers
of NC Project 117, partially funded by USDA, who have examined commodity subsectors
in a comprehensive study of the U.S. food system (see
~arion
and NC Project 117, 1986),
and by researchers at Michigan State University (see Harrison et al., 1974 and Shaffer,
11
Riley, Weber and Staatz, 1983). A schematic representation of this approach, developed
by Bruce Marion, is shown in Figure 1 (Marion, 1976 and 1986).
The subsector framework builds on the structure, conduct, performance
framework, developed by industrial organization theorists such as Bain (1968) and Scherer
(l980). Industrial organization scholars examine the structure (organization), conduct
(operation) and performance of industries, defined as a group of firms which produce
similar cor:nmodities, (e.g., the meat-packing industry, the automobile manufacturing
industry, the micro-computer industry). The focus of industrial organization is on
horizontal linkages among firms. It is essentially static, taking industry structure as a
given and anticipating certain types of conduct and performance characteristics from
alternative structures. The macroeconomic environment and institutional landscape
(rules and regulations, distribution of resources) are generally assumed to be exogenous.
The subsector approach is similar to industrial orgarllzation theory in focusing on
the performance consequences of alternative forms of industrial or economic
organization. Yet it differs in several fundamental respects. First, a subsector is a
vertically linked set of participants (firms or organizations) which produce a related
output or group of outputs. Rather than adopting a conventional dichotomy of on-farm
being "production" and beyond the farmga te being "marketing", the subsector approach
emphasizes transformation, adding of value, and transactions at every stage in a
subsector from input supply through production, marketing and consumption (Shaffer,
1973). In agriculture, subsectors are organized around particular commodi ties or
commodity groups, such as grains, ruminant livestock, fruits, tuber
CI"OPS,
or anyone of
many individual commodities. Participants in agricultural commodity subsectors include
input suppliers, farmers, first handlers, wholesale traders, retailers and consumers.
Consumers are considered as subsector participants, because their demand for
agriculturai commodi ties in the aggrega te influences production and marketing decisions
of all other participants in the subsector.
A second fundamental difference of the subsector approach is that it closely
examines underlying supply and demand conditions for commodities and likely trends and
changes in commodity output and use. The subsector approach is demand oriented.
Demand drives commodity subsectors or, alternatively, it pulls commodities through
these subsectors. Shifts in demand induced by changes in relative prices, in purchasing
power of consumers (per capita income), and in consumer tastes and preferences, affect
12
Fipe I.
A Schematic Represent.-tion of the Structure, Conduct. Perfcwmance Paracllgm as Applied .to the Commodity
Subsector Approach
BASIC CONDITIONS
STRUCTURE
Indus tr)' Struetwe
Production trlnds IIId leDlrApIllc diatrlbullon
Consumption dIu&cterinlcs
- Crowlh or decline On domestic &lid forelln /DUlceu)
- Priee.lncome&lld crass e1Anicllies of demand
- Differences b, socioeconomic &lid income goup
- RurAl/_ban differences
nme chArACterlslics of production and muket c)'Cles
Trpe And delree of uncenAintiesl commodlly price
pAlIerns, covernment policies, w..lI:ec/climAte pAlIerns,
aCCClI 10 IIId ImporlAnce of ellterRAl muleets
Laws and aovernment poUcies &lid reaulAtlons
Macroeconomic v.iabla AS incentiva or dWncenllYl:1I
ucbMCe rAte,lnterest And WAce rAta,lnfiatlon rAte
&lid di!ferentJallmpACt
I
Firm Declalon En"lrQlUllmt
_• • • • ·-'1
• AJtemallvCl
• "enllva
• Ccnll'OllIId lnQuenc:e
-
...."
CONDUCT
htultr)'
Product ItrAteu
PrlclnC behA"ior
Adverlilln&
Reseuch and U-Yltion
Mercerl and di"estitwa
Risk _aement pr.cticel
FunctionAlltruetura Ioca..... tImJn& and
clustlll'lniof functions
No. of IlA&CI
No. of parallel chInneIs
informAtion l1Item
• Trpc of informAtion (andes. market
conditions. eteJ
- Distribution
• Cost
Structure of audlorll)'. r"ts and conlrol:
decllion an.tlDmr
ElldIAnae institutions (auctions. buylna
IUlions. etcJ
Trpes of udIAn&e (spot. cantr.etl, l)'InC
acreementl. ele.)
IUs:: shArln& innltutlonl and atran&ements
Intlll'-slAle differences Ciocatlon, Ilze of
enterprlle. ICIIOftIUty. production
chAr.cterlsticl); nature of 1SIefllb1,.
sortln& and 1)'I\CIlronIzin& tuIcs
PElU'ORIiANCI!
I
W
SubMcIDr ClrpnJution
No.1IId lize of buyen And Iellen
Entry IIId ellt conditions
Product dIu.cterlstlcs
- PerlshAblUty
- QuAUt, requirementl
- Differentiation
Tedlnoloar dluJCOlt functions
- CaplullntenaltYJ mlnImlllll
efficient firm alze
- IlAte of dlAnCe
CapAcll)'
5peciallzatlon/diverllflatlon
VeruClIllntecrAtlon
finAnclnC and credit d1ArACterlllia
Collective orpnJzatlonl
• Cooperatives
• TrAde ASSOCiatlonl
BuIlnaa objectl,,", attitudes
And ClIpablUtla
Fr~
of pwc:bua IIId ales
TechnlcAl and operatlonAl efficiency
Prieln& efficiency (proDt And
Sublec:lOr
EffC:011 10 IhIft CDntrol
• Type of e.dIAn&e UHd
CoordinAtion .cti"Uia
• Prediction of futwe
aupply. demancf.and price
- information communicated
- QuaUtrlPecUiClition
• Schedulln& and tlaoin&
synchronization
output leYels)
Product chArACteristics
• QuAUtr/wtlolao_
• V.iely
Proarasl"enCII (proceu and
. product)
Sell1n& .ctlvllies
• Eapense
• Influence on consumption
patterns and social VAIua
....lcet access and/or Ioreclosure
- Efforts 10 influence IntenlAae
cooperatlon/CDnfUct
Process of deterllllnln& terma of
eKeNnae (private, truty.
Admlnistered.llIcf-offer.
.cceplAnce, eteJ
Response 10 chance forces
A*ptecl frOIIi Bruce W. Marlon and He 117 Commltt... The OrnnlZ&tlon &lid Pcr'or!lW!C! o'.me U.s. Food SntCfft. D.C.
He.v. and Coaopan,. Lellinl_. u.ssadlUHtts. ItI'-
Subseclor
A11oCl1t1"e ACCUnCJI eZlent to which
suppl, oUerillp _tela cIcmAnd preferences with re&ard tID quantity. quaUty.
tialinC and Ioation
Stablnl)' of output. prlcea and proDts
TedlnIal and operAtionAl efflcicncy
• At eiCh Ita&e and ill IInIodnc Iuses
(transaction costs)
I!quIty with reprd to dlstrlbutloh •
• RetW'nl"I. Ift"estnaents and risks
• RI&bts and control " .. InYCllIlIents
IIId risk _
AIt:curacy. Adequaq and equll)' of
informAtion distributed
SubMcIOr ....plablU.'
LeYd ancItype of elllfllorlllellt
w..te and spo1iaCe
- Product wute
• Re_ce ClIIlICrYation
• Cap4citr utillz4t1on
in a significant way the set of incentives facing participants throughout the subsector to
supply inputs, produce, tr:ansform, store and transport agricultural commodities, and to
supply products to consumers or end users in forms, at times and at places that they
desire. While changing demand is often an important dynamic force in transformation of
commodity subsectors, shifts i'"1 supply can '11so be an engine for change. Increased
productive capacity, at the farm level or at other stages of the subsector, can lead to
reorganization of commodity subsectors and affect subsector performance in important
ways. As an example, heavy investments by the government of Senegal in two large
scale dams on the Senegal River will dramatically increase the land area under irrigated
cultivation. The subsequent expansion in output will likely lead to significant changes in
the organization and operation of the rice subsector in Senegal, inducing entry of traders
and processors into the
sub ec~or,
decreased flows of imported rice from Dakar to
markets in Northern Senegal, and increased flows of locally produced rice to markets
outside Northern Senegal (Morris, 1985). By emphasizing ongoing and potential changes
in supply and demand, the subsector approach is dynamic in orientation and goes beyond
the sta tic ef ficiency analysis common to many neoclassical studies of marketing systems
or industrial organization studies (Riley and Staatz, 1981).
A third important difference between the subsector approach and industrial
organization studies is the emphasis in the former on the nature of coordinating
institutional arrangements, such as contracts and vertical integration, and the role of
selected firms, cooperatives, industry associations, and other active coordinating
agents. Subsector studies examine vertical linkages between firms that contribute to the
production, transformation and marketing of related commodities. In the agricultural
sector the level of agricultural output is partially dependent on climatic factors, and
aggregate output and agricultural commodity prices are uncertain from one year to the
next. Producers, processors, traders and institutional buyers have an incentive to devise
institutional arrangments for coordinating fluctuating supplies so they match demand
without excessive price fluctuation. Coordinating mechanisms also facilitate
specification of quality expectations and requirements.
•
Coordination of food systems is an active process (see Shaffer with Weber, Riley
and Staatz, 1983). It will generally not be achieved in developing countries. without
active intervention of the government, coordinating private and public institutions, and
private firms with ample resources and a system perspective. Effective economic
coordination is not assured by benign public sector laissez-faire, unsupported and
14
unfacilitated "private sector initiatives,1i and simplistic prescriptions of "getting the
prices rights." This is not to prescribe heavy-handed and direct state involvement in
agricultural prod;.Jction, marketing, processing, storage and distribution of food. Rather,
ensuring effective coclrdination results from clearly defining public and private roles in
tile food system, government provision of public good type facilitating services or
functions, such
CiS
market information, communications, funding of production and
marketing resesarch and extension, regulation which minimizes abuses and unfair play,
and a policy environment which removes disincentives and fosters
entrepi~neurship
and
the undertaking of risk. Through such developmental efforts food systems can move
from low levels of productivity, plagued by small scale operations unable to innovate and
achieve scale economies, high costs and minimal specializa tion, to systems where
increasing specialization and exchange and achievement of scale economies lower food
production and marketing costs and improve the
wf~! are
of producers and consumers
alike.
The subsector approach is most productive when it is used to describe salient
elements of the subsector, diagnose key subsystem constraints to improved performance,
and prescribe policies and projects to overcome these constraints. The subsector
framework also emphasizes the search for opportunities to
.
improl/~
the system, as well as to take :::I.dvantage of unexploited and
.
under ~ploited
the performance of
opportunities
to tap new markets, generat· significantly higher levels of 9\jtput, and improve food
system efficiency. Improving food system performance is an incremental and iterative
process. In evaluating performance the analyst should consider a set of diverse
performance dimensions, which ma.y 'lot all be attainable in any given country context.
Food system performance is evaluated broadly in terms of the effectiveness of
coordinating mechanisms, technical and operational efficiency of the system, system
progressiveness, and equity of returns to system participants given the distribution of
risks, costs and responsibilities. A more detailed list of performance attributes is
provided below. These mayor may not be of interest in a given situation. The list draws
heavily on earlier' work by marketing researchers such as Sosnick (1964), Marion (1976),
French (1977), Heimberger, Campbell and Dobson (198 I), and Shaffer (1980).
1. Market coordina tion effectiveness, or the matching of supply and demand at
each level of the production/marketing system.
15
•
2. Technical efficiency, which translates into maximum output per unit of inputs
(in a narrow economic engineering sense), and operational efficiency, which
refers to minimal cost/price relations (in a broader economic sense).
3. Equity of returns to participants in
~ht
subsector, in light of the distribution of
investments made, risks faced, costs assumed and responsibilities undertaken.
4.
"s ~nevis ergo P
~o
the ability of the subsector to adapt improved technical,
management and institutional innovations which enhance productivity.
5. Minimal degradation of resources (soils, 'forests, water resources) in
agricultural production and processing, i.e., minimiza tion of external
dbeconomies.
6. Broad participation in food system activities, particularly in countries where
employment opportunities are limited, and where unemployment or
underemployment are an important
SOdHI
and economic problem.
7. Wholesome and nutritious diets for a broad range of urb,an and rural consumers,
particularly those most likely to be nutritionally vulnerable.
It is important to note that these attributes may be conflicting, and that tradeoffs
will often be involved in attempting to attain (or maximize/minimize) one set of
attributes as opposed to another. Policy-makers' perceptions of the de3irability and
feasibility of emphasizing one objective or group of objectives will be important in
asse.ssing what constitutes good system pe.rformance. As an example, policy-makers
might concentrate on achieving increased technical efficiency and system
progressiveness, which might adversely affect equi ty anJ resource management.
One of the challenges of food system research is to develop better defini tions of
performance attri'butes and to relate these attributes to precise and unambiguous
performance norms. By reference to these norms, performance in a particular system
can be assessed. But caution needs to be exercised in defining performance norms. They
may vary in different sociocultural, political and institutional settings, and in different
agroecological environments, where resources and endowments differ. When expatriate
researchers become heavily involved in food systems research, it is essential to involve
local policy-makers and researchers in defining performance norms and measures.
16
rr
While evalua ting the performance of a particular com modi ty subsystem or the
food system against a comprehensive set of performance attributes and norms is
desirable, the overriding emphasis of RR marketing studies should be on identifying
barriers to improved performance and unexploited or underexploited economic
opportunities. The research challenge is to discover and focus on critical points of
intervention which could not only alleviate known constraints but also lead to increased
opportunities and system productivity.
17
IV. KEY AREAS OF INVESTIGATION IN RAPID RECONNAISSANCE
OF COMMODITY SUBSECTORS
Table 2 lays out ten broad areas of investigation for rapid subsector appraisals,
lists components of each area, and notes methods of inquiry for obtaining necessary
information. RR teams will not attempt an exhaustive study of all of the areas outlined
below. The purpose of RR is not to describe food systems in great depth or to diagnose
in full detail all system problems. Critical system, wide Jinkages to specific subsector
components must be identified, however. In addition, the payoff from examining in depth
anyone research area may be marginal in some rapid reconnaissance studies. This may
not always be the case, however. For exampJe, agricultural policies may nave
sign fi~ant
disincentive effects, and researchers may wisely elect to devote most of their attention
to the effects of such policies. As a second example, particular stages of the food
system, such as wholesaling or retaiJing, may be perceived as especially problematic.
Payoff from examining special problem areas or constraints may be judged sufficiently
high ~
to justify allocating most or all of the RR research resources to an in-depth
analysis. Such a judgement will depend upon researchers' skill and experience, and
preliminary identification of researchable problems and needs.
In addition to listing key areas of investigation, Table 2 briefly notes reasons for
considering those key areas.
Exar,~in g
public sector intervention and performance .in .
the food system (key area No.8) is critically important in nearly all studies of food'
systems. On the other hand, for.using research resources on detailed analysis of the
operation of firms and organikations in the marketing system (No.6) will often be beyond
the scope of a RR survey. Furthermore, while an exhaustive examination of the
organization of a commodity subsector or marketing system will generally not be possible
in RR, a broad understanding of food system organization is usually essential to
evaluating performance. Initial judgement, based on preliminary knowledge of a
subsector, will be required to assess the importance of gathering information in anyone
.
of the key areas. This will depend on what are perceived to be the most likely barriers to
improved performance. In addition, researchers will often find that certain areas of
investigation are well-researched, while others are under researched or not at all
researched. This may be because researchers have jUdged ~
that the Jikely payoff
from examining the latter was not worth investing research resources. It may also
reflect biases and preconceptions of previous researchers.
18
In carrying out most RR surveys, researchers are generally recommended to focus
on estimating orders of magnitude rather than focusing on obtaining precise estimates of
marketing variables. The cost of obtaining precise estimates is generally high in doing
survey research in developing countries. In carrying out rapid appraisals under time and
resource constraints, th(
r)~nefits
of increasing precision wi1l1il<ely not be justified by
the high opportunity costs of gaining sl";h precision. Researchers who undertake rapid
recon aiS ~ 'ICe
need to ask themselves continually whether it is worth the time and
effort to gather particular types of delta.
19
..
,
T.... !
KEY AREAS OF INYESTIGATIOH IN RAPID U ~
coMPOHl!lnS
AREAS OF IHYESnGATIOH
I. Commodity
ChArACteristics
2. Consumption
PAll«ns
A)
II)
c)
d)
DiU«ent &fAdes. end uscs.
Decree
bulkincu. p«iWbiUty.
Physial hAndline requlremenu.
Decree/type of proccssln&.
0'
Al ScAsorW And seculAr trends In domatlc and .xpon
mArkets.
II) DisAuresAteel consumption PAttecna b,
soc~ m~ande~c r~
c' Future _k.t prospects.
METHOD OF INQUIRy
n
Review commodity 1IW\U&Js. atuclles.
2) ObsecvAtion of Iwldlin& And procaalnl)) newelop commodit, calcndus showinc periods of
production And trUlSfonnAtioA.
J) RC'tlew consumption atuclla. food bAlAnc. slice...
and dCl1lAlld projectloni.
2) Consuuet food bAlance sheeU If data a"ailAble.
)) Intecvlew nutrhkln!CDIISUIIlpdoD r_dlera.
Mleeteel commodit, Importera and exportera And
.institutlonAl buJcrs. and .elected rural and urban
consumers.
). Supply
SitUAtion
N
0
•• Price
RelAtionships
and
SuSONUt,
,. Food Syarena
PutlciPAftU
And
Orpniution
A) Product1oA by yur and b, r.&Jon for recent ,ura,
nolln& trends and "ulabllity.
b) SlllCks for trAnsfontlAtIon and COIIIUIlIpdan II)' I a - l
and r.aJon.
c) Flows from mAjor ~Iy
V.U 10 major markeU,
lncJudlnC Imporu And esporu.
a).
SccuIu trends in rcaJ prlca at the f.armpt..
n
IlEoUONS FOR INWSnCAUfG
Al CommodIty c:Ilar cterlat - ~
can InfIucAcc operation of
lUbs)'ltcm. wtIich functk1lll ue p..~
baw ·dIc, ...
performed. and relAdv. COlt at wbidl perlanD'"
II) Natur. of productioft procaa inJIuctlc.. tImin& and
_&nIrucle of producer aala and ~ r c 4
fJowa.
Al Demand driva for puI" e-modid.. throup)
IUbs)'Itcma.
II) Strenclh And _ U t , of dcaland affect produl:tIon
and allln&e Incenti"es. u well u dluctiDn and
-&nItude of a:arkcted 00... L1Ift&er N l trenda and
Oi'portun.l~
affect Investment decbiDna of
panIclpanu In 1Ubs)'ltaa.
Review commodit, .tudles.
2) Intervl.w Iu&e wholcalcn. puuutal - C e n ,
crop proclx:lIon r.seArcher.. Importera. uponera.
processor.. cooperAtiv. And trade auocIation
ofliclA'"
) Ute _p to show flo... and appuCRt surplus and
deficit :leu.
• ) Describe ~ I A
vviAtion In.atDdca:nd ilowa.
a) Supply and demand ~e
bUk: c1emenu of ccoaoaaic
anal)'lia.,.
.
II) Production levcla and "arIaII1IIty affect pricca
(dcpcAdinc Oft eIUtlcJda). rcrurna "ia prk.
mcchan1am. and rlalc pc.'CeptJana of procioccra.
c) Level of a10dca \bin& dllfcnnt perk:cls affect:l.
.-sonaJ "ariatlon In pricca and COCIliIIOCIlty
J) Catllcr aecondarr price data far COllIIIlOcIlt)' and cJoae
a) Prkca ar.......... of Ial:entlva Iacin& food I)'Ilcm
wbalaalc And r.taIllev....
II) ScuonaJ and qcllal trends In prJcea.
c) OIAnCa o"er time in relAtI,. prk. r.latlonlh1pa.
aubstitutCi/compJ_U lor ten ex _rc )'Car pcrlocL
2) Deflate prkca or apr... In constant price terma.
)) An&Iru aecuIar. qcllcaJ and...-al price trends,
and dlan&a III relative price r.latlonahlpa.
.) Eatilute suppI, and demand relAtIonsIl1pa If dAta
puaalt.
a) MArlfctln& dIInncIa and commodity IllIIHctar ataC_
b) TJPea. /ldlllbcn And &cocrapllJc: d1atrlbutlon of firma
at ke, IUbsectoe ataCca.
e) lmpoxtant assembl,. redlstrlbudon And terminal
lllarkets.
U Review prcyloua ClOIIIIIIOdIty atudies.
2) Chedc U ....dn& enumerations or' aample frallla
in perlllllent a&enda fit-&-. UccnaIn& olJlcca).
)) Interview IcnowledpUle obaervcn of aubsectora
and aelecrc4 partlcipanu.
.) Dr... aubsectar map Wow chard ahowin& principal
. StACel and markclln& chAM....
J) lJH _p to show Important lDArketplaces.
r
."a1lablUty•
If) Shltu In suppl, oyer tlme _ , Inclicate rcspanse to
poUcies. rcdlnolo&iaJ dlan&e. InatltutionaI
Cft"u--cnt and aJternadYc lasti1Utiona1 arrancemenu.
partIcipanu.
It) CIIIn&in& relatlv. price rclatlonsblps _,lPdIcate shifts
III procb:tloft ..... lUIIcetInC .~vltmc>k
especIaJJ, U
cauplcd witll acante eDIt of production data.
c) Prkln& atructure provides Insipt Inta rqionaJ and
national ClOIIIpar&tlve .....tap.
a) FoocIl)'ltea orpnlzadoa for atrueture) InfIuenccs
c:onCb:t of pArtIcIpants. wIlictlln rum affects
per-b) Hlp IeYcla of CDnCeIltradlln of 1InDa at jlIrdcular
lta&a of food 1 ) ' 1 - . ., Iud ta lli&flcr pro6IIcdan/
markctln& CDIU.1Ilan under condldoas of Iow«
c:ancentration.
c) P..-.alenee of llI"lad smaU IIrala wtu IaII to apccIaJIz.
. at _ or more levela of food 1 ) ' 1 - _ , lad ta sca.le
41lt : IOlIIla aIld Nih coati.
..
v.
ANALYSIS OF PRICES AND MARKETING COSTS AND MARGINS 1
Price analysis is critically importan'c in agricultural marketing and food system
research. Prices are a mechanism by which signals are transmitted in market
economies. These signals provide incentives to food system participants tf.7 supply inputs,
produce commodities, and market, transform and consume these commodities. Prices
also serve as guideposts in essentially administered economies, although they may not
reflect scarcity values and social opportunity costs, and hence encourage nonoptimal
allocation of resources. In many developing countries with administered pricing systems,
parallel markets emerge in which prices rllore closely reflect scarcity values, although
there is typically some risk premium for
in the parallel market. This risk
parti~ ng
premium will vary in direct proportion with the frequency and severity of punishments or
sanctions for non-compliance with administered prices and participation outside formal
marketing channels.
5.1 Data CoUection and the Quality of Price Data
In an idea! research situation reliable price data are available at the farm,
wholesale and retail levels of the marketing system on a weekly or monthly basis over a
ten or more year period for a broad range of commodities (agricultural and nonagriculturaI), as well as inputs, in rural and urban areas. This is often not the case,
however. When available, agricultural price data are more likely collected at higher
levels of the marketing system (terminal and urban retail markets) than in rural areas.
Moreover, price data are frequently of unknown reliability because little real analytical
use has been made of them. Careful attention needs to be paid to analyzing existing data
and examining the way in which the data are collected. An important part of analyzing
price data is to ask a series of basic questions that can be remembered by reference to
the interrogative pronouns who, what, when, where, and how."
IFor a detailed training guide to the use of fundamental price analysis tools and to
the use of a microcomputer software program to facilitate this analysis, see Goetz and
Weber, 1986.
22
5.1.5 How are the data collected?
If enumerators are given money to buy commodity samples, they may report
exaggerated prices and pocket the difference between the inflated and actual prices. If
produce is purchased by data collectors, do they purchase it as anonymous, impersonal
buyers and weigh it away from the marketplace? Or do they merely ask marketing
agents how much they are asking for conventional lots, which may not be standardized,
without ever weighing them? In this case, data will be collected for offered as opposed
to actual transacted prices. How often are data collected and how many observations
are taken per collection period?
5.1.6 How are the da ta analyzed?
If da ta are not reported for periods corresponding to the collection interval or
frequency, how are they aggregated? Is there any attempt to adjust, say, weekly average
prices in calculating monthly averages? If inflation rates are extremely high, as in many
South American countries, are adjustments made to average weekly prices obtained at
different periods of the month before arriving at monthly averages? In calCUlating
monthly or annual
average~
how are missing weekly or monthly values handled? If
adjustments in the data are made, are these adequately noted? Are price data in any
way weighted to reflect volumes moving through different channels?
While it is important to understand how price data are collected and prepared,
researchers need not be paralyzed if data collection methods fall short of the ideal.
Rather, analysts need to view prices as approximations which provide insights into the
workings of markets, the relative scarcity of resources, and incentives facing food
system participants. A good understanding of how data are collected, what they
represent, and likely orders of magnitude of data error will help researchers appreciate
data limitations. Using existing data and asl<ing these questions is an important step in
helping to improve the quality of price information collected over the longer run.
5.2 Recommended Types of Price Analysis
Important types of price analysis are listed in Table 3, and supplemented wi th
brief notes about potential data collection and methodological pitfalls. This list draws
heavily on work by Tomek and Robinson (1981), Timmer, Falcon and Pearson (1983),
Timmer (1985) and many others. The interested reader is advised to see Newberry and
24
5.1.1 Who collects the data?
Have they received any training in data collection? How are they compensated?
Do they have other responsibilities, such as agricultural extension? If enumerators are
poorly paid or collecting data part-time as a secondary activity, they may have little
incentive to collect data accurately.
5.1.2 What types of data are collected?
Are farm level, assembly market, wholesale market (consumption/redistribution),
retail, FOB or elF prices measured? Are buying or selling prices (or both) observed?
Are the types of data collected by government agencies well-defined? Have the
definitions of the data collected changed, or have the actual market participants (levels
in the system) from which data are collected varied from one period to the next? If so,
then data from different time periods may not be comparable.
5.1.3 Where are data collected?
Are data collected only in urban areas or in rural areas as well? In many African
countries, for example, price data are only collected in large urban markets, and
sometimes only with any frequency and accuracy in capital cities. If prices are colJected
in rural areas, at what level of the system are they colJected (farmgate, rural assembly
markets, consumption/redistribution markets)? If prices are collected in urban areas, are
they gathered at municipal markets or in shops or supermarkets? If both, are the prices
reported separately or averaged?
5.1.4 When are data collected?
During which periods are data collected (throughout the year, after the harvest)?
With what frequency are data collected (daily, weekly, monthly, quarterly)? Are they
collected on days of greatest buying and selling activity (large market days as opposed to
ordinary days)? Is there consistency across data collection intervals and in the timing of
da ta collection a t particular markets?
23
..
•
T~le),
PRICE ANALYSIS AND POTENnAL PROBLEMS
Type of Price Analysis
I. Trends in Real Prices
D&ta Requirements
a)
b)
c)
d)
Fum&ate prices
Wholesale prices
Retail prlc'!ls
Deflator
D&ta Collection Pitt.alb
n
Definition of fumlate price.
2) Which side of wholesale
transaction (buyer, seller).
3) Reported 'Is. tRnsacte~
prices.
•• These points apply to other
types of price anAlysis as welL
2. Relative Price Relationships
3. international/Domestic Price
Comparison
a) Prices for key substitutes and
complements.
I) Are data available for key
a) Import pulty prices, Jncludln&
internAtional transport costs.
b) Export puhy prices, Jncludin&
domestic transport costs.
c) Exchange rates.
I) A r ~
N
\.n
,. Interspatlal Price Variation
a) Average monthly, weekly, or dally
prices at same level of marketing
Jystem.
a, Detailed price data for at least
several locations, collected at
same points in time, preferably
for same level of market system.
)
a) Cbanle in nature and cbaracterbtles e"f product over time.
b) Deflator only aval1able for wban
area (consumer price index).
c) Representativeness of basket of
soods, accuracy of welpts in
construetlnl deflator.
sub ~Uutes?
2)
3)
.)
,)
,. Seasonal Price Variation
lIe1hoc1oJock:al Problems
domesllcally produced and
internationally traded
commodities close substitutes?
Which international prIce?
Quality differences.
Are actual transport costs
known (e.g.. If transshipment)?
Official exchanle rate may
diverge Ireatly from shadow
exchanle ~ate.
I) High rates of inflation and
strong trends may distort
results of analysis.
n MultIlocatIonal price data are not
a) Assumes domestically produced commodity
traded or potentially tRdc'~Ie.
b) Poor comparablUty of domestic and
international product an confuse
analyals.
d May be no direct transport between
intern&tIonaI npocter and COlllltry.
a) Price data are typically orJy
available for wban areas.
b) Price seasonaBty faclnl urban
~ers
_y differ from Yarlatlon
facinl rural households.
a) Hlp intermarlcet correlations may be
often available in tlme-serles.
2) Data may only be available for
major towns and not for rural
markets.
evidence of effective competition or
collusion/oligopoly. Need more
Information for determining which Is
the cue.
b) Correlation may be spurious and no
~lcIen
of c:ausaDty.
6. Marketin& Margins
7. Commodity/input Price Ratio
I. Processed Product/Raw
Material Price Rallo
a) Prices at different levels of the
food system for same commodity.
b) D&ta on manetlnl costs If wish
to analyze net marlins.
I) Prices at different levels of
a) MarlcetIng costs vary by scale of
system must be collected durln&
same period.
2) Cost data difficult to colJecq
may be misrepresented.
) May fall to ellUlllerate key cost
components.
enterprJsc. resultin& in different
mar&lns for different firm sizes.
b) SIze of mar&1A and percent of retwn
to producer vary by commodity,
reDectIn& decree of value added and
marketIn& costs.
a) Consistent series of commodity
prices and Input prices or cost
Index series.
U Need to Identify relevant Input
a) Cash Inputs (ferts, pests) may only
a) Prices of processed product.
b) Consistent prices of raw materiaL
I) Nature and quality of procesRd
(fertilizer. insecticide,
pes tlclcle type).
product may chanle over time.
2) Quality differences In raw
material.
,..
be used bylarle farmers.
~
fmportane of~tmayY r
considerably over 1en&th of tIme-serles.
a) Comparln& ratios with other countries
with different factor proportions,
costs of production, and prices may be
mbleadins·
Stiglitz, 1981, for an advanced treatment of price analysis and commodity stabilization
programs.
In some developing countries, price data are only available for capital cities and
large towns (and not for the region of interest or rural areas). When data are available,
they are frequently of poor quality, available over a short period, or incomplete (missing
observations). In some assessments of marketing systems, it may be necessary to
generate price data at different levels of the commodity subsector, although these very
short term snapshots of price patterns cannot substitute for longer term information on
prices. In most developing countries agricultural production, trade and price data are
most complete for exported cash crops, such as cotton, cocoa and coffee, and for staple
grains. Data on tuber crops, legumes, oilseeds, and domestically consumed fruits and
vegetables are often less complete and reliable, if available at all, or they are highly
aggrega ted (averaged across quarters or years).
Even when reliable price data are available for the commodity in question, it is
difficult to do all
th~
a.nalyses listed above in most rapid reconnaissance surveys.
Examination of spatial prke variation (No.5) is most useful when detailed, frequent
observa tions of agricultural prices are available for a wide range of markets, which is
rarely the case. Analyzing the price ratio of a processed commodity to its raw
commodity material (No.8) is an imperfect measure of technical efficiency, which may
, be better quantified through raw product/processed product transformation ratios.
Nevertheless, attempting price analyses No.1 - 4 and Nos. 6 and 7 is useful for rapid
reconnaissance purposes. Potential difficulties and pitfalls in doing each type of price
analysis are discussed below.
Examining trends in real farm level and urban wholesale and retail prices for
related commodities (No.l) can be very useful in understanding how incentives to produce
and consume particular crops change over time. The validity of the analysis will depend
critically, however, on the quality and appropriateness of the deflator used in generating
real prices. The only deflator available in many developing countries is typically an
urban consumer price index, which is constructed using a basket of goods and services
(e.g., food, electrici ty, transport) consumed by urban residents. This may not be the
most appropriate for the analytical task at hand. In some cases, such as where producer
supply response is being estimated, an index of prices paid by producers may be more
appropriate. An urban consumer price index is better suited to estimating demand
functions which use urban wholesale or retail price data.
26
Since urban consumer price indices are generaUy all that is available, it is useful to
comment on potential problems in using these indices as deflators. Urban and rural
consumption patterns differ markedly in many developing countries, so the
appropriateness of the basket of goods used in generating the deflator can be
questioned. Certain goods consumed in urban areas are not widely available (or available
at all) in rural areas. Moreover, these goods may not be important in rural consumption
patterns. Including these goods in a deflator to calculate real farmgate prices may
introduce bias. In addition, the data from which consumer price indices are generated
are urban household and expenditure surveys. Relative prices, per capita incomes, tastes
and preferences, and hence consumption patterns, as well as the composition of the urban
population are likely to change over time. As a result, the basket of goods used in
generating the deflator and the weights assigned to each type of good may not even
accurately reflect urban consumption patterns ten or perhaps five years after the budget
and expenditure survey has been completed. The differential effect of inflation on the
relative prices of goods and services in the basket can also affect the reliability and
accuracy of the deflator. Certain goods, particularly luxury goods, may drop out of the
basket or carry lower weights several years after the survey data were generated. Other
goods, particularly necessities, may assume greater importance 'as a result of inflation or
declining real incomes.
. A second difficulty in examining trends in real commodity prices over long periods
is that the commodities may have changed fundamentally in nature and quality. The
commodity may have greater value added in recent years, through improved sorting and
grading or better packaging and hygiene, than in earlier years. Hence data may not be
readily comparable over the entire time series. Exercise care in ascertaining whether
the definitions of the commodity form and grade are consistent over time.
Examining changes in relative prices facing producers (No.2), as well as relative
costs of production, is extremely useful in analyzing changes in farmers' crop mix and
changing regional/national patterns of resource aUocation. Researchers should note if
prices for commodities are official prices or actual prices, particularly in cases where
parallel markets are important. Analyzing changes in the terms of
trad~
facing
agricultural producers presupposes availability of time-series price data for rural areas
for a broad range of agricultural inputs and outputs, as well as consumer goods. Data are
rarely available in long enough time-series or reliable in rural areas of developing
countries, particularly in Africa. Using urban price data in analyzing rural-urban terms
27
of trade is misleading, because urban prices of consumer goods (particularly
manufactured consumer goods) are generally far lower than prices paid by producers in
rural areas. Similarly, food prices in urban areas overstate returns to producers, because
they are composed of farm level prices plus marketing margins.
Comparing border prices with domestic prices (No.3) is not appropriate when the
commodity is not traded (e.g., tuber crops in Africa). This is not to say that production
and consumption of non traded staples are not affected by shifts in international prices of
traded commodities, such as grains, which may be sll;Jstitutes.
Monthly price data are not always available at the farm level or for rural markets,
so analyses of price seasonality will often rely on urban retail or wholesale data (No.4).
These urban price data will show seasonality of prices facing urban consumers but not
necessarily seasonality of prices received by rural producers or faced by rural
consumers. This will depend upon the deb "ee and volume of storage of com modi ties after
purchase from rural producers, the magnitude and variation over time of transport costs
between rural
~nd
urban areas, the degree of integration of rural and urban markets at
different times of the year, and the possible existence of bottlenecks in the provision of
marketing services. Seasonal price trends may also vary between rural and urban areas
due to seasonal demand shifts, caused by cultural events or availability of income at
parti,cular times of the year (e.g., post-harvest period in rural areas).
•
Analyzing commodity/input price ratios (No.7) will not be appropriate when little
or no fertilizer or other cash inputs are used in crop (or livestock) production.· This is
certainly the case for grains such as sorghum and millet, tuber crops and some legumes
and oilseeds produced in developing countries, particularly in Africa. Even when a
particular group of farmers, such as large commercial farmers, uses cash inputs in
agricultural production, the input/output price ratio may not be useful in analyzing the
responsiveness of small farmers who do not use cash inputs. The price ratio will, of
course, be a useful indicator of incentives to use the inputs for larger, commercially
oriented producers.
Examination of available price data can provide analysts with important insights
in to incentives producers and consumers face in making decisions about agricultural
production and consumption patterns. Without a good understanding of this incentive
structure, a limited study of one or more related commodities risks overlooking
28
interrelationships among commodities and patterns of comparative advantage. Subsector
studies are partial, which can be a serious drawback when the commodity (or
commodi ties) under examination is not analyzed in a broader context of substitutes and
complements in production and consumption•
.5.3 Analysis of Price Data
When price data for a broad range of agricultural commodities, inputs and
consumer goods are available, and do not have to be obtained from many government
agencies, one researcher in the RR team may profi tably spend several weeks to a couple
months analyzing these data. Since improved data analysis software packages, such as
Micro TSP (Time Series Processor), the price analysis modules of Microstat and Ab-stat,
and the relevant subprograms of MSTAT, have become available for microcomputers, a
surprising amount of price analysis can be accomplished in a short period of time.
Analysis can be expedited if the data have been collected and entered into a
com puter ized data base. If the data are ready for analysis, the RR researcher can
rapidly analyze seasonal and secular
tr~nds
in prices of key commodities and their
.
.
substitutes, compare changes in their relative prices ('·ier time and in production and
consumption patterns, calculate marketing margins, and perhaps estimate supply and
demand functions if data on prices and quantities of inputs, outputs, imports and exports
and per capi ta incomes are available. In addi tion, constructing food balance sheets can
give the analyst a simple overview of supply and .demand condi tions and food consumption
patterns.
As implied in section 5.1, it is advisable to check the accuracy and reliability of
secondary data sources. If time permits, researchers might also collect supplementary
price data at levels of the marketing system, such as the farm level and rural markets,
for which secondary data are not available. In longer RR exercises, the analyst can
distill, summarize and further examine useful quantitative information from earlier farm
level, marketing and commodity studies, and from rural or urban consumption surveys.
Typically, however, a researcher requires more time than available during rapid
reconnaissance to process and analyze large data sets.
29
'.4 Analysis of Marketing Costs and Margins
For the purposes of RR, practitioners are generally advised to examine gross
marketing margins rather than trying to collect detailed information on each cost
component so as to estimate net margins. High gross marketing margIns in developing
countries often reflect real marketing costs, due to inadequacies in transporr.ation
systems and/or isolation/dispersion of producers in rural areas. In such cases investment
in marketing infrastructure is likely to lower marketing costs. High gross margins may
also indica te geographic areas or levels of the marketing system where returns to
particular marketing activities are high, and where improved access to markets and
information or greater competitiveness might lower returns and hence marketing costs.
If researchers are able to collect data on the prices at different levels of the
marketing system and costs of different marketing system participants, net marketing
margins can be estimated. Collecting such cost data is very time-consuming v however,
and marketing agents may not report costs accurately. Cost and return data are
sensitive information, and many informflnts wiJI not divulge complete or accurate
information during an initial interview. They usually fear that these data are being
collected for tax purposes and will be used to increase their tax burden. This attitude
has evolved over years of typically antagonistic rela tions between developing country
governments, particularly regulatory agencies, and priva te traders.
In-depth case studies, which use multiple interviews, are usually a better tool for
obtaining information about marketing agents' costs than single visit interviews carried
out wi th a Jimi ted number of informants during rapid appraisal. It is possible, however,
to estimate approximate net margins of participants from data gathered during RR field
work. One way to do this is through informal surveys, designed to help construct
enterprise budgets using data obtained from a purposive sample of relatively
homogeneous firms. In most cases researchers will find that it is easier to collect some
but not all cost data from individual informants during RR interviews. Certain
informants are asked about particular cost components, while others are asked about
other costs. What emerges is a composi te or synthetic enterprise budget. Tht: budgets
are synthetic in that they incorporate data pieced together from different sources but
representative of the marketing costs of a relatively homogeneous sample of informants.
30
VI. KEY INDICATORS AND PROXY VARIABLES IN RAPID RECONNAISSANCE
Rapid reconnaissance techniques developed by other researchers, such as Chambers
(1980, 1981) and Honadle (1982), strive to capture essential features of rural and
agricultural systems through use of key indicators and, where appropriate, proxies for a
series of variables or complicated phenomena. These researchers emphasize that use of
key indicators can provide valuable insights and substitutr. in part for massive data
collection. These indica tors include soil color as a proxy for soil type and quality, birth
weight as a proxy for nutritionally adequate diets, and vehicle'S (and their contents) at
marketplaces, ferry crossings or along important arteries, as indicators for marketed
surplus in a rural area and direction and magnitude of commodity flows.
This paper makes only modest contributions to the development of key indicators
and proxies for agricultural marketing research. Several of these are discussed below.
Considerably more work needs to be done in this area.
6.1 Degree of Commercialization of an Area or Rer;ion
One commonly used proxy of the degree of commercialization of an area or region
in a developing country, and the purchasing power of people living in that area, is
inventories of particular goods. Inventories of consum,er goods, such as soap, kerosene
and mirrors, in village shops are one example (Chambers, 1980 and 1981,
~nd
Honadle,
1982). The proportion of dwellings in rural areas having tin roofs or doors, glass windows
or wood-burning stoves is another proxy for village wealth and degree of
commercialization. A similar indicator is an inventory of the proportion of households in
a village possessing consumer durables such as bicycles or radios. CalcUlating the ratio
of the number of functioning units to the number of purchased units is also a useful
indicator of the availability of spare parts and hence a proxy for the effectiveness of
input and consumer goods distribution networks, as well as maintenance services (see
Pruitt, 1984- and Food Studies Group, 1985).
6.2 Vehicle Ownership and Availability
Another set of indicators which provides insight into the organization and
performance of the agricultural marketing system is patterns of truck and pickup
ownership and utilization. Transportation of agricultural commodities is typically a high
31
cost component of marketing in developing countries, especially in Africa, making up a
large part of the gross marketing margin. Inefficient utilization of transport and any.
concentration in ownership or distinctive patterns of ownership and use are likely to
affect transport costs. If truck ownership is highly concentrated in the hands of
relatively few entrepreneurs based in urban markets, as in the case of Fulbe traders in
Northern Cameroon, there may be opportunities for collusion in provision of transport
services, which may increase the costs of food crop marketing. In many countries
entrepreneurs·who provide transport serviCes are, for the most part, a different group
from those engaging in agricultural marketing.
Another useful indicator in analyzing transport effectiveness and the performance
of input supply networks is the ratio of functioning vehicles to vehicles owned and
operated in a region. We shall refer to this as the effective vehicle availability rate,
which is defined as the ra tio of opera ting vehicles to the total number of vehicles in a
regional fleet, including non-opera ting vehicles tha t are potentially repairable and
operative. In rural areas of some African countries effective vehicle availability rates
are reported to be as low as 25-33% This cripples the ability of rural-based traders to
compete against trader/transporters based in urban areas, who have far better accp.ss to .
spare parts and maintenance services. It may also raise marketing costs, as competition
among transporters may be reduced, increasing the opportunity for monopoly pricing.
6.3 The Relationship Between Administered and Parallel Prices
Another example of a key indicator in agricultural marketing research is the
disparity hetween official or administered prices and parallel market prices in developing
countries characterized by direct state intervention in agricultural pricing. Parallel
markets develop as alternative channels to official markets where legal monopolies are
granted to parasta tal agencies. A large disparity can indicate one of two possibili ties. If
parallel prices greatly exceed official prices for an agricultural commodity, which is the
more common case, it is likely that a) most of the
com ~.,dity
moves outside of official
channels, and that b) the effects of any effort to liberalize prices will be minimal. Since
most of the commodity moves in the parallel market already, parallel market prices
likely approximate quite closely market-clearing prices that would prevail without
government intervention. Participants in the food system have adjusted in part to the
distortion of administered prices. Yet uncertainty and transactions costs may stiJl he
high, affecting the dynamics of the system, participants' incentives, prices (which will
32
reflect a risk premium), and participation in the food trade. The extent and severity of
these impacts is partly dependent upon the enforcement capacity of the government and
its ability to administer sanctions. Nevertheless, less short-run adjustment may
accompany liberalization when the formal market captures a small share of the
commodity trade (see Berg, 198.5).
In the second case, where official prices greatly exceed market-clearing price
levels, liberalization wil1likely have a profound effect on the organization and operation
of the marketing system (see Timmer, 1985). In order to support an official price above
market-dearing levels, the government must stand ready to procure the commodity at
the high support price. This can distort incentives of producers and marketing agents,
who will shift resources from al terna tive enterprises to production and marketing of the
price supported commodity, for which returns have become artificially
~igh.
Once the
government is no longer capable of maintaining the support price, and the price drops
toward market-clearing levels, producers and marketing agents no longer have the same
incentives to grow and market the once-supported commodity. 1 Such a scenario actually
unfolded in Liberia in t.he early i980s. The parastatol agency, the Liberian Produce
Marketing Corporation (LPMC), was compelled to buy paddy rice from all comers at a
price above the world price beginning in late 1982. LPMC bought large volumes of paddy
at the high support rice until its storage facilities were fi!led and it no longer had the
financial resources to maintain the support price. Local producers sold a larger than
."
normal marketed surplus, and paddy streamed into Liberia from neighboring countries,
until LPMC went heavily into debt by August 1984- and ceased buying paddy.
As more RR techniques are applied in food systems research, it will be important
to develop and use other key indica tors and proxies. The discussion in this chapter is only
a beginning.
IThis argument is essentially static and dismisses a possible infant industry policy
objective. That is, a developing country government might promote production of a
particular crop through offering a guaranteed price above international market levels.
The government might do this if it believed that production costs would decline or
international prices would rise over time, thereby resulting in a shift in that country's
medium or long term comparative advantage.
33
VII. INSTITUTIONAL AND NON-MARKE.T FACTORS IN FOOD SYSTE.MS
During the past couple decades the literature on institutional, public choice, and
non-market econom ics has burgeoned. This literature has ar isen in recognition of the
limitations of neoclassical economic analysis in addressing common problems of
externalities, where private costs and benefits do not correspond to social costs and
benefits, of h1gh transactions costs, of the critica.l role of property rights in determining
who has access to particular sets of resources or opportuni ties, and whose preferences
count in economic decision-making, and of
pervasiveness of uncertainty in economies
~he
of all types. The literature is broad and diffuse, and there will be no attempt to
summarize it here. Rather, we will identify several institutional issues which merit
a tten tion during rapid reconnaissance surveys.
7.1 Transactions Costs and Market Improvement
A fundamental problem of agricultural market development is transactions costs.
In some cases 'transacti0n costs may be so high that no market exists. Assembly of
agricultural commodities from small producers in developing countries is plagued by high
transactions costs. Small farmers often produce Ii ttle for the market. Small lots of
marketable commodities are widely distributed and assembled at very high cost. Given
di fferences in agroecological condi tions across space, even from year to year
(e~g.,
in
levels of rainfall, pest and disease incicl"nce and prevalence), and poor information about
com modi ty supplies and surpluses, traders may incur signficant search costs in
identifying areas from which marketable surpluses can be obtained a t costs which may
not exceed likely returns.
High transactions costs in developing countries have encouraged entrepreneurs to
create a wide range of both formal and non-formal institutional arrangements which
significantly lower these costs as well as uncertainties in relying on spot market
mechanisms. Forward contracts negotia ted between producers and either assemblers or
processors are one means of lowering transactions costs and uncertainty associated with
fluctuating supplies, prices and producer incomes. These contracts are most common in
the production and marketing of high value commodities, such as fruits and vegetables,
dairy products, or export commodities, such as coffee, cocoa, palm products, and copra.
Vertical integratIon of processing firms with suppliers is another institutional
arrangement for reducing risk and uncertainty that gives the firm that integrates
34
..
verticaJly greater control over the timing and flow of inputs (e.g., raw unprocessed
commodhics) and/or the distribution of outputs. I
In conducting rapid assessments, investigators need to be alert to these types of
institutional arrangements. If most of a commodity flows through such an institutional
channel, researchers need to evaluate the effect on returns to producers, processors and
handlers, conditions of entry to production, marketing and processing, consumer
satisfaction with commodities flowing through these channels,
~nd
responsiveness of
participants working under non spot market coordination arrangements to changing
demand, technology and relative prices.
7.2 Property Rights
Neoclassical economic analysis generally assumes tha t the distribution of
resources, rights and privileges is given and rarely questions the effect of this
distributi?n on access to income streams, participa tion in economic decision-making, and
responsiveness to new economic opportunities. Yet resource distribution in many
developing countries is highly unequal.
Urban-bas~d
people typically have better access
to policy-makers and administrators of government programs than do rural people. This
enables urban interests to influence policy formulation and facilitates their access to
credit, licenses, inputs, information and other resources. Urban based people are able to
extract favors which defend and enhance their interests. In some countries rUf'=1llanded
groups control access to land, particularly higher quality, fertile, well-watered and level
land. They own large holdings, where economies of size mal<e economically viable and
attractive adoption of improved technologies such as mechanization and irrigation.
Rural land holders, especially the larger ones, are sometimes able to capture most of the
gains from improved technology, inflation (which increases the value of land), and other
economic factors affecting rural income streams. Last, particular "ethnic groups may
dominate trade in certain commodities, particularly at higher levels of marketing
systems, restric t entry, and perhaps capture oligopoly rents. In effective food systems
research, it is important to understand the evolution of the existing social structure and
ISee Minot, Nicholas, Contract Farming and its Impact on Small Farmers in Less
Developed Countries, MSU International Development Working Paper No. 31, Department
of Agricultural Economics, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan, 1986.
35
the power ard prerogatives of urban, rural or ethnic groups in developing countries.
Members of interest groups which control particular types of commerce or trade in
certain com modi ties may compete effectively among themselves, but this is not always
the case.
Control of resources, such as land, non-recoverable or depletable resources (e.g.,
minerals or petroleum), irrigation rights, water resources or rights to import/export,
obtain credit, technology, etc., has a critical effect on patterns of resource aIJocation
and income streams. The existing distribution of property and rights determines whose
preferences count. Groups that benefit from this distribution wiH most certainly oppose
proposed changes in rights and privileges that wiJJ weaken their positions and
preroga tives. Certain types of research may be opposed by influential interest groups,
whether governmental, urban, rural or commodity based, who stand to lose from any
change in the distribution of resources and rights. Researchers who conduct rapid
reconnaissance need to be sensitive to this. Proposing a thorough and critical review of
the accounts and activities of a parastatal organization wiJJ, for example, not be wellreceived in a country "'here that parastatal dominates trade in a particular commodity
and represents a firmly entrenched and special bure"aucratic interest.
7.3 Non-Economic Factors
Political economists, sociologists and anthropologists have long been aware of the
importance of non-economic factors which affect the performance of food systems in
developing countries. In this section we will examine the role of three types of noneconomic factors: ideology, religion and cultural endowments.
7.3.1 Ideology
By ideology we mean shared sets of beliefs, attitudes and values in a society which
affect the ways in which people interact and engage in political and economic
activities. Rigid adherence to an ideology can preclude certain types of economic
activity (e.g., gambling, smuggling), lead to prescription of others (collective
organization of economic enterprises, administered prices, free markets), and undermine
or encourage other types.
36
..
One example of how ideology has affected the organization and operation of
agricultural markets is the People's Republic of China. The communist ideology of
sharing in sacrifice and benefits of work were translated into a particular set of policies
before the economic reforms of the late 1970s and early 1980s. Grain production was
communally organized, the state controlled disposal of grain surpluses, and prices were
administratively fixed. Everyone was guaranteed access to a minimally acceptable
quantity of grain. This set of policies affected the incentives of producers organized into
collective units. Individuals met the requirements of cooperative units in providing labor'
to grain production, but they also devoted a lot of time and attention to private
production of vegetables and small livestock to meet cash needs. Small vegetable plots
or ownership of small stock were means of supplementing meager incomes from
communal activi ties.
A second example of how ideology can affect the organization and operation of an
economic system is in the historical evolution of capitalist economies. Capitalist
.
economies are characterized by specialization, exchange, innovation and search for
,
means of reducing costs. This often leads to impressive increases in product.ivity, but
there is a tendency toward increasing scale and concentration over time in inany
industries, including the food system (see Conner et al., 198.5). As concentration
increases, opportunities for oligopoly pricing may also increase. Product differentiation
may also advance to the point of bewildering proliferation. This is usually accompanied
by large outlays for advertising, which do not add value to products but which facili ta te
capturing of larger market shares by individual companies. Finally, private firms are not
always required to internalize the costs of external economies in their production and
marketing decisions, thereby imposing heavy costs on society at large or on groups
lacking voice in particular.
7.3.2 Religion
Religion is related to and influences ideology, but it will be treated separately
here. There is little doubt that religion often has a profound effect on the motivation
and incentives of participants in economic systems. The economic dynamism of
protestant countries, such as Germany, Switzerland,
u~land
and Holland, can be in part
attributed to religious attitudes and predispositions toward hard work, savings and
investment, characteristics which are not always present in developing countries. In
protestant societies commercial success was encouraged and viewed as evidence of
37
I
divine blessing. On the other hand, commercial failure and unemployment may be viewed
as just desserts for the unfortunate, and redistributive mechanisms may be poorly
developed in such societies.
In contrast, Moslem societies are noted for their emphasis on social responsibili ty
of wealthy individuals toward their less fortunate brethren. Moslem societies are often
more committed to redistributic,i' of wealth than other western or capitalist societies.
There are strong pressures for the wealthy to provide for poor
relativ ~
and the
indigent. In African countries such as Niger and Senegal, muslim clerics and
brotherhoods play an important role in agricultural marketing and redis tribution of
surplus grain. This does not discourage the accumulation of fortunes, but it may shift
relatively more resources to meeting current consumption requirements than to savings
and investment. Moreover, it may contribute to fatalistic attitudes which undermine
i,"!dividual initiative in some Moslem countries. "In sha'allah" or "If God is willing" is a
phrase which is often uttered. On the other hand, powerful Muslin clerics have the
authority to require followers to pr<>vide labor for collective agricultural production.
This phenomenon, which is practiced by the Mourides in ~lagenS
is a highly disciplined
contractual arrangement for increasing agricultural production and assuring' subsistence
of the labor force.
Another characteristic of Moslem countries which affects economic activity is the
Koranic stricture against charging interest on loans. In principle, interest is never
demanded or paid. In practice, profits from use of a loan are sometimes divided between
lenders and borrowers. In addition, lenders may not require interest payments, but they
may expect other benefi ts, such as preferential exchange arrangements, tied or close
business relations with the borrowers, and special services or favors in providing inputs or
outputs. Moslem businessmen are not incognizant of the time value of money. Rather,
forms of payment for use of money are often indirect and varied.
Fatalistic attitudes often also pervade animist societies, where rural people
attribute economic success or failure to magic, the occult, the blessing or displeasure of
ancestors, or the envy and ill-will of neighbors. These attitudes may discourage
innovation and receptiveness of producers to new technology and farming practices, as
weJl as to agricultural marketing opportunities. On the other hand, animist societies
have often devised redistributive mechanisms for coping with agricultural production
shortfalls and periods of exceptional hardship (see Campbell, 1984 and Campbell and
Trechter, 1982).
38
7.3.3 Cultural Endowments
Ruttan and Hayami refer to particular cultural traits, group practices 'and
communal forms as cultural endowments (Ruttan and Hayami, 1984). They cite
communal efforts by the Japanese and Taiwanese to maintain irrigation channels as
examples of a cultural endowment which has contributed significantly to high rates of
agricUltural growth in those countries.
Another example of a cultural endowment or characteristic is coping mechanisms
developed in resource poor, drought prone African societies. ;"n years of drought,
pestilence or other disaster, many African societies redistribute staple foods so that the
subsistence needs of as many rural people as possible are met. This redistribution is
effected outside of
marke~ing
channels. There are strong social pressures to £;ive food,
livestock or money to less wealthy relatives and neighbors in times of need. In s'" me
cases reciprocity is later expected in the form of agricultu;'allabor, political allegiance
or help during crisis periods. In other cases there is
~l t
or no expectation of
reciprocity. Although there may be no expectation ot'economic gain or eventual benefit,
these
typ~s
of coping mechanisms can be viewed as a form of social insurance. In
addition, in many African societies collective labor is mobilized to maintain rural roads
and to meet peak season labor requirements in food production and harvesting, which
have important implications for performance of agricultural co.mmodity systems.
A last example of a cultural endowment which afbcts food systems is the
commercial acumen of particular ethnic groups who sometimes dominate marketing and
international trade of some agricultural commodities in some developing countries.
Examples from Africa include the Hausa in the long distance cattle trade in West Africa
and the Somali in the East African livestock trade. The importance of the Bamilike of
Cameroon and the Mandingos of Liberia, Guinea and Sierra Leone in domestic
agricultural marketing, as well as the predominance of Lebanese or Indian international
traders in other countries, are other African examples. An Asian example is the ethnic
Chinese who domina te trade in certain commodities in Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia and
other Southeast Asian countries. Numerous examples from Latin America are also
available, including regional groups within given countries like Colombia and Brazil.
39
These ethnic groups are often alleged to wield considerable market power,
colluding to force agricultural prices low and to propel prices of consumer goods high to
rural producers, and creating artificial shortages through speculation and hoarding.
While most empirical studies do not support such allegations, it is sometimes true that
trade in particular commodities is dominated by certain ethnic groups, and that entry
may be difficult for outsiders. This may have important implications for the
organization and performance of marketing systems. Barton (1977), Landa (1981), Cohen
(1965), Shaffer et al. (1983), and others have noted that trading within an ethnic group
significantly lowers transactions costs and generally decreases risks. Informal social
obli:.;ations and trust cC\n substitute for formal regulations such as legislated grades and
standards in many coun i.ries. Doing business with members of one's kinship or ethnic
group can
reduc~
risk a.Ild uncer ~:ainty,
decrease the importance of
P(~, :e'
stabilize returns, lower marketing costs, and
incentives in transactions.
40
VIII. PREPARING FOR RAPID RECONNAISSANCE FIELD WORK
8.1 Preparatory Visit and Planning
Before planning for the RR field work begins, the RR team leader should discuss
the objectives of the RR with study sponsors and policy-makers, and negotiate to modify
the terms of reference if necessary. Several initial, exploratory interviews with selected
participants in the commodity subsector will also prove useful as a crosscheck on policymakers' perceptions and objectives. The team leader can also identify, and if necessary
contract, researchers and institutions to collect, compile and analyze secondary data. If
these data are entered into a microcomputer data base, further analysis is facili ta ted.
Finally, the team leader can begin to make administrative arrangements for the RR field
work. Generally, planning for the RR and preparation of secondary data will have a
gradual buildup, unless an expatriate is asked to leap the team. In this case she/he will
usually make a preliminary visit to the country where the survey will be done.
8.2 Selecting the Rapid Reconnaissance Team
RR findings are often most illuminating when the RR is conducted by
multidisciplinary teams. Selection of analysts with different disciplinary backgrounds
will be guided by preliminary identification of marketing problems and the expertise
most effective in addressing particular problems. In some cases the RR team will have
to depend on the perceptions and demands of organizations and agencies which fund the
rapid reconnaissance.
In carrying out the rapid reconnaissance surveys, the RR team may want to divide
into two or more groups of two to three researchers each, preferably having different
disciplinary skills. RR surveys will generally be stronger if all of the team participants
have conducted rapid appraisals in the past, as well as year or longer studies of food
systems in developing countries. By having done longer
studies~
members of the RR team
will be more sensitive toseasonal factors and the potential dangers of making inferences
about production/marketing systems from information gathered from a limited number of
participants, observations and areas during one short and not necessarily representative
time period.
41
When the RR team is composed of researchers who have not all done longer term
studies or rapid appraisal, it is advisal)le to mix experienced with ineXj)erienced
analysts. If expatriates are involved in RR work, it is critically important for host
country researchers to participate in the exercise as well. Their knowledge of
commodity production and marketing systems can
of ~et
potential bias from observing
the system at one point in time. Their understanding of the sociocultural and political
context is also invaluable in approaching key informants and structuring informal
interviews. Local researchers will generally be more skilled in approaching participants
in
systems and handling more sensi tive issues than outside consultants.
gnitekr~m
Knowledge of local customs, institutional and polltical organization and behavior, and
agricUltural and economic development in historical perspective will also improve
interpretation and analysis of data generated by the RR.
While outsiders may come in with fresh persp.ectives, they lack detailed knowledge
of local conditions. They may also come with preconceptions or inappropriate
comparisons. In a few cases, however, expatriate researchers may be able to obtain·
inforrna tion tha t local researchers could no t obtain. In these instances informants
perceive foreign researchers as outsiders who do not represent the government and will
not use sensitive information against them, as a local researcher may be perceived as
capable of doing.
By developing the capability to undertake rapid assessments, local researchers and
research organizations can use the RR process to continue monitoring and evalua ting the
performance of commodity subsectors. They may also examine the organization,
operation and performance of other subsectors. Familiarity with RR methods, and a
critical awareness of their strengths and limitations, will also help to instill a healthy
skepticism of the findings of short-term consultants and other RR teams.
8.3 Planning the Rapid Reconnaissance Field Work
During the first week or so of a rapid reconnaissance study, the team will need tCl
define RR objectives, review available studies and secondary data, identify data gaps and
needs, develop information gathering strategies, and define clearly the objectives of the
RR and the roles of each of the team members in the survey. It is often useful to do a
preliminary
out1in~
of the RR report (see Chapter X). This helps the team to focus on
information needs and priority topics.
42
During this period it 1s necessary to define clearly the objectives of the RR and
the roles of each of the team members in the survey. In cases where some members of
the team have not done RR, it is useful to spend at least one day introducing them to the
RR methodology. Experienced team members can give examples of problems they
encountered in RR in earlier studies or of particular interviewing strategies or time
saving techniques for data gathering that they have used successfully. The review of the
RR methodology is not only useful for the uninitiated but also for those who have done
RR before, so that every team member has a clear idea of how RR will be used in that
particular context.
After the discussion of the RR methodology and review of the literature and
secondary data, team members should be encouraged to jot down their hypotheses about
the food system components under examination. Developing hypotheses about the
organization and operation of the system will help to focus data gathering efforts. It will
also hopefully make the researchers more conscious of possible sources of bias in their
forthcoming informa tion gathering. As a result, they must plan to offset these biases
and preconceptions consciously in their research.
Before actually beginning the RR field work, it is useful to develop a research
itinerary and activity lists. These lists should note tentative research plans for each day,
including towns, agricultural processing plants, rural markets, and producing areas to be
visited and government officials, types of marketing agents, and producers to be
interviewed. If researchers plan to visit rural periodic markets, it is advisable to find out
beforehand which days or how often particular markets are held. It is also useful to plan
around government holidays, communal work days, religious festivals, days of worship
and rest, or particular times of the day when potential informants are praying, working
or otherwise engaged. An activity list is a useful tool in focussing data gathering on
critical and necessary activities. It enforces discipline in planning research logistics.
When travel and protocol requirements are taken into account, there are often strict
limits on the number of places that can be visited.and the number of informants
interviewed. However, the researchers do not need to be slaves to an activity list, and it
is wise not to overload it. Unanticipated opportunities to observe marketing processes or
interview system participants may arise which can justify deviation from a fixed
itinerary. It is advisable to allow time for improvisation, possible repeat visits or
in terviews, and other contingencies.
43
3.4 Review of the Literature and Analysis of Secondary Data
Although it may seem obvious to many that a logical place to begin research is by
reviewing earlier work, there are many cases where this is not done, or not done very
systematically. There is often a wealth of useful information and data in scholarly
studies (including student theses), annual reports of government agencies or barastatals,
I
ministry of agriculture data banks, records of cooperatives and private firmd, project
documents, trade and professional journals, and consulting reports. Althougd, many
researchers like to think that earlier studies are inadequa te or unfocussed 10l.· their
particular purposes, this work often contains useful information and insight:J,t
I
\
While planning the RR survey, the team should review the literature: nd available
secondary data. Not every team member has to review every document or d,ta set, thus
division of labor along disciplinary or subdisciplinary lines is usually appropriate. Each
team member should summarize the principal findings from the literature and
preliminary analysis of available data for other team members. During the first week of
the RR, team members can make oral presentations, or draft a series of annotations or
memoranda. In preparing important data for others, team members may wish to tabulate
secondary data so that it is readily accessible and usable. Critically important papers
that every team member should read before beginning the RR surveys need to be
iden tified. The objective of this review is not to burden team members with busy work
and supplementary writing assignments. Rather, it is intended to prepare all team
members for the RR field work in as rapid and systema tic a way as possible.
Types of secondary data that are usually readily accessible include:
l.
Wholesale and retail prices for agricultural com modi ties, usually collected in
capital cities and other major urban areas. Farrngate prices are often not
collected or may only be official producer prices. (See Chapter V).
2.
Price indices, usually consumer price indices, constructed for a basl<et of
com modi ties purchased by urban consumers in large ci ties. Serious attention
needs to be paid to how representative the basket of commodities and the weights
used in constructing the indices are for different groups of consumers. Consumer
purchasing patterns and price relationships among commodities change over
time. (See Chapter V).
44
•
3.
Data on quantities of commodities marketed, transported, and imported or
exported.
a) Extension agents or agricultural statistics enumerators sometimes attempt to
collect data on the volume of commodities marketed in rural areas,
particularly at rural markets, which capture part of total marketed output.
Whlle absolute volume figures should not be taken too llterally, year to year
changes in marketed output may be reasonably accurate indicators of
significant changes in production and marketing. It is important to note,
however, that policy changes may shift the location of apparent market
surpluses, as well as the direction and magnitude of marketed flows.
Furthermore, a change in government policy may encourage more officially
recorded marketings through formal channels (transfer of sales from informal
to formal markets), even though the total quantities sold may not have
changed from one year to another.
b) Interregional transport data are less common and may be highly inaccurate,
depending upon government controls and taxes and whether commodities are
transported in small or large lots. D;;lta may be collected at entr"y points to
large cl ties, at shipping and receiving points on rail, air and water lines, and at
water crossings (ferries). Origin and destination traffic surveys provide
accurate and detalled information but are often carried out at only one point
in time, which mayor may not coincide with the periods of major commodity
flows. When traffic surveys are conducted at intervals over the course of one
year, researchers need to assess the representativeness of the periods of data
gathering.
c) 1m port ar.d export da ta (quan ti ties and value) are usually more accura te than
other types of quantity and flow data, but they may understate actual volume
of imports and exports if government restrictions, quotas, taxes or overvalued
exchange rates encourage smuggling or underlnvoicing.
4.
Data on the volume of processed or transformed commodities are sometimes
collected by government agencies for taxation purposes. Processing firms are
often asked to submit records of the quantities of produce processed to
45
government agencies. Since taxation encourages evasion, government data may
significantly underestimate processed output. For example, livestock slaughter
statistics are usually quite accurate for large ruminants (cattle, camels, buffaloes)
slaughtered in urban areas, but typically incomplete for smaller stock (goats,
sheep, pigs, poultry).
During rapid appraisals investigators should collect and analyze only secondary
data which can be obtained with a minimum of difficulty. If RR teams can only obtain
secondary data through extensive digging in government archives, or if aggregation of
voluminous records is necessary, then these activities may be best reserved for later
in-depth studies.
46
IX. IMPLEMENTING RAPID RECONNAISSANCE SURVEYS
9.1 Elements of Rapid Reconnaissance Field Work
The three critical elements of RR field work are:
J) direct observation of food system facilities and processes,
2) examination of firm and organization records, and
3) informannterviewing of subsector participants and knowledgeable observers of
commodity systems.
There is no 5ubsti tute for observing how food system components functions
firsthand. This includes inspecting marketing infrastructure, such as marketplace,
storage and processing facili ties, as weB as the transportation network and transport
equipment. Observation of physical handling and packaging of commodities, wear and
tear on produce in transport, and transactions at differen t levels of the system (a t the
farmgate, at assembly and redistribution markets, in retail stores) is also necessary and
instructive. By directly observing marketing processes and flinctiolls, investigators are
able to identify marketing problems and evaluate what key informants say about the
organiza tion and opera tion of the system against wha t is actually observed.
Examination of detailed firm and organization records can provide data on the
volume of the target com modi ty bought, processed, stored and sold during particular
time periods, the value of organization assets, purchase and sale prices for inputs and
outputs, and costs and returns of marketing operations. Yet in many developing
countries records for individual firms are incomplete and inaccurate, particularly for
smaller firms. Managers of many smaB firms are illiterate or do not keep records. Even
in firms or organizations where data are recorded, these data may not always be
organized or recorded in a form which can be readily used by outsiders. Or the records
may be organized for the convenience of outside regulators, but they are likely
inaccurate and designed to misinform or misrepresent. For example, wholesale grain
traders in the Peanut Basin of Senegal keep one
se~
of record for government regulatory
officials in order to document tha t they trade grain at official prices, and a second set
for recording actual purchase and sale prices (Newman, Sow, Ndoye, personal
47
communication, 1985). Some larger firms and marketing organizations may deliberately
under record transactions, understate sale prices, underinvoice or in some other way
misrepresent financial transactions so as to evade taxation or close government scrutiny.
Interviewing key informants in the food system is essential for understandIng theIr
perceptions of what constitutes good system performance, problems and constraInts at
the level of the fIrm and in the overall food system, and unexpioited or underexploited
I
marketing opportuni ties. It is preferable to Interview key informants alone and
confidentiaJ1y, under which circumstances they are more wilHng to discuss their
marketing activities and sensitive topics such as price informatIon, credit arrangements
and relations with other firms. Group interviews and informal Delphi methods, which
..
encourage in tense and frank interaction among participants, can generate much useful
information in a Sllort period of time and provide insights into the interaction of
participan ts, but such methods also risk introducing bias into RR findings.
9.2
When~
to Begin the Rapid Reconnaissance
In abbreviated supreys, more so than in Il:>nger term studies, whcLt one often finds
depends heavily on when the surveys are carried out, who is interviewed, what is
observed, and where research is conducted.
Whc~re
an investiga tion begins is usually a
function of the rapid reconnaissance objectives. If RR studies are funded as an input into
the design of a project for improving urban food distribution, surveys will begin in urban
areas. Researchers will need to analyze demand patterns and prospects and urban food
distribution channels before surveying rural producing areas. If RR
pn~ced s
design of a
project which will promote production of particUlar commodities, surveys will usually
begin in rural producing areas. When a particular rural area is targeted for production
increases, the researchers will visit that area early in the RR to examine constraints to
increasing production and marketed output. If the objectives of the RIR are broad and
the organization funding the research does not demand that RR focus on any particular
segment 0 f the marketing system or a particular geographic area, researchers will
usually find it useful to interview wholesalers based in large markets and secondary
towns. They are typically more Imowledgeable about the organization and operation of
the entire marketing system than other participants, and they often have a vantage point
acting as "channel captains" in the marketing system (Harrison et al., 1974). They may
be reluctant to divulge much information, especial1y if they perceive that the study is to
b(;: used in developing additional regulations and taxes. Special efforts are often required
to rela te to key system informants.
Where the RR survey begins will suggest where the investiga tors wish to go next.
Studies which begin in urban areas will usuaJJy work bad: through marketing channels to
rural producing zones. Selection of zones is not determined by hard-and-fast criteria. In
some cases researchers will go first to the producing area which ships the largest
quantity of produce to the urban market.
It may also be useful to visit areas where there is agronomic potential for
producing the commodity in question, or for producing significantly more of the
com modi ty, in order to examine why production and marketed output are low or
nonexistent. When there are several important producing areas, the RR team will need
to develop criteria for selecting particular zones and subzones for examination. Random
selection is usually sui table for subzones. Selection of zones may sometimes be guided
by political objectives or regional equity considerations.
Selection of particular villages or subsector participants presents other
problems. In RR selection is generaUy purposive and rarely defined clearly, so selection
criteria 'have to be established in each case. RR does not include large sample surveys
and does not generate estimates which are representative in any statistical sense. In
order to sample purposively, RR teams should know something about the population of
villages, trading firms, processors, transporters, etc. This can be determined through
earlier studies, interviews with I<ey wholesalers or knowledgeable observers of
commodity subsectors, and existing enumera tions of firms by government agencies. If
the general characteristics of the popUlation are known and different strata can be
identified, individuals and firms can be selected randomly from each stratum. For
example, RR teams may stratify agricultural prodllcers into five groups: small farmers
who do not produce the target commodity; small farmers who produce it but who sell
little or none; small farmers who sell a significant proportion of wha t they produce;
medium-sized farms which sell most of what they produce; and large farms which sell aU
or nearly all of the commodity produced. As a second example, wholesalers can be
stratified by volume of the commodity they handle, the approximate value of their assets
(vehicles, warehouses, storage facilities), or commodity mix.
Purposive sampling becomes more difficult when there are no existing studies or
enumerations, if existing enumerations are incomplete or inaccurate, or if knowledgeable
observers cannot provide information about numbers of different size/type firms at
49
diflerent levels of the food system. RR teams are then encouraged to select
strategically placed
such as large scale wholesalers or processors, for
informants~
in-depth interviews. They can then proceed to retail firms, first handlers or producers
linked vertically to these informants. Alternatively, researchers might interview a
second or third informant at the same level of the system.
One RR team can proceed backward through the subsector toward producers,
while a second can move forward toward consumers (or institutional buyers). Through
this process the teams are able to gain a better understanding of the organization of the
food system, marketing
proce~s
and vertical1inkages in the system. They are also able
to crosscheck information provided in 'earlier interviews with informants at the same
stage or at adjacent stages of the system. Different perceptions of problems and
opportunities can also be elicited. These will vary, of course, depending on where firms
are placed in the subsystem.
9.3 Processes, Functions and Facilities to Observe During Rapid Reconnaissance
The following processes, functions, and facili ties are important to observe and
inspect during the rapid reconnaissance:
1) Transae tions for both inputs and outputs a t the farm level (1I possible), at
assembly and wholesale marketplaces, and at retail outlets.
2) Handling, weighing and measuring, sorting, grading, packaging, processing,
transport, and storage of commodities at different stages of the marketing
system, including the farm, assembly markets, processing plants, terminal
markets, storage facilities and retail stores.
3) racili ties for buying/selJing, processing, transporting, grading and storing
corn modi ties in rural and urban areas.
A useful technique for observing facilities, functions and processes is to follow
agricultural commodities from the farm to the terminal market, or at least through pa,rt
of the production-marketing chain. This is a form of wha t anthropologists call
"participant observation." Accompanying wholesale traders or their agents to rural areas
and then back to urban markets is one method of observation. Investigators can observe
50
transactions, note costs and losses for a particular marketing trip, asl< the wholes<lier
how representative these costs and losses are for his/her business, and ask the wholesaler
questions along the way about marketing processes and functions. Researchers are also
usually able to spot inefficiencies and problems in the system during these trips, as well
as to inspect marketing Infrastructure and facili ties.
During RR field work It is often useful to purchase retail lots of the commodIty in
question in markets and towns visited during the RR. It is Important to bring small
scales along so that these purchased quantities can be weighed, the price per unIt of
measure calcula ted, and comparisons made with values obtained in other loca tions. If
there are unexpected or unexpectedly large differences, the investIgators can interview
traders and retailers on the spo t in order to ascertain reasons for these dif ferences.
It may also be useful to bring hanging scales (and accompanying hool<s and ropes
for suspending the scale) for weighing bags of produce (or quarters of beef, cra tes of
vegetables, etc.) or other units sold wholesale. By weighing produce sold wholesale, the
weight of local units of measure, and any variation therein, can be determined. Since
produce is often bought and sold in the same units (e.g., sacks) at the farm, in rural
assembly markets, and in urban wholesale markets, prices per unit can be calcula ted for
produce sold at different levels of the marketing system. Adjustments may need to be
made as the commodity moves along the marketing chain for shrinkage, loss or addition
of foreign matter. Gross marketing margins can thus be established.
9.4 Selection of Key Informants
There are two sets of key informants: subsector participants and knowledgeable
observers of subsectors. In the rapid reconnaissance literature subsector participants are
not usually considered key informants, who are designa ted as "key" due to their special
know lege and understanding of agricultural production and marketing systems (see Beebe,
1985). In this paper the term key informants designa tes selected subsector participants,
as well as outsiders with broad and less parochial perspectives.
Subsector participants are linked forward and backward to other participants in
the production-distribution system. Some participants, particUlarly wholesalers and
processors, have a systems perspective about the interrelationships among the parts of
the system and reSUlting system performance. They are able to identify both system-
51
wide problems and potentials as well .:'s stage-specific constraints. Other participants
have long years of experience in the commodity subsector and in-depth knowledge of
particular problems. They often have parochial views and attitudes and may not be able
to identify system-wide problems. Their perceptions of stage-specific marketing
problems are important, however, and need to be tapped by RR researchers.
Table 4 lists key informants who can be interviewed during RR surveys. The
advantages and disadvantages of each type of informant are noted. The types of
informants who will be interviewed during a rapi rl appraisal will depend on the objectives
and focus of the study. It is clearly not necessary to contact all the types of informants
listed in Table 4. Moreover, other researchers will doubtless be able to add to the list.
In most RR surveys, more than one set of key informants will need to be
purposively selected in order to elicit multiple views of subsector performance,
gdvernment policies, and subsector potential and problems. Different informants will
emphasize different performance attributes and have different ideas of what constitutes
desired performance. This reflects different perceptions and priorities, which are often
parochial, as well as concerns about the existing and potential distribution of resources
and income, which are unstated and implici t.
The types and numbers of informants selected at anyone stage of the subsector
will depend upon the degree of heterogeneity of the following characteristics of firms:
size, patterns of input use, product mix, geographic distribution, resource endowments,
management, technology, and standard operating procedures. The more diverse firms at
each stage are with respect to the above characteristics, the larger the sample of
informants will need to be. Sampling of disadvantaged and less vocal groups, such as
landless laborers or nutritionally vulnerable consumers, as well as systema tic contacting
of women or their associations, may be necessar} to offset common biases of many rapid
appraisers. It is noteworthy that women play an important role in staple food crop
production, processing and retailing in many developing countries, particularly in
Africa. While agricultural production and marketing interventions affect female
participants in the food system and may exclude women from gaining access to certain
resources, some analysts have failed to anticipate these impacts. Given recent interest
in disaggrega ted welfare effects of food policies, most analysts will probably devote
some attention to examining consumption patterns of disadvantaged groups in food
systems (Tim mer et al., 1983).
.52
...
Table.
KEY INPORMANTS IN FOOD SYSTEM RESEARCH. ADVANTAGES
AND DISADVANTAGES AS INFORMANTS
KEY INPORMANT
Wholesalers
~GATNAVDA
AS INPORMANTS
DISADVANTAGES AS INPORMANTS
a) Located at system node which offers
vanCAae point and system perspective.
b) Knowledae of production, stocks, flows,
prices and strenath of demand In
different rural and ll:rban areu.
a) Extremely busy and often difficult to
Interview for more than a shor t period.
b) Given typical hostility of government,
they may be uncooperatl':'; Informants.
I.
a) Detailed knowledae of exchange arrangementa with producers and wholesalers.
b) Knowledge of market opportunities, productlon, stocks, and prices In particUlar
rural area••
a) Knowledge rarely extend. outside
circumscribed rural areas.
b) May have parochial perceptions and
attitudes.
Managers of Processing
Firms
a) Located at system node which offers
vantage point and system perspective.
b) Knowledge of production and prices In
selected rural areu, and demand for
processed products In urban markets.
c) Oetalled knowledle of exchange arrange,:"
ments and rlik-sharlna mechanisms with
producers or producer aroup••
a) Given typical hostility Cor government,
may be uncooperative 11I1'0rmants.
b) May be unwilling to diVUlge details of
exchange arranlements vdth producers.
c) Will often underreport throughput In
order to evade taxation.
Transporters
a) Knowledge of direction and magnitude
of commodity flows.
b) Familiar with structure of commodity
trade. Can often-Identify large
volume traders.
.) Do not actually participate In trade,
a) Knowledge of magnitude, timing and
price. of Imports and exports.
b) Detailed knowledge of Import/export
practices, procedureJ and regulatlc'I::I.
a) May know little about how commodities
are assembled for export, or how they
are distributed after ImportatIon.
b) Since smuggling and underlnvoiclng are
common practices in many countries,
they may be unWilling to report volumes
or prices.
c). If rights to Import/export are obtained
through privileged access or rentsharlna, they may be unwllllna to discuss
buslnes. practices.
First Handlers
Importers/
Exporters
II
so lack knowilldle of trading
practices, prices and stratcgies.
Representatives of
Cooperatives,
Trade Associations
a) Knowledge of numbers and size. of
member firms, and their output.
b) May effectively represent membership
and its perceptions of constraints,
opportunities.
a) If repre.entatlves are l:ppolnted by
government, may not effectIvely
represent membership.
b) Membership may bl!! restricted to larger
fIrms and producers.
Bank Loan Officers
a) May possess Inform&tlon about the operations, throuKhput and returns of larger
wholesalers, processors and retailers.
b) Access to information about composition
of commercial bank loan portfolios.
a) ,. "y not possess systems perspective.
May ekIl~
judgements on basis of narrow
rate of retu~n
criteria.
b) May be unwilling to diVUlge confidential
information about borrowers' operations.
a) Often ma/ot buyers of high value
commodities, such as fruits and
vegetables, livestock products.
b) May have negotiated contractual
arranaements with large volume
wholesalers, processors or Importers•
a) As buyers of final prodUCts, may have
limited knowledge of system organization
and opera tion.
b) Usually constitute small proportion (If
final demand for staple commodities.
Institutional and
Private Sector (Large
Supermarket) Buyers
.53
itt-
IF"
.;;.
.-
..
firIE-
54
9•.5 Informal Interviewing of Key Informants
9.5.1 Interviewing Techniques
Researchers will rarely have the luxury of developing formal questionnaires (which
are pre-tested, translated and back-translated, etc.) for each type of participant
interviewed. Rigorous and intensive questionnaire development might be necessary if the
researchers wish to focus attention and resources of the inquiry on one or a small number
of stages, or if information obtained in initial interviews is deemed inaccurate,
inappropriate or ambiguous. Nevertheless, it is useful to develop interview strategies
and topic gUidelines for different groups of participants, including specific questions,
desirable sequences of questions, and types or ranges of questions for initial and followup
interviews. Informal interviews will be structured in the sense that the intention is to
cover important topics in a preferred sequence. Yet they will be unstructured in the
sense that interviewers will be able to vary the leng'th and format of an interview,
probing promising lines of inquiry in depth, where feasible, or adhering to noncontroversial or less sensi tive topics, where necessary. For example, in one instance the
interviewer might encourage a respondent to focus on subsector problems, government
policies or marketing opportunities. A parallel interview with another informant at the
same stage of the subsector might focus on tha t firm's management, sources and uses of
credi t, standard opera ting procedures for carrying O'Jt particular marketing functions,
and rela tions wi th other firms.
While it is useful to develop informal interview guidelines for different types of
•
participants before beginning RR field work, it is important to realize that interviewing
busy marketing system participants is an art. Investigators rarely have the time to asl<
even the most cooperative of informants everything they would llke to ask, unless it is
possible to arrange a followup interview or two. So investigators have to focus the
interview on particular issues and problems. Allowing informants enough flexibility to
discuss issues and topics which interest them or problems which they find especially
bothersome can have high payoff. Investigators can often uncover unexpected insights in
this way.
In addi tion, it can be very effective to challenge informants on particular issues,
if only to stimulate discussion and compel them to articulate their views more clearly.
Informants who are bored or annoyed by interviews will sometimes offer incomplete or
55
unsatisfactory answers to questions, hl)ping that the
inv~stigator
will accept those
responses uncritically and continue toward completion of the interview. It is very
".
important t;o challenge such responses and to demonstrate to the informant that the
research ~r unJel':itands enough about the mcrketing system to realize that his/her answer
is incomplete or unsatisfactory. To do this in a humorous or clever way can liven up an
otherwise routine interview, improve rapport, and facilitate the information gathering
task.
Informal interviews in rapid reconnaissance are best used to elicit information on
informants' perceptions of commodity system problems and opportunities, ideas of how
the system can be improved, views of the effect of particular government policies, and
the need for policy changes. The emphasis should not be placed on accumulating detailed
informa tion on the organization and opera tion of the subsector at each particular stage.
9.5.2 Building in Consistency Checks
Informal interviews can be structured so that information about certain topics is
obtained in more than one way, either in different sequences of questions or by
approaching the topic from two or more angles. For example, interviewers can obtain
information about producers' marketed output by first asking producers directly the
rlumber of sacks of a commodi ty tha t have been sold since the harvest. An indirect way
of obtaining the same information would be to ask the producer the numbers of sacks
.
I
harvested, given and received, and consumed. The residual would then be the number of
sacks sold. Information obtained from interviews with key informants about exchange
arrangements, risk reducing and sharing mechanisms, credi t arrangements, com modi ty
flows and other vertical linkages should be cross-checked wi th informants at adjacent
stages of the subsector. The overall validity of rapid reconnaissance findings can be also
checked with knowledgeable observers of commodity subsectors, including researchers,
certain government technocra ts, selected agricultural project managers, and regionally
important business people.
A useful method of consistency checking is mirror-image interviewing. This
technique involves asking informants at adjacent stages of a subsector the same set of
questions. Major dif ferences in responses are generally an indica tor tha t one or both
informants are misinforming the research team. Such differences may also indicate that
one or both of the informants does not know or accurately recal! the answer to the
question.
56
9.5.3 Repeat Interviews
•
Repeat interviews with cooperative and knowledgeable informants, or interviews
with
infor na t~
who substitute for uncooperative or less useful informants, are often
necessary in order to:
1) Follow up on initial, more general interviews with questions about the
organization and operation of particular firms (especially if these firms play an
important role in the subsector or at a particular stage of the subsector).
2) Clarify statements or viewpoints presented during an earlier interview.
3) Cross-check information provided during an earlier interview or by another
informant at the same stage of the subsector or an adjacent stage•.
ia.
4) Discuss more sensitive topics, such as credit arrangements, price formation,
relations with other firms, circumvention of government restrictions, parallel
markets, etc.
Fol w·~up
interviews with selected key informants during the rapid appraisal can lay the
base for case studies during later phases of research. Case studies entail multiple visits
over a longer period, typically a year.
9.6 Interviewing Village Headmen and Other Local Informants
One information gathering shortcut in rural studies is to interview traditional
leaders, such as village leaders or headmen. In many African countries local notables
meet periodically as a group to arbitrate between conflicting parties. These groups often
discuss issues of land tenure and use, disputes between farmers and herders and other
grievances, and issues of collective organization, such as constructing social
infrastructure (SC~,
,015,
clinics), road maintenance, and formation of cooperatives. While
calling together all the members of a local deliberating body may take time, it may
prove valuable if some of the above issues are addressed in an RR study. When the focus
of a rapid appraisal is agricultural marketing, it will generally not be necessary to
convene a large group of notables. An interview with a village leader or headman will
57
usuaJly suffice. Interviews with older members of the community who are producers or
traders can also be very valuable in learning about change in agricultural production and
marketing practices and policies over long periods. These informants possess a wealth of
local knowledge, as weJl as a longer term historical perspective. Such perspectives are
valuable and researchers can elicit perceptions of current IJroblems in historical context,
as well as historical information on when particular types of agricultural production
technology were first tried and adopted, when rural roads and wholesale trading networks
penetrated rural areas, and shifts in agricultural production patterns over time in
response to marketing opportunities and avalJablllty of inputs.
As a general word of caution, it is advisable not to ask sub-district or vl11age
headmen que5tions which demand detailed responses that they are unable to provide. In
other words, it is best to tailor questions to respondents' frame of reference and level of
knowledge. For example, a subdistrict official is unHl<ely to possess detailed information
about the size distribution of farms in his jurisdiction or of marketed surplus 01
particular types of farms, whereas a village headman may well be able to answer
questions about these topics.
9.7 Group Interviews
Depending upon the cultura: context, interviews of relatively homogeneous groups
of subsector participants can elicit views of subsector performance, the need for and
effects of government policies and regula tions, and system bottlenecks and
opportunities. Group interviews can also serve to legitimize the process of inquiry
among potential participants. In many Asian and African countries, for example,
agricultural producers are more likely to cooperate in survey research once the village
chief or elders have met with the researcher and approved the research agenda. The
main drawback of group interviews is that they can be dominated by especially articulate
and forceful individuals, whose views and perceptions may not be widely shared. The
findings of group interviews or of meetings with reprp-sentatives of producer, trade or
industry associations must always be cross-checked with individual informants.
Preferably some of these informants will not have attended the group meeting.
58
9.8 Informal Delphi Techniques
Informal Delphi techniques for obtaining information about the views and
perceptions of marketing system participants are sometimes appropria te in rapid
reconnaissance field research (Honadle, 1982). Delphi methods are an itera tive form of
information gathering that can involve several group interviews with brainstorming and
intense interaction or iterative, private consultations with anonymous informants. Either
form of Delphi is designed to elicit candid appraisals of participants' views, perceptions
and ideas (in this case, about marketing system performance, problems, constraints and
opportuni ties). The Delphi approach assumes tha t the group will move toward consensus
and that false or misleading views and perceptions wiJJ be exposed and discredited. This
approach is a potentially attractive information gathering shortcut for RR researchers in
tha t reliable informa tion on sensi tive topics can supposedly be obtained in a short time
span. Moreover, the difficult process of trying to separate out reliable information from
unreliable information and misinformation supplied by individual informants can be
largely avoided.
There are several potentially serious problems with Delphi methods, however,
particularly in group meetings. In heterogeneous groupings of Delphi participants, some
individuals may not express their views and ideas candidly, deferring to participants with
,
more power in the marketing system or to representatives of government agencies. Less
powerful participants avoid risks by being reticent and not openly criticizing participants
who can apply sanctions or use confidential information in a way that harms them.
Among groups of peers (participants at the same stage of the marketing system), Delphi
methods are most likely to generate reliable information. Individual participants are less
likely to refrain from criticizing the government or marketing agencies, or other groups'
of participants (especially powerful participants) in the marketing system.
Informal Delphi techniques can be quite useful in evaluating the performance of
organizations and agencies wi thin the marketing system. For example, representatives
of producer cooperatives could diagnose problems associated with the input procurement
and distribution, crop storage, and crop marketing practices of the cooperative. It is not
recommended to include government overseers of the cooperative or appointed
cooperative officers, who are often not producers, in the discussio;'ls. Unequal status
among participants will usually preclude frank discussion of problems.
59
9.9 Recording Rapid Reconnaissance Findings
When recording information during RR interviews, time-saving techniques must be
adopted. There are few things more disturbing to a busy marketing agent than to sit
through long interviews where the investigator spends half or nearly half of the time
writing longhand notes. Several shortcut techniques are possible. Researchers might
only note quantities, prices, and other continuous variables, which are more difficult to
recall than quaJi tative da ta, during interviews and reserve detailed recording of other
information until after the interview is completed. Standardized formats for different
types of data gathering, such as forms for recording prices and quantities in
marketplaces, and for different types of informants, such as producers, can also speed up
the note-taking process. And, of course, developing an effective shorthand for recording
informa tion is another means of shortening the time required for interviews.
A common mistake in conducting informalinter'tiews is to postpone writing down
observa tions, perceptions and responses until long after interviews are completed. It is
also easy to fall into the trap ot taking poor or incomplete notes. It is strongly
recommended tha t researchers record the findings of informal interviews immedia tely
after each interview is completed. In some cases, using a large informal questionnaire is
a valuable tool in forcing analysts to record findings during or shortly after each
interview. Having this recorded information will be essential at a later stage when the
investigators write up the research results.
9.10 Speeding up Information Cathedng in the Field
Depending on the circumstances, the two or three members of a RR team can
work separately to increase the rate of information gathering. For example, one member
of the team can interview wholesalers and retailers at a rural market, while a second can
observe the market, counting the numbers of traders of each type, estima ting the
quantities of the commodity brought to the market that day, noting the numbers and
types (make, tonnage) of trucks at the market, and chatting with truckers to obtain
informa tion about transport cos ts and the magnitude and direction of marketed flows.
When the RR team is in rural areas interviewing producers, team members can
individually interview producers to get a broader sample. The more sta'ndardized the
informal interview format for producers, the less risk there is in having team members
carry out individual interviews. When researchers are not following informal interview
60
.,
guidelines but are extemporizing,
reflecting the interviewers'
dif er~nt
findings may differ quite significantly,
n~search
interests and biases, or perhaps the asking of
questions on similar topics in quite different ways.
While splitting up RR teams will accelerate information gathering, this may not
always be desirable. When two or more researchers participate in an informal interview,
they may interpret the informant's responses in different ways. At the end of each day,
or perhaps immediately after each interview, the team members can discuss informants'
responses and their implications. By comparing interview findings and inferences within
each RR team, possible bias in interpretation can be offset. Teaming up to do interviews
can also speed up individual interviews. One researcher can pose questions in an
informal, conversational style, while the other records the informant's responses. The
two researchers can take turns asking questions in their areas of specialization during an
interview.
In the final analysis, researchers participa ting in rapid reconnaissance surveys will
need to evaluate the tradeoff between breadth of coverage (numbers of participants
interviewed) with depth and accuracy of coverage. Choices about interviewing strategies
will be influenced by the time available for RR, the sl<ills and experience of researchers
participating in RR, and the degree of variation in interview findings and interpretations
of informant responses.
!'
9.11
Periodic Meeting of Rapid Reconnaissance Teams and Exchange of Preliminary
Findings
Although it is recommended that RR groups divide into two or three person teams
during the field research, the teams should not work in isolation. The ir,dividual RR
teams should meet periodically to discuss preliminary findings during the reconnaissance
surveys. The meetings may be infrequent (weekly or perhaps biweekly) due to logistical
difficulties. Nevertheless, it is important that the different teams discuss preliminary
research findings, tentative conclusions and hypotheses inferred from the findings,
information gaps, and needed data gathering emphases during the RR. In some cases
there may be disagreement among the participants. In the ensuir.g debate, the
researchers may uncover preconceptions,
assumptions, and unclear or
un~ta ed
unjustified inferences. Periodic meetings are also useful in helping the researchers to
focus
ir~c easingly
on key research issues, which typically emerge during the course of
61
"
the RR surveys, rather than to (;OntlnllC gathering Information In a broadt:!I", less directed
way.
62
.J
X_ PRESENTING RAPID RECONNAISSANCE FINDINCS
10.1 Writing up the Results of the Rapid Reconnaissance Survey
It is useful to outline the written report that will be prepared before initiating the
'jllrvey research. The final organization of the report will probably be somewhat
different, bu t outlining the report during the planning stage helps to identify key issues
8&
well as who will be responsible for addressing these issues. When preparing the final
report, separate papers along disciplinary Jines are discouraged. It is the responsibility of
the team leader to integrate different disciplinary findings into a summary report. In
many cases it is desirable to write a concise (less than 10 pages) summary which
discusses key findings and marketing system problems, whiJe attaching the more detailed
reports of subject matter specialists as annexes. If policy-makers are the principal
audience for the document, it is recommended to prepare a cross-referenced summary
that directs the interested reader to elaborations in technical annexes.
A suggested format for the summary paper is as follows:
1. Executive summary
2. State RR objectives
3. Briefly discuss research methodology and its limitations
./1
4. Define poJicy objectives and performance goals
5.. Food (or commodity) system overview
a)
Commodity characteristics
b)
Commodity consumption patterns
c)
Supply situation for the target commodity
d)
Price analysis
~)
Marketing system organization
f)
Marketing system opera tion
g)
Marketing infrastructure
h)
Institutions and poJicies affecting agricultural marketing
6. Identify and diagnose key problems and constraints, as welJ as untapped and
underexploited opportunities to improve system performance
63
7.
Suggest polley and program options
8.
Identify further research needs
1,0.2 Presenting the Prlnclpal findings of the Rapid
Recon ais~
In many cases RR Investigators will be asked to brief any policy or decision makers
who commissioned the RR about the principal findings of the investIgation.
Presentations should be kept relatively short (no more than one hour) and may need to, be
considerably shorter for senior policy-makers. Ample time should be left for dIscussion
of the RR findings. The RR team should try to elici t dIscussion of the identified
marketing problems and constraints. Do the policy-makers agree that these are key
problem areas? If
50,
how would they rank order them? If not, which problems were
missed, and why are these important? In addition, what areas do polley-makers view as
most promising for further research? Do they support research in certain areas but
appear reluctan t to approve research in other areas? Wha t are the reasons for the
enthusiasm and/or hesitancy?
10.3 Follow-up to Rapid Reconnaissance
A rapid reconnaissance study may serve as a one-time, stand-alone effort which
requires no further research. Some policy-makers may feel that a RR survey provides
enough information on which to make informed policy choices. Others may wish to
..
commission further studies, which follow guidelines laid out in the RR summary report•
RR surveys will identify food and marketing system problems and constraints which
may be diagnosed in depth during later phases of marketing research. In moving from
rapid reconnaissance to a longer term program of research, it is often difficult to reach a
consensus as to the key problem areas and the most feasible and relevant research
topics. It is very important to present the RR findings as clearly and lucidly as possible
to help establish the rank ordering of research problems and priori ties for further
research agenda.
One tool for faci!1 ta ting this process could be a two-dimensional array having
perceived subsector problems as row headings and subsec:tor participant groups and
government agencies as column headings. Subsector problems could then be discussed
and priori tized by the researchers in collabora tion wi th policy-makers. It may be useful
64
to distinguish between system-wide and stage-specific problems. Criteria for prioritizing
problems and constraints wHl have to be specified clearly. Another tool might be a
marketing constraint matrix with constraints as rows and selection criteria such as
system-wide effect of the constraint, feasibiJity of doing research on each constraint,
liI<eJihood tha t research findings wiJJ lead to polley change, and other factors as
columns. Ordinal scales can be developed to rank order the potential payoff of doing
further research on different constraints and taking action to reJieve constraints.
,
..
6.5
•
XI. LIMITATIONS OF RAPID APPRAISAL
1I.! Time-Buundedness and Bias
Rapid reconnaissance should be used with caution as a tool for generating policy
prescriptions because it has two fundamental limitations. First, it does not allow for
observation of all the seasonal dimensions of agricultural production and marketing (see
Chambers, Longhur:it, Bradley and Peachem, 1979). It is not a substitute for longer term,
more data-intensive studies in obtaining a comprehensive understanding of agricultural
production and marketing systems. Rapid reconnaissance techniques are particularly
unsuited for obtaining reliable information on flow variables, such as agricultural
production, quanti ties and prices of inputs and outputs purchased and sold, commodi ty
flows, and labor inputs, over long periods. Yet RR methods are often useful as a first
step in the design of formal surveys with which flow data are collected. Second, rapid
reconnaissance can be subject to bias, because informants and areas or facilities for
visits are selected non-randomly. Predispositions of researchers may also introduce
biases (Chambers, 1980, 1981; Car ruther::; and Chambers, 1981).
Policy prescriptions coming out of rapid appraisals may be premature. They may
also fail to identify key marketing opportunities, or they may lead to the implementation
of weak or invalid marketing strategies (Belshaw, 1981). Rapid reconnaissance is a very
useful tool, however, for identifying food system problems, constraints and opportunities,
and for informing longer term, focused studies of particular aspects of food systems. In
some cases it may be useful to test on a pilot basis, during longer term research
programs, technical or management innovations Identified during RR. The International
Livestock Centre for Africa (ILCA) has found this willingness to experiment and transfer
known technologies to a new research environment to be an important dimension of a
longer term program of applied research (personal communication, Stephen Sandford,
1984). Such a research strategy will help to satisfy client groups that clamor for action
and that are not inclined to support long term research programs without demons trable
inter mediate results.
11.2 Limitations of the Subsector Framework
An important strength of the subsector approach is its focus on how the system
operates as a whole, and its emphasis on dynamic forces which drive and transform food
66
•
systems. Yet subsector
is often evaluated with reference to concepts which
r~e formance
have been criticized as elusive and difficult to quantify. Concepts such as workable
competition and effective coordination have been attacked as imprecise and dependent
upon researchers' jUdgement.
The subsector approach has also been criticized as beIng overly descriptive and
unfocused. Since the subsector .framework is a systems approach, albeit a pQrtial one
(i.e., a subsystems approach), researchers can become bogged down in describing and
analyzing many different elements of the subsystem. The temptation is always to colJect
too much information without adequa te focus. This is a very real problem. Proposing
working hypotheses about the system at the outset and tailoring da ta gathering ".fforts to
test, disprove and modify these hypotheses can help to focus data collection. This
approach is at the heart of inductive methods of research (Platt, 1964).
At the same time, it is important to remember that rapid reconnaissance is
essentialJy an empirical approach to initiating research. Overemphasis of formal
hypothesis testing at an early stage of the research may effectively limit the scope and
comprehensiveness of rapid reconnaissance. In particular, expatriate researchers who do
applied research on food systems in developing countries may not know enough about
these systems to formulate useful, relevant and testable hypotheses before
th ~y
begin
doing research. It is important to know in general how the system is organized and how
it functions within its particular institutional, social, and macroeconomic environment
before focusing research on
gnir~hta
data to test a set of hypotheses. Acquiring this
understanding requires an investment in analyzing secondary data, observing the system
a t different levels and locations, conducting informal interviews with system participants
and knowledgeable observers, and identifying system constraints and opportunities before
finalizing hypotheses that guide intensive data collection.
Another criticism of the subsector approach is that it is partial. In focusing on
one or more related commodities, researchers may miss important interrelationships
among commodities whkh are substitutes in production and consumption. Use of a
broC'.der partial equilibrium framework, such as the Food Policy Analysis approach
dev\~loped
by Timmer, Falcon and Pearson (1983), is often advanced. This approach
focus\~
on several key staple crops simultaneously. Heavy emphasis is placed on price
analysis broadly construed; that is, analysts examine input and output prices) and
interest, wage and exchange ra tes, and their effects on incentives facing producers,
67
..
marketing agents and consumers. The effects of macroeconomic policies and
intcrna tional trade on agricultural production/marketIng systems are analyzed.
There is much in the Food Policy Analysis perspective that can be usefully
adapted to subsector studies. Clearly, the effects of macroeconomic policies and
interna tiona I trade on incentives facing subsector participants (inc!uding input suppliers,
producers, first handlers, wholesalers, processors, retailers, importers and exporters) are
often underestimated if the analysis takes a too partial view of production/marketing
systems. Moreover, the subsector approach needs to be expanded to Include examination
of close substitutes of the commodity under examination in production and
consumption. The challenge for researchers examining !;ubsectors is to know when and
how to broaden the approach to include important factors without making the research
agenda unmanageable.
68
•
XIL CONCLUSION
Rapid reconnaissance surveys are often sponsored by donor agencies or developing
country governments seeking information for policy formulation or justifications for
developing and fundIng projects. The rapid reconnaissance guidelines presented in this
paper are designed to be a tool for generating knowledge about food and commodity
marketirlg systems in a short period of time that may be used in policy formulatIon and
project development, but tha t are best suited to informing longer term programs of
applied research. The fundamental strength of rapid reconnaissance is that applied
researchers can obtain a broad understanding of commodity marketing systems in a
relatively short time and that system constraints and opportunities can be identified.
Through this process it is hoped that the design and policy relevance of follow-on applied
research will be improved. By identifying promising arp,as of further research, rapid
reconnaissance can help to improve the alJocation of resources to programs of food and
agricultural marketing research. Rapid appraisal can also play an important role in
pointing out actual or proposed policies with adverse or potentiaUy adverse
consequences. This can help policy makers to reform counterproductive policies or to
avoid poor decisions. Rapid appraisals can also be conducted ir1termittentJy and .
repeatedly in the policy and project formulation, monitoring and evaluation cycles. In
this way rapid
recon ai~sance
can inform the policy-making process and project design
and implementation on an ongoing basis in a timely and cost effective way.
69
,.
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•
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