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Published in final edited form as:
Nat Rev Neurosci. 2005 February ; 6(2): 159–164.
fMRI in the public eye
Eric Racine
The Stanford Center for Biomedical Ethics, 701 Welch Road, Building A, Suite 1105, Palo Alto,
California 94304-5748, USA.
Ofek Bar-Ilan
The Stanford Center for Biomedical Ethics, 701 Welch Road, Building A, Suite 1105, Palo Alto,
California 94304-5748, USA.; The Dominican University of California, 50 Acacia Avenue, San
Rafael, California 94901, USA.
Judy Illes
The Stanford Center for Biomedical Ethics, 701 Welch Road, Building A, Suite 1105, Palo Alto,
California 94304-5748, USA.; the Department of Radiology, Stanford University School of Medicine,
300 Pasteur Drive, Stanford, California 94305-5105, USA.
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Abstract
The wide dissemination and expanding applications of functional MRI have not escaped the attention
of the media or discussion in the wider public arena. From the bench to the bedside, this technology
has introduced substantial ethical challenges. Are the boundaries of what it can and cannot achieve
being communicated to the public? Are its limitations understood? And given the complexities that
are inherent to neuroscience, are current avenues for communication adequate?
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Functional neuroimaging techniques, such as functional MRI (fMRI) and positron emission
tomography (PET), have evolved as key research approaches to studying both disease
processes and the basic physiology of cognitive phenomena in contemporary neuroscience. In
the clinical domain, they carry hope for guiding neurosurgical mapping, monitoring drug
development and providing new approaches to disease diagnosis and management at early,
possibly even presymptomatic stages. However, issues relating to these capabilities, such as
technical readiness and the possibility of disease screening in advance of effective therapeutic
intervention, raise substantial ethical challenges for investigators, health care providers and
patients alike. In basic neuroscience, increasing numbers of non-health-related fMRI studies
that touch on our personal values and beliefs have also forced us to expand our ethical
perspectives1.The wide dissemination of this research, growing applications of the technology
and continuously improving resolution have not escaped the attention of the neuroscience and
neuroethics communities, the media or the broader public2-6. However, are the boundaries of
what this technology can and cannot achieve being effectively communicated to the public?
Are its limitations understood? Are the applications of the technology viewed as useful and
meaningful? Are some studies more conducive to misinterpretation than others? What are the
associated risks to society? From a scientific perspective, important methodological and
technical assumptions guide fMRI research. However, from the public’s point of view, once
research results are publicized, especially when they concern personality, self-identity and
other social constructs, they are bound to interact with lay conceptions of these phenomena.
To understand this complex interaction between neuroscience and society, we focused on the
coverage of fMRI — as one model of frontier neurotechnology — in the print press. We
Correspondence to J.I. e-mail:
[email protected].
Competing interests statement The authors declare no competing financial interests.
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investigated how both neuroscience and the media shape the social understanding of
fundamental aspects of our reality and how this, in turn, points to issues of scientific
communication and public involvement in neuroscience. To this end, we frame our arguments
according to three trends that we have observed in press coverage of fMRI — ‘neuro-realism’,
‘neuro-essentialism’ and ‘neuro-policy’— and explore how neuroethics can attend to the
related ethical, legal and social issues by promoting multidirectional communication in
neuroscience.
fMRI in the public eye
The increasing investigation of cognitive and social phenomena using fMRI1 represents a
relatively new venture for neuroscience. Neuroscientists who pursue such research hope for
new insights into behaviour, culture and personality. However, they face new challenges in
trying to convey this knowledge meaningfully to the public. Journalists, from their purview,
must report these results in an adapted communication style that differs from scientific
communication and adheres to a separate set of standards7.This creates a context in which the
wider significance of research results and efforts for public out-reach intermingle with the
reporting of neuroscientific findings.
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To understand this context specifically in relation to neuroimaging, and to launch a discussion
of these issues, we carried out a press content analysis8 of samples of print media coverage of
fMRI. Using this method, we were able to capture salient messages about the research as they
are conveyed to readers. We did not study content from the point of view of scientific accuracy,
but rather as a phenomenon of communication that could affect public perceptions. In this
respect, the dynamics of news production, including the original interaction between journalists
and scientists, are not directly addressed, but this information is also unavailable to readers.
We conducted a key-word search on fMRI using the LexisNexis Academic database of General
News (major newspapers), General News (magazines and journals), Medical News (medical
and health news), University News and Legal News. We retrieved 132 non-redundant articles
for our sample, returned from a search beginning in January 1991 and ending in June 2004
(FIG. 1). Seventy-nine articles were from general sources such as The New York Times and the
Washington Post, and 53 were from specialized sources such as Pain & Central Nervous System
Week and New Scientist.After an initial pilot of a coding scheme and testing for reproducibility,
two of us (E.R. and O.B.-I.) coded the articles for tone, presence of ethical issues and type of
research reported. Further methodological details are available as online supplementary
information.
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Among our findings, we observed that press coverage of fMRI featured adults (84%) and, to
a lesser extent, school-aged children and adolescents (14%), and infants (2%). It largely
provided no explanation of the capabilities and limitations of fMRI (67%). The coverage had
a mostly optimistic tone (79%), compared with 16% that was considered balanced and 5% that
was critical. Scientific issues, such as validity, were raised more frequently (18%) than ethical
issues, such as confidentiality (7%). The ethical issues were found in general source articles
only.
We found descriptions of clinical research in 35% of the articles, of non-clinical research (in
particular, studies of higher- order cognition and emotions) in 44% and both in 20%. We also
found discussion of clinical benefits (for example, early or improved diagnosis, therapy and
monitoring of health interventions such as drug effects and neurosurgery) in 65% of the articles,
but non-clinical benefits (such as technical improvements of fMRI, non-health related early
childhood interventions and improved techniques for lie detection) in only 17%.
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To put these findings in perspective, we draw on three concepts that we have termed neurorealism, neuro-essentialism and neuro-policy, and use examples from the articles themselves
for illustration. The interaction of these concepts, which encompasses lay perceptions of reality,
subjectivity and policy making, combined with both hope and leaps of faith about the meaning
of the data across the lifespan, contribute to public appreciation of the benefits and risks of
functional neuroimaging. These interactions undoubtedly also influence the evolution of the
science itself, as researchers are not isolated from wider social and cultural beliefs about the
brain.
Neuro-realism
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Our concept of ‘neuro-realism’ describes how coverage of fMRI investigations can make a
phenomenon uncritically real, objective or effective in the eyes of the public. This occurs most
notably when qualifications about results are not brought to the reader’s attention. For example,
commenting on an fMRI study of fear, one article9 states,“Now scientists say the feeling is not
only real, but they can show what happens in the brain to cause it.” Many occurrences of neurorealism deal with the effectiveness of health-related procedures such as acupuncture. For
example,“Patients have long reported that acupuncture helps relieve their pain, but scientists
don’t know why. Could it be an illusion? Now brain imaging technology has indicated that the
perception of pain relief is accurate.”10 Another headline: “A relatively new form of brain
imaging provides visual proof that acupuncture alleviates pain.”11 Furthermore, because fMRI
investigation shows activation in reward centres when subjects ingest high-fat foods, one
reads,“Fat really does bring pleasure.”12 So, neuro-realism reflects the uncritical way in which
an fMRI investigation can be taken as validation or invalidation of our ordinary view of the
world. Neuro-realism is, therefore, grounded in the belief that fMRI enables us to capture a
‘visual proof ’ of brain activity, despite the enormous complexities of data acquisition and
image processing.
Neuro-essentialism
The concept of ‘neuro-essentialism’ reflects how fMRI research can be depicted as equating
subjectivity and personal identity to the brain. In this sense, the brain is used implicitly as a
shortcut for more global concepts such as the person, the individual or the self. This is the case
in many expressions where the brain is used as a grammatical subject. Headline examples of
this phenomenon are: “Brain can banish unwanted memories”13,“How brain stores
languages”14 and “‘Brain stores perceptions into small meaningful chunks”15.
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Other statements imply that fMRI is scrutinizing our minds. For example,“The better fMRI
systems become, and the more adept scientists get at extracting information from them, the
more they will be able to piece together the neural circuits that make us who we are,”16 and
“The brain can’t lie: brain scans reveal how you think and feel and even how you might behave.
No wonder the CIA and big businesses are interested.” Other claims insinuate that individual
differences can be reduced to brain differences17 — “Odds are that gambling addict’s brain is
built differently” — or that neuroscience provides ultimate explanations18 — “How it all starts
inside your brain.”Although studies of the mind and brain are a cornerstone of cognitive neuroscience, neuro-essentialism represents a hasty reduction of identity to the brain.
Neuro-policy
‘Neuro-policy’ describes attempts to use fMRI results to promote political and personal
agendas, as in the case of interest groups that uphold the investigation of social problems using
fMRI. For example, the Lighted Candle Society, a Utah-based non-profit organization that is
dedicated to the enhancement of moral values, advocates the use of fMRI to prove that
pornography is addictive19. Another example of neuro-policy has been reported by a
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neuroscientist who has received queries from “both sides of the current California debate on
bilingual education.”20
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These examples represent press coverage that shows how neuroscience is extending to new
areas of social concern and, accordingly, how neuroscientists are being tapped for advice in
policy development. Undoubtedly, an element of neuro-policy can imply neuro-realism and
neuro-essentialism, as the regulatory appeal of neuroscience might be increased by the beliefs
that brain research shows reality and that the brain is the core of our identity.
Neuro-policy also creates practical challenges for the neuroscientist. What happens when
neuroimagers receive calls from journalists to explain their (or others’) provocative findings?
How can the early state of certain findings be communicated, especially before peer review?
What is the proper reaction to ‘social demand’ for brain findings? Brain-machine
neuroengineering research has shown that military demand for neuroscience research can
certainly be controversial21-24. These are some of the challenges faced by neuroscientists
when participating in research efforts that are framed in terms of real-world policy.
Leaps of faith
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Some of the interest in fMRI stems from the hope for and pursuit of a deeper understanding of
fundamental human phenomena such as emotion and cognition. However, as we have seen,
the way in which some results are presented in the media can be loaded, and whether portrayal
of the results is entirely consistent with the intentions of interviewed scientists is an open
question. Often we find staggering leaps. Although these can inadvertently lead to
‘neurofallacies’, as is shown by previous examples, we still find them in the headlines of widely
read newspapers such as The New York Times, The Financial Times or the Washington Post
and in magazines such as Newsweek.It is not a leap of faith to believe that headlines such as
“fMRI knows your secrets”25 can have a powerful impact on readers.
The debate about the influence of the written press on public perception of science is still wide
open. Some argue that this influence is considerable26 whereas others believe that it is more
moderate27,28.To take a closer look specifically at neuroscientific research in the press, a
survey on public neuroscience literacy conducted on more than 2,000 people in Rio de Janeiro
showed that newspaper reading is associated with both positive and negative effects on
neuroscience literacy29. In an analysis of lobotomy coverage in the popular press, Diffenbach
et al. provided evidence that initial optimistic news coverage might have been a factor in the
rapid and widespread adoption of this psychiatric treatment30.At the very least, therefore, print
journalism provides some source of information for public discourse.
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Press content analysis also indicates ways in which public representations of neuro-science
could inform controversial uses of neurotechnology31. Consider, for example, the possibility
of marketing neuroimaging and other brain products directly to consumers for clinical or nonclinical uses32.This is likely to increase if consumers believe in fMRI’s power to reveal ‘the
reality’ or ‘our essence’.
Others have shown that the reporting of what we could call ‘critical-period mythology’ can
narrow childcare and nurturing to certain aspects of brain development, largely leaving out the
importance of nutrition or ongoing plasticity33. Flawed understanding and leaps of faith can
conspire to reinforce parents’ searches for new types of child-rearing approaches or
interventions, however unscientific those interventions might be20.At stake are both the
meaning of parenthood and the well-being of the child. One newspaper article critically
highlights this phenomenon as follows:“The results of experiments, undeniably exciting but
nonetheless limited and preliminary, are being used by non-experts to inform everything from
the style of a mother’s nurturing to the organization of day-care centers to public policy on
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child rearing, with precious little scientific data to support ambitious, even aggressive leaps
into future education policy. In some cases, neuroscience is being used to usurp the common
sense of mothering.”20 Also on this theme, the medicalization of attention deficit hyperactivity
disorder (ADHD) might also have been reinforced by press coverage of related neuroimaging
findings34.Although the debate about appropriate intervention strategies remains fierce35,
36,media emphasis has focused first on the biological and genetic causes of the disorder, and
second on environmental and cultural causes34.
In a final example of the public adoption of new scientific knowledge for practical benefit, we
draw on coverage of pharmaceutical developments that have ‘smart drug’37 potential. As for
fMRI, depending on how the benefits and risks of these products are framed in the press, and
the extent to which personal identity and social context are involved, it is not unreasonable to
expect keen interest in the competitive neurocognitive edge that such products might engender.
An entrepreneurial response to those interests is equally predictable and is now being
realized38.
Genomics and biotechnology
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To the best of our knowledge, this is the first consideration of fMRI press coverage. It is of
interest, therefore, to bring other perspectives to this discussion. The framing of genomics and
biotechnology has been studied extensively in the past and also raises many ethical and social
issues.
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Among our observations about fMRI coverage in the popular and specialized press, we noted
an overwhelming optimism for the technology. This finding is consistent with a genomics study
in which 91% of 749 genomics articles were rated as entirely positive in tone39,with optimistic
reporting of other genomics and biotechnology advances26,39-42, and with commentaries
such as: “Media coverage as a whole is predominantly positive in tone, contrary to some
industry claims, and emphasizes benefits and economic trade-offs rather than ethical issues,
public awareness questions or the sufficiency of available information to fully predict
outcomes.”43 Accompanying the general sense of optimism about genomics, studies in the
popular press have also considered ethical issues, which were found in about 40% of
articles26,39,44,45. By contrast, in our review of press coverage of fMRI (general sources
only, as these are directly comparable to the genomics studies), ethical issues such as
confidentiality and human nature were discussed in only 11% of the articles. In a commentary
on studies that used brain scans to inform marketing strategies, for example, The Guardian
reported: “... that using brain scans to predict behaviour is a long way off, the progress is such
that we should think about the implications ... It raises serious philosophical questions, because
it reduces us to a machine, but there’s also a huge moral issue: who should be allowed to access
our brain scans, if they can reveal so much about us?”16 However, scientific challenges, such
as interpretation, limitations of fMRI or its validity, were about twice as prevalent, appearing
in 23% of the general source articles. For example, “Modern cognitive scientists have
thoroughly discounted ‘bumpology’, and they no longer discuss faculties such as
‘marvelousness’. But they have divided the mind into equally suspect categories ... it is
probably impossible to dissect cognition into mental modules ... imaging studies that purport
to find localization of mental abilities in the brain suffer from a number of flaws that invalidate
such discoveries.”46 (TABLES 1 AND 2).
Issues such as commercialization, discrimination and fear of unregulated and unbridled
research are often associated with genomics in the press39,47. Concerns for the transformation
of human nature in the reports of controversial neuromarketing studies2 resemble concerns of
hubris in genetic manipulation of humans. We would expect traditional ethical norms and issues
to cross over from genomics to neuroscience, but many genomics-related issues are absent
from fMRI reporting. Issues relating to fMRI seem to be more tightly linked to scientific
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concerns, and the content of the limited ethical discussion is only loosely constrained by
traditional ethical categories. This might be due to the early state of neuroethical discussions,
to the fact that fMRI presents new issues, or to both of these. Nonetheless, even as genomics
and neuroscience increasingly cross-fertilize, they will always have different histories. In terms
of public concern, eugenics and discrimination have a considerable impact on the public
framing of genomics47.
Implications for neuroscience
The unhappy legacy48 of psychosurgery can serve as a dramatic reminder of the
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responsibilities of researchers when their results are presented in the press:“Indeed, perhaps a
cautionary lesson can be learned from the history of lobotomy. The hallmark of scientific
discovery is objective and controlled experiments with replication that creates a dynamic
process evolving through time. However ... this does not occur in a vacuum. For example,
medical research is propelled in part by public desperation.”30 When the expectations of the
public collide with scientific standards, it can lead to news reporting that uncritically reports
benefits and understates risks. Greater attention needs to be paid to the interface between
neuroscience and society, of which the press is one conduit.“As policymakers, the courts, and
the public become aware of imaging techniques and become intrigued by this window on the
living brain, researchers must avoid inadvertently fueling misconceptions about the power and
promise of neuroimaging. This task is complicated by media accounts that portray brain
imaging technology as the functional equivalent of a polygraph, a Rorshach test, or a Ouiji
board.”49
The scope of the issues raised by fMRI will be at least as far-reaching as those of
genomics50.We might even face them sooner. It is therefore necessary to promote global and
proactive analysis of fMRI. Reflecting on an editorial reaction in the Lancet Neurology51 to
an article published in The Economist on the ethics of neuroscience52, Fins wrote53:“It is the
promotion of responsible and scientifically-informed debate which accurately depicts the risks
and benefits of new interventions and the emerging regulatory framework with stringent
protection of human beings. If the media errs in its depiction of the complexities of emerging
neurotechnologies, civic discourse about its meaning will be impoverished.”
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Although it might seem surprising, we found that general news sources presented more critical
discussions of fMRI studies than did specialized scientific and medical sources. The absence
of ethical issues in the sample from the specialized press indicates that there is much work to
be done in launching discussions within the research community. It further underscores the
need for increased participation of the neuroscience community in sustained public dialogue
efforts and for intensification of collaborations between neuroscientists and bioethicists. A
1998 Nature Neuroscience editorial about the relationship between neuroscientists and
emerging public concerns that neuroscience could threaten human values6 concluded that
neuroscientists “should recognize that their work may be construed as having deep and possibly
disturbing implications, and that if they do not discuss these implications, others will do so on
their behalf.”
This is a particularly important observation given that cognitive neuroscience is increasingly
integrating social science domains traditionally not involved in neuroscience54,55,and
nonneuroscientists are directly summoned by studies dealing, for example, with consumer
preferences, emotions or decision-making. Accordingly, intensified collaborations between
neuroscientists and social scientists are taking place. In this exciting but complex context,
specific educational challenges need to be addressed. For example, understanding interests and
limitations in the integration of levels of analysis is a primary concern. It will be necessary to
provide neuroscientists with more background on the epistemological challenges of studying
social phenomena to ensure the validity of their research and to promote qualified, responsible
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and sensitive interpretation of the results50.So, an educated media and general public are
important aims, but a more broadly-educated scientific community is also an emerging
endeavour.
Multidirectional relationships
If we use the proactive approach that is inherent to neuroethics as a constructive starting point
for advancing better communication, exchanges between neuroscientists and the lay public
will be promoted not only to increase public understanding of neuroscience, but also to heighten
neuroscientists’awareness of issues of public concern56. In this sense, continued one-way
communication, where neuroscientists rely on traditional media sources to disseminate
results7, is limited (FIG. 2) and, as a model for the transfer of knowledge to the public and for
public input to neuroscience, has significant inadequacies.
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The complexity of the issues at stake and the potential benefits afforded by open debate invite
a more elaborate, multidirectional communication scheme (FIG. 3). Such a scheme recognizes
both that science is part of culture and that societies are increasingly multicultural57. The
distinction between expert and lay conceptions becomes a continuum, in which each interacts
with the other. Given calls for increased public dialogue, sustained relationships with the media
and growing interdisciplinary dialogue with colleagues in the humanities and social science
are also needed. This scheme will also enable public advocacy for neuroscience (see the Society
for Neuroscience Guide to Public Advocacy), and will firmly situate science communication
within a robust framework.
Two-way and multi-way communication has been advocated in ethical discussions of genetics
and genomics58-61.Regulatory agencies are now promoting public consultation and
meaningful dialogue. The International Bioethics Committee of UNESCO (Article 6) promotes
the expression of different viewpoints. A Canadian genetic research network has published
innovative guidelines requiring that research on a given population be based on dialogue
between the population and the research team (see Quebec Network of Applied Genetic
Medicine). These recommendations, albeit from a different research domain, express fresh
thinking on the relationships between science and society and point towards new challenges
to, and ways of, communicating neuroimaging science in a democratic framework. Indeed,
open debate is a central tenet of both science and democracy62 because both are based on
critical thinking and freedom of expression. New forms of public debate such as citizen’s
conferences have been used successfully by the Danish Board of Technology and are now a
worldwide phenomenon63. Public and community events that showcase neuroscience, such
as fairs, museum exhibits and educational forums (see online links for an example), represent
other ways in which neuroscientists and the public can meet in a dynamic fashion64.
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In an effort to improve public outreach, pressures on journalists must also be put in
context65. As part of any democracy, the media strives to serve the immediate interests of the
population but finds itself in a paradoxical relationship with its audience. In addition to the
increasing demand for speed that has been made possible by technologies such as electronic
filing, the media also,“tries to give readers and viewers what they want;... it feels responsible
for telling them what they should know even when that information is neither easy to assimilate
nor popular. And as newspaper and broadcast conglomerates have become publicly owned
financial operations responsive to escalating shareholder expectations, the tendency has been
to compete for the audience’s attention by providing the news that is easiest to assimilate.”65
Given this broader context, relationships between journalists and scientists need to be retooled
to be more sustainable33. A more informed, critical press — one that can evaluate the claims
of benefits in relation to research and that can also pinpoint risks and concerns — is needed.
Rose argues that science reporters rely too much on press releases put out by universities and
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scientific journals56.This tendency is indeed disquieting: press releases, in particular from
scientific meetings, often involve results that will not be published66.
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To further manage the consequences of our three original concepts of neuro-realism, neuroessentialism and neuro-policy, media reporters also need to reflect on how they select and
frame fMRI studies to ensure balanced and sensitive communication. In parallel, and despite
the time and career pressures of interfacing with the media, the neuroscience community must
respond by reflecting on its own ways of conveying the complexities of fMRI and other
neurotechnologies to the press, and ensure proper interpretation of the results. Communication
of the limitations of fMRI technology and critical appraisal of claims of health benefits are
immediate challenges. New collaborations with bioethics and humanities scholars in the design
of investigations into the lay perception of neurotechnologies, on medical, scientific and public
perceptions of neurological and psychiatric diseases, and on patient narratives, will also be
instrumental in broadening the reflection and bringing new elements to the discussion. To fully
realize and appreciate the transition, we will need increasingly elaborate and diverse research
perspectives.
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Resistance to some of these suggestions is not unexpected, but this does not dispirit the
endeavour. In the end, debate among neuro-scientists, life science colleagues, the media and
the public represents an exercise in critical thinking and self-reflection. It brings into focus and
strengthens the pillars of science, medicine and our pluralist society.
Acknowledgements
Supported by The Greenwall Foundation, the National Institutes of Health and the National Institute of Neurological
Disorders and Stroke (J.I.) and an FQRSC postdoctoral fellowship to E.R. The authors extend their thanks to C.
Jennings for inspiring this project and to S. W. Atlas, T. A. Raffin, P. Schraedley Desmond and M. Gallo.
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Figure 1.
Composition of the sample of articles returned to a search of print media coverage
(general and specialized sources combined) of fMRI from January 1991 to June
2004. *Projected value for 2004.
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Figure 2.
Unidirectional communication in neuroscience. Unidirectional communication is based on
an expertise model of knowledge. Conveying accurate information to the public is the primary
goal of science communication.
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Figure 3.
Multidirectional communication in neuroscience. Multidirectional communication
encourages open dialogue and the mutual enrichment of all parties. Accuracy of scientific
information is a key goal and differences in interpretation promote reflection. Ensuring
dynamic inquiry and debate is integral to science and a pluralist democratic society.
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Table 1
Definition of functional MRI issues identified in press coverage
Issue
Definition
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Ethical
Human nature
Confidentiality
Troubling findings
Recruitment
Scientific
Limitations
Interpretation
Validity
Risks and concerns that relate to the transformation of human nature; manipulation of people conducive to a view
of humans as mere means; misuses.
Risks and concerns that relate to the potential harm that could result from sharing confidential information.
Risks and concerns that relate to the potential harm to individuals or society of findings,of actions based on fMRI
findings or of incidental findings.
Risks and concerns that relate to the recruitment of research subjects and protection of subjects enrolled in protocols.
Risks and concerns that relate to the limitations of knowledge gained by fMRI and its scope of application.
Risks and concerns that relate to interpretation/meaning of findings by the public and researchers.
Risks and concerns that relate to scientific research design.
fMRI, functional MRI.
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Table 2
Divergent issues identified in functional MRI and genomics press
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fMRI (General sources)
%
Genomics*
%
Limitations
Interpretation
Validity
Human nature
Confidentiality
Troubling findings
Recruitment
19
10
6
8
4
4
1
Commercial and economic
Meaning and regulation
Autonomy and responsibility
Human dignity and integrity
Discrimination and stigmatization
Eugenics and artificial selection
22
18
14
12
8
7
*
Genomics data from REF. 39. fMRI, functional MRI.
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