College of the Holy Cross
CrossWorks
Religious Studies Faculty Scholarship
Religious Studies Department
11-9-2007
Meet the Mormons: From the Margins to the
Mainstream
Mathew N. Schmalz
College of the Holy Cross,
[email protected]
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Part of the Catholic Studies Commons, Christian Denominations and Sects Commons, and the
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Recommended Citation
Schmalz, Mathew N. "Meet the Mormons: From the Margins to the Mainstream." Commonweal 9 Nov. 2007: 16-19.
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Meet the ^Aormons
From the Margin to the Mainstream
Mathew N. Schmalz
T
here's been a lot of "Mormon talk"
in the air lately. Presidential candi'
date Mitt Romney has something to
do with that, as do the acclaimed HBO se'
ries Big Love (chronicling a fictional polygamist family that splits from its traditionalist
Mormon roots) and the reaHife trial of polygamist Warren Jeffs. People have the usual
questions. What do Mormons believe? Are
they really Christians? How many wives do
they have, anyway?
Such talk arises whenever Mormons step into a more
prominent n^le in American public life. In the nineteenth
century, the talk was about Motmon polygamy and Utah
statehood. In the early twentieth century, it centered on
apostle Reed Smoot and whether he could assume elected
office as a Utah .senator. Now the talk surrounds Romney's
presidential bid. Some of the punditry has been less than edifying. Jacob Weisberg wrote in the online journal Slate that
he could never vote for someone whose religion "is based on
such a transparent and recent fraud." Private Mormon temple rituals have heen laid bare in the media, and Romney
has had to endure one too many stories about traditional
Mormon undergarments.
Having taut^ht about new religious movements at the College of the Holy Cross for several years, I've found that my
students combine a personal openness to Mormonism (one
had a long-term boyfriend who was a Mormon) with deep
skepticism about details of Mormon belief. Like many people, my students tend to find the Book of Mormon fanciful
at best. Translated hy Joseph Smith from golden plates he
claimed to have unearthed in 1827 on a hill in upstate New
York (Smith said he was guided there by Moroni, an angel
who also gave him seer stones with which to translate the
plates' strange markings), the book is both a "testament of
Jesus Christ" and a history of two rival American nations
founded by the sons of Lehi, a prophet who sailed from
Jerusalem to America in 600 BC.
My students have trouble taking Smith's seemingly outlandish claims seriously; and for tbose committed to Christian orthodoxy, key elements ot Mormon doctrine remain
deeply alien. Joseph Smith claimed to have seen God and
observed that he has a form much like our own—with ears.
eyebrows, and other human features. This God is ni>t only
the spiritual parent of us all, he is also the spiritual and physical parent of Jesus Christ. According to the Botik of Mormon, Jesus also had a prior "unemhodied" existence as "Jehovah," God of the Old Testament. In addition to asserting
the untrinitarian nature of the Godhead, Smith claimed to
have restored the authentic church of C^hrist, akmg with the
ancient Aaronic and Melchizidek prie.sthoods.
Mathew N. Schmalz is direcuyr of the College Honors Program
ami associate professor ofreli^ous studies at the CoUege of the Holy
Cross.
Moroni
LIGHTPLANET.COW
Smith's vision of the afterlife was also distinctive. It foresaw a place di\'ided into three levels: the "celestial kingdom,"
for faithful Mormons and those who receive the full gospel
of Jesus Christ in the hereafter; the "terrestrial kingdom," for
Ic.-is faithful Mormons and righteous non-Mormon "Gentiles";
and the "telestial kingdom," tor murderers, adulterers, and
apostates. In this tripartite scheme, those in the celestial kingdom labor to achieve "exaltation." Some Mormtin prophets
and theologians have speculated that those who attain exaltation become gods of their own planets and give birth to
spirit children who pass from prcexistence through corporeal life to the afterlife. This redemptive vision was furthet clarified when Joseph Smith examined an Egyptian papyrus
obtained from a traveling mummy exhibition. On the papyrus, Smith proclaimed, was a depiction of Kolob, the planet or star "set nigh to the throne of God," nearest to the
celestial realm.
It was Koloh and associated exotica that first drew me to
the study of Mormonism. It all seemed so strange: polygamy,
the banning of blacks from the priesthood, the expansive understanding of prophecy. Not to mention the story of Joseph
Smith and his many visions—including his 1832 prediction
of a future war over slavery starting in South Carolina, and
his revelation that prohibited "strong" and "hot" drinks as
well as proscrihing tobacco. As I reflected on the strangeness
ot Mtirmonism, 1 started thinking ahout the sense of strange-
ness that had singled me out as the "Catholic guy" in high
school, college, and graduate school. I was often asked to present the "Catholic view" on some issue, or publicly pressed
by colleagues to explain why Catholics held certain peculiar
beliefs. Hearing Catholic stereotypes repeated in ctmversation, 1 always wanted to say, "Well, maybe if you'd seriously
listen to Catholics, you'd realize we're not all the same."
M
ormon friends and colleagues experience similar
feelings when they hear peopie dismiss their religion. But if one sees Monnonism as something more
than eccentricity or pathology, one can imagine a more substantive kind of Mormon talk, especially surrounding Mitt
Romney's candidacy. Rtimney could be asked how Mormon
beliefs in the salvific significance of America have shaped
his understanding of the U.S. mission in the world. Or one
could ask him how the BiKik of Mormon's narrative of a conflict of civilizations has shaped his own understanding of our
present moment in history. It would also he interesting to
know how Romney understands the challenges facing stKially marginalized groups, given Mormonism's—and his own
family's—experience of persecution.
A refreshingly different kind of Mormon talk could be heard
tn The MormojLs, a four-hour documentary recently broadcast
on PBS. The film let Mormons speak for themselves. Their
words shed light on the appeal of Mormon belief and prac-
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17
Centering
Remember, the frightened sparrow's
flapping finally calmed into a pattern
just hefore it found the window and
escaped. I mean, while we squinted
and pointed in the dairy aisle,
that trapped mind did circle, after all,
in louvered sunlight. Remember
the housewife's rag circling a window pane
one lazy morning, or a painter's thumb,
smudging his purple sunrise with
little blushing clouds? It's the return
I'm talking about. Getting to do it over.
Black cat circling her cushion,
antediluvian duo whisking
the ballroom floor like brooms,
or lips looping oh, oh, oh, mouth
in love with the sound. Oh, after
a while it feels inevitable,
the long blue pull of the mind
tbat keeps finding more in less
until the will bends and circles
home to stillness that feels final, true.
—Jean Murray Walker
tice. On one level, the Latter-day Saints (LDS), as Mormons
prefer to be called, have a strong communal identity forged
hy persecution, exodus, and isolation. On anuther level, Mormonism has developed a comprehensive and meaningful response to death through its emphasis on family, its theology
ot eternal progression to godhood, and through rituals such
as proxy baptism.
Helpful as it was. The Mormons did nor give a full sense of
the diversity of Mormon lite, the surprisingly broad spectrum
that exists between orthodoxy and apostasy. 1 discovered this
in 2004, when 1 attended the Sunstone Symposium in Salt
Lake City. The Sunstone Education Foundation is a Mormon
organization that encourages open discussion of LDS experience, culture, and scholarship. Mormon political and cultural views turn out to be much more expansive than most
people imagine. Sunstone maga2ine, for example, argues that
one can he a practicing Mormon and a Democrat at the same
time, and has published articles critiquing Mormon patri-
archy. Sunstone also updates readers with reports on Mormon
figures such as Rafe Judkins, tbe self-described gay Mormon
Survivor contestant.
The LDS participants 1 met at the symposium hardly conformed to the stereotype of Mormons as the dutiful, cU-ancut religious equivalents of corporate functionaries. The
symposium included presentations on Mormon doctrine and
spirituality, discussions of attitudes toward gender and sexual identity, and reviews of Mormon literature and poetry. It
was through Sumtorn? that I hecame aware of edgy Mormon
literature that ventures into R-rated territory—like the "Mormon Kama Sutra," an Jtnaginary sex manual referred to in the
Sugar Beet, which is a kind of Mormon version of the Onion.
While Mormon life has an air of placidity, a closer lotik reveals more tension than one might expect, For example, latent feminist themes in Mormonism have recently begun to
surface. Likewise, LDS understandings of sexual orientation
have started to shift, and Brigham Young University's honot
code of conduct now distinguishes between homosexual orientation and homosexual conduct. Some BYU students opposed to the war in Iraq recently held an "alternative
commencement" to protest the awarding ot an honorary degree to Vice President Dick Cheney. Who gave the keynote
speech at the altemative commencement? Ralph Nader. Wliile
most media attention has focused on Mormon fundamt-ntalists, progressive Mormons remain an active group.
T
he most hotly debated issue in Mormonism today is
the historicity of the Book of Mormon. LDS leadership in Salt Lake City recently issued a statement reaffirming the bt)ok as literally true "history." And the Kick of
archeological evidence? "Spiritual matters are best verified
by spiritual means," the statement explains—which is to say
that one sees the historicity of the Book of Mormon through
the eyes of faith. Other Mormon theologians, however, see a
different relationship between faith and historicity. Dan
Wothcrspoon, editor ot Su?istone, wrote an essay titled "The
Death of Nephi," referring to one of the sons of the prophet
Lehi. In sharing how the stor\' of some Book of Monnon characters sptike to him during a difficult ^x-riod in his lite, Wotherspoon wrote: "I haven't fully decided if he [Nephi] and the
others described in the Book of Mormon ever really lived,
ever drew real breath; 1 simply kiiow that they gave life to me
and that at times, they've taken my breath away." Wotherspoon was broaching the issue of whether the Book of Mormon can be considered a kind of "inspired fiction." That might
seem to be a strange category for a sacred text. Yet many Christians, Catholic and Protestant alike, consider parts of the
Bible "inspired fiction"—passages that relate events with religious significance and truth even though the events tnay
never have actually occurred.
The notion of inspired fiction reminds us that one doesn't
have to accept the entirety of a religion's claims in order to
take it seriously. In thinking about how to get beyond the limitations of popular Mormon talk in the classroom, I've been
considering turning to the Boc)k of Mormon and using its stories as a framework tor discussing Mormonism as a religion.
One story 1 have in mind is that of the mission of the prophet
Alma to the Zoramites (Alma 31). According to the Book of
Monnon, the Zoramites were once part of the nation founded
by Lehi's taithful son Nephi, but they eventually separated tti
follow their leader Zoram to the land of Antinonum. There
the Zoramites began to "bow down to dumb idols." The Zoramite.s had also placed a platform called the Rameumptom,
or "holy stand," in their synagogues. One by one, Zoramites
would a.scend the Rameumptom and prtKlaim their own righteousness, only to gti home and forget ahout God until the next
service. In Monnon disci>urse, then, the Rameumptom is mainly a symKil of arrogance and hy[XKrisy, but it can also be a symbol of unwillingness to engage in genuine dialogue.
Today, this unwillingness may more deeply afflict those
who talk about Mormons than it does Mormons themselves.
At the Sunstone Symposium in 2004, after I presented a paper
on my experiences teaching Mormonism at Holy Cross, the
response was given by a professor from Utah State University, a Mormon who had taught moral theology at Fordham
University, a Jesuit institution. He discussed how Mormonism
comhined aspects of liberal Protestantism with the magisterial elements of Catholicism.
As the conversation developed, many Mormons in the audience lamented that, compared to Catholicism, official LDS
discourse lacks complex discussions of moral issues. A Mormon convert who once lived in a Benedictine community
commented that while Mormonism values one's personal relationship with God, the LDS church has not clearly formulated how "the Light of Christ" within a person relates to external religious authority. Many Mormons particularly respect
the Catholic Church as an institution that has balanced authority and conscience within its framework of theology and
canon law. In the context of acrimonious debates over the
church's sexual-abuse scandal, the disciplining ot tlietilogians,
and the withholding of the Eucharist from prochoice politicians, .some Catholics would find these perceptions of Catholicism deeply ironic. But they retlect Mormonism's own painful
struggles with authority, tnost fatnously illustrated hy the case
of Sonia Johnson, a fifth-generation Mormon excommunicated in 1979 for supporting the Equal Rights Amendment.
As a religion, Mormonism is still quite young—but it is a
religion. As Suns tone's Dan Wotherspotm told me, "Someone who views others in good faith would assume that these
other people have gone through similar processes in sifting
the wheat from the chaff ot their religion." In other words,
we share more than we might think at first. Talking about
Mormonism in "good faith" does not mean accepting all—
or any^>f Mormonism's teachings. Instead, it means accepting that Mtjrmonism is composed of real people who are best
seen up close, not from high atop the Rameumptom. •
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