ORE Open Research Exeter
TITLE
Group Analysis in Practice: Narrative Approaches
AUTHORS
Phoenix, Ann; Brannen, Julia; Elliott, Heather; et al.
JOURNAL
Forum: Qualitative Social Research
DEPOSITED IN ORE
22 April 2016
This version available at
http://hdl.handle.net/10871/21186
COPYRIGHT AND REUSE
Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies.
A NOTE ON VERSIONS
The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of
publication
Volume 17, No. 2, Art. 9
May 2016
Group Analysis in Practice: Narrative Approaches
Ann Phoenix, Julia Brannen, Heather Elliott, Janet Smithson, Paulette Morris,
Cordet Smart, Ann Barlow & Elaine Bauer
Key words:
Abstract: Working in groups is increasingly regarded as fruitful for the process of analyzing
narrative analysis;
qualitative data. It has been reported to build research skills, make the analytic process visible,
group analysis;
reduce inequalities and social distance particularly between researchers and participants, and
reflective analysis;
broaden and intensify engagement with the material. This article contributes to the burgeoning
line-by-line
literature on group qualitative data analysis by presenting a worked example of a group data
analysis; primary
analysis of a short extract from an interview on serial migration from the Caribbean to the UK. It
and secondary
describes the group's working practices and the different analytic resources drawn upon to conduct
analysis;
a narrative analysis. We demonstrate the ways in which an initial line-by-line analysis followed by
qualitative
analysis of larger extracts generated insights that would have been less available to individual
analysis;
researchers. Additionally, we discuss the positioning of group members in relation to the data and
conversation
reflect on the porous boundary between primary and secondary analysis of qualitative data.
analysis
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Benefits, Disadvantages and Processes in Group Analysis: Epistemological and Organizational
Issues
3. The Group Analysis Data and Team
4. The Importance of the Opening Extract: "Peter's" Migration Story
5. Achieving Face-to-Face Consensus in Group Analysis
6. Contingent Consensus: Differences of Positioning, Interpretation and Methodological
Commitment in E-Mailed Exchanges
Acknowledgments
References
Authors
Citation
1. Introduction
Within qualitative research, "the art of interpretation" is central to the research
endeavor and, as DENZIN (1994, p.500) suggests, "[i]nterpreters as storytellers
tell narrative tales ... [that] always embody implicit and explicit theories." As
qualitative research has burgeoned, so too has recognition that the analytic
stories told partly depend on the experiences and practices of the researchers
doing the telling and on their experiences of alternative ways of doing
interpretation. Recognizing that meaning is socially produced (FINE, 1994;
GUBRIUM & HOLSTEIN, 2009), many qualitative researchers value opportunities
for joint analysis of their research material in order to make their interpretations
more robust. Joint or group analyses can also help to identify interpretations that
are provoked by unacknowledged emotional reactions (HOLLWAY &
FROGGETT, 2012). [1]
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License.
Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research (ISSN 1438-5627)
FQS 17(2), Art. 9, Ann Phoenix, Julia Brannen, Heather Elliott, Janet Smithson, Paulette Morris, Cordet Smart,
Ann Barlow & Elaine Bauer: Group Analysis in Practice: Narrative Approaches
In some qualitative analytic approaches, including the biographic narrative
interpretive method (BNIM) (WENGRAF, 2001), participatory research and
interpretive phenomenological analysis (IPA), it is said to be epistemologically
desirable to "triangulate" analyses by allowing research participants to comment
on the interpretations produced (SMITH, HARRE & VAN LANGENHOVE, 1995).
This is sometimes for emancipatory or equity reasons and sometimes on the
grounds that analyses are improved and made more transparent and systematic.
There is, however, disagreement amongst researchers about the desirability of
taking research findings back to participants for two main reasons. First, this can
privilege the participant's interpretations when everybody has partial, situated
understanding of their motives and behavior (WEITZ et al., 2011). Second,
particularly with analyses informed by psychoanalytic theory, researchers suggest
that it could be damaging to research participants because they may see
themselves in unfamiliar and unwelcome ways (HOLLWAY & JEFFERSON,
2013). Therefore many researchers who do joint analysis do so with other
researchers. While opportunities for joint analyses are easily marshaled within
large research teams, they have to be more formally organized in smaller teams.
Groups that span research projects bring together those who are "primary"
analysts and those who are new to the data and so are "secondary analysts."
Group data analysis is, therefore, epistemologically and structurally differentiated
(e.g., MAUTHNER, 2010; URWIN, HAUGE, HOLLWAY & HAAVIND, 2012;
WALKERDINE, OLSVOLD & RUDBERG, 2013). [2]
This article begins by discussing the epistemological and organizational issues
involved in analyzing data in groups and the benefits and disadvantages of this
way of doing analysis. We then present an example of the issues that can arise in
group analysis across research teams. Lastly, we discuss the benefits and
limitations of the particular group exercise. The material that we worked with was
collected as part of a narrative research project, but the focus of the article is on
the group analysis process, not about the particular data or analysis of it. [3]
2. Benefits, Disadvantages and Processes in Group Analysis:
Epistemological and Organizational Issues
Language-based methodologies have shown how talk is inextricably linked to
social interaction and processes of meaning making (WETHERELL, 2001) and
"deployed in situated narrative interaction" (DEPPERMAN, 2013, p.2). The focus
on narratives-in-interaction (BAMBERG, 2006) or "narrative practices"
(BAMBERG, 2012) highlights processes that have been shown to be as much
part of interpretive talk amongst social scientists as spontaneously occurring
conversation or research participants' talk. For example, MEYER and MEIER ZU
VERL (2013) report an ethnomethodological analysis of the videotaped meaningmaking processes employed in data analytic sessions by a team of qualitative
social researchers. They argue that the hermeneutic practice of reconstructing
meaning in qualitative research is not an individual achievement, but a
cooperative, embodied and situated practice that is reflexively intersubjective.
They identify the ways in which the research group analytic practices are situated,
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distributed, reflexive, and often draw on members' bodily and tacit knowledge as
a resource. [4]
One implication of MEYER and MEIER ZU VERL's work is that, from the start of
research projects, whether acknowledged or not, research analysis produced
from teams is collaborative. An increasing number of research teams are
recognizing the importance of analyzing such collaborative processes in the
qualitative analysis of their research material. We identify six, overlapping
benefits identified in the literature. First, analysis in groups can make analysis
more creative since it is informed by a greater range of perspectives (HOLLWAY
& FROGGETT, 2012; WENGRAF, 2001). From her experience of facilitating
postgraduate discussion groups, SALMON (1992, p.26) argued that:
"[i]f research is to move beyond conventional wisdom, it has to engage with what is
as yet intuitive, unarticulated, beyond the level of coherent meaning ... the context of
a small group which has established a sense of mutual trust potentially offers richer
opportunities for the development of this kind of intuitive exploration." [5]
By virtue of having to make analytic decisions transparent to a group and being
open to challenge, the process of conducting group analysis offers some
protection against unquestioned and idiosyncratic assumptions that may have
been made in interpreting the data (SMITHSON, HOLMES & GILLIES, 2015).
Second, it can make interpretation more transparent, and possibly more
accountable, as discussion makes the analytic process more visible and
researcher reflexivity becomes part of the analysis. As RUSSELL and KELLY
(2002) suggest, qualitative research is a series of dialogic processes in which the
positioning of individual researchers is an inextricable part of the group process
and serves to sensitize other members of the group to things they might
otherwise not attend to. Third, group analysis may increase the accountability of
the research by identifying social difference and political inequalities in discourses
and bringing these to light in the research process (KITZINGER, 2000; SPEER &
STOKOE, 2011). Researchers further suggest that group analysis can help to
reduce political inequalities and social distance between researchers and
participants (GILLARD et al., 2012; RODHAM, FOX & DORAN, 2015). Fourth,
research teams have reported that the process of group analysis makes the data
"strange" to the analysts who are familiar with the material and thereby introduces
fresh perspectives and makes alternative discourses more visible. For this
reason, WENGRAF (2001) advocates convening heterogeneous panels of
analysts that are multi-disciplinary and inclusive of people from outside academia
in order to break out of common cultures and hierarchies within research teams.
Psychosocial research approaches suggest that working in groups may offer
insights into aspects of the data we "defend" against, or protect ourselves from
noticing because we are emotionally unable to face them (ELLIOTT, 2011;
HOLLWAY & JEFFERSON, 2013; WALKERDINE et al., 2001). Working in a
group can help researchers to process an emotional experience, making it
"thinkable" (HOLLWAY & FROGGETT, 2012). Thomas OGDEN sums up this
principle as "containment" that arises because "it takes two minds to think one's
disturbing thoughts" (2009, p.97). Fifth, it can help to build research skills
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(WEGENER & TANGGAARD, 2013). Finally, group analysis can enable
knowledge sharing not only between team members (WANG & NOE, 2010) but
between different disciplines. For analysis to work in multidisciplinary groups,
where researchers take different approaches, mutual trust has to extend to
preparedness to engage with these different approaches. This can be difficult
since there are often fundamental epistemological differences between qualitative
approaches. Conducting successful group analysis requires both foregrounding
of the different approaches involved and avoidance of value judgments about
other analytic perspectives (SMITHSON et al., 2015). [6]
There are also problems and difficulties in group analysis. For example, there is a
danger in making inappropriate compromises in which the synthesis of
approaches may gloss over tensions between approaches and members'
positioning. CAHILL (2009), for example, acknowledged that the process of doing
joint analysis allowed engagement with complexity, but found it emotionally
difficult, convoluted and formal. PHILLIPS, KRISTIANSEN, VEHVILÄINEN and
GUNNARSSON (2013) identified a number of problems that arose from
collaborative analysis and argued that there are no easy solutions given the
differences in power relations and experience and the tensions that can arise
between participants in efforts at collaboration. [7]
In addition, analysts in groups often respond differently to participant accounts,
sometimes being divided in terms of feeling sympathy (e.g., RODHAM et al.,
2015) or in the emotions they read into the accounts (RUSSELL & KELLY, 2002).
In a group analysis employed in an anthropological study of childlessness
amongst Pakistani British women, HAMPSHIRE, IQBAL, BLELL and SIMPSON
(2014) found shifting connections and differences between researchers and
between researchers and participants on the basis of their experiences and
sympathies that sometimes made analysis difficult and divided the team. The
HAMPSHIRE et al. (2014) study provides an important corrective to assumptions
that qualitative analysis in groups is necessarily productive, egalitarian or
pleasurable. Complex practical and ethical issues can arise as researchers
engage in such collaborations. TURNER, for example, found that some members
of an analysis group convened for her study of sudden infant death became
distressed and exhausted by the material, describing feelings of being chronically
"polluted" by the process of "picking over" people's words and that there was a
general sense of unease and some hostility (TURNER, 2013; TURNER & WEBB,
2012). The benefits of group analysis are unlikely to accrue to groups that
struggle to work well together (whether established or new groups) or who are
conflicted about sharing research material. [8]
In this article we report on the analytic procedure that resulted when two research
teams came together to build their research capacity by trying out each other's
analytic methods collectively. Those who took part in the group analysis were
variously positioned as primary analysts, working with material they had
previously encountered or as secondary analysts encountering the material for
the first time (THOMSON, MOE, THORNE & NIELSEN, 2012). The discussion
was audio recorded in order to capture the nuances of the joint analysis. [9]
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The process involved analyzing an extract from an interview transcript that had
been informed by a narrative approach. This raised methodological issues that
led to a secondary joint analysis of the group processes of the analysts, begun in
the group session and continued through e-mail discussions. This process,
initially not designed to produce methodological data, makes two potential
contributions to the literature. It first shows how consensus was reached about
the substance of the analysis in the process of multi-party talk. It then analyses
ways in which the decision to write up the process for publication highlighted
tensions that had been silent in the face-to-face interaction. These tensions were
connected to power relations produced by positioning in connection to the
substance of the extract, whether the researchers were early career researchers
or senior academics and differences of methodological commitment that
challenged the construction of the analysis into particular words and phrases. [10]
3. The Group Analysis Data and Team
The interview extract analyzed by the group was recorded as part of a parenting
and identities project (PIP)1 that brought together two narrative studies concerned
with migration, ethnicity, identity and parenting. In what follows, we identify
ourselves as individual analysts by numbers reflecting the order of our names on
this paper. The study (led by author A1) was the focus for this analysis exercise.
It was a psychosocial study of adults looking back on their "non-normative"
childhoods, examining how the parenting they received from parents who were
mostly migrants had impacted on their own parenting. The PIP researchers
[authors A1, A2 and A3] used the data from two studies to examine how family
practices over the life course are narrated, how practices which may seem
particular to families and individuals are embedded in cultures and history and the
extent to which family stories serve to reproduce or transform ideals of family life.
As well as having substantive aims, the project sought to develop narrative
methodologies for qualitative secondary analyses, in particular by bringing data
sources together. [11]
The work described in this article arose from an analysis workshop involving the
PIP researchers in collaboration with researchers from another university
engaged in a separate study [authors A4, A5 and A7]. A6 was from a third
university and was involved in other research with A4. Across the teams, A2 and
A4 had worked together on previous projects. Thus the group consisted of project
teams with different constellations of established working practices and methods
of analysis between some of its members as well as different levels of familiarity
and trust. Prior to the session, the group had together undertaken an analysis
session with data from the project on which A4, A7 and A5 were working and the
parenting and identities project team had led a training event on narrative
research that the other group members had attended. [12]
Analysts in the parenting and identities project were positioned differently in
relation to the research material. A2 and A3 were secondary analysts, while A1
1
Funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council, ESRC number: RES-576-25-0053.
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was a primary analyst in that it was her data set from which the extract came.
She was also, however, a secondary analyst since she did not conduct the
original interview. A8 was a member of the original project team and conducted
the interview with the participant (pseudonymized as Peter). She was not part of
the group analysis but commented on the analyses as part of the writing process
for this article. Only the original researchers had had access to the audio
recording of the interview and fieldnotes. This was in accordance with ethical
agreements to avoid the possibility of identifying participants' voices and because
the fieldnotes were designed to include highly personal issues about interviewers'
feelings, associations and reactions in the interview that were not archived for reuse by other researchers. The team were thus differentiated in the extent to
which they had access to what HAMMERSLEY (2010) calls "head-notes;" the
implicit, and often taken for granted, unacknowledged understandings and
memories of what they have seen, heard and felt during fieldwork, analysis and
project discussions. [13]
We were a group of seven women, influenced by current feminist perspectives in
the global north, analyzing a man's story that did not question the patriarchal
nature of family relationships at the time of his mother's migration. The
methodological resources the group brought to the task included: narrative
approaches, attachment theory, conversation and discourse analysis and
interpretive phenomenological analysis. Working on the same text was useful in
illuminating synergies and differences between approaches and challenging
particular approaches and ways of working. The extract selected for the analysis
was short in order to allow in-depth reflection and discussion among the seven
qualitative researchers who came together for the purpose. This runs counter to
the view in some qualitative analysis that it is essential to contextualize secondary
and group analysis with fieldnotes, information from the fieldworker and
sometimes audio recordings (COLTART, HENWOOD & SHIRANI, 2013;
HEATON, 2004; IRWIN, 2013; RODHAM et al., 2015). The transcript provided
also was not sufficiently detailed to meet the requirements for conversation
analysis. It was, however, more detailed than is common in much qualitative
analysis, allowing the analysis of pauses and other dynamics. The method
adopted was designed to allow engagement with the extract without priming
secondary analysts with "insider" knowledge and in order to allow for multiple
possible interpretations of the extract. [14]
4. The Importance of the Opening Extract: "Peter's" Migration Story
The extract considered in the group analysis is the opening turn of an interview
with "Peter," who migrated from the Caribbean to the UK in childhood in order to
join his mother. The first question was an invitation to Peter to describe his
experience and so was designed to elicit talk that was extended and narrative in
quality. Our rationale for focusing on the opening passage is that different
theoretical and methodological approaches invest the start of an interview with
particular importance as a site that provides insights into what will unfold in the
interviewee's narrative. Developing the Deleuzian notion of interaction as rhizome
(that is "a dynamic, open, decentralized network that branches out to all sides
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unpredictably and horizontally'), SERMIJN, DEVLIEGER and LOOTS (2008,
p.637) suggest there are no fixed starting or endpoints to narratives, only multiple
entry points. They argue that at the start of any narrative, the narrator is working
out what is needed from the encounter and which of the multiple possible ways
into a story to take. Martine BURGOS (1991) emphasizes the fruitfulness of
analyzing the initial turns of an interview. She suggests that the narrator of a story
has the difficult task of unifying heterogeneous material into a narrative. It is,
therefore, a struggle to start telling a story. As a result, conflicts are often evident
at the start of stories, as are the key issues that animate the life story. While it is
possible to analyze any extract of material, analysis of the beginning of an
interview is particularly fruitful. According to BURGOS, since narrators have to
take up a subjective position in relation to their stories, it would be wasteful to pay
attention only to explicit content, rather than also attending to how stories are
told. [15]
The sequential organization of an account and close attention to opening talk are
also important in conversation analysis (SCHEGLOFF, 2007), so the focus on the
opening extract was a shared emphasis in narrative and conversation analysis
work and was familiar to group members from both these traditions. This was an
example of a shared agreement in how to approach a text from different
methodological traditions, which made working together seem appropriate and
non-conflictual. [16]
A1 described the study before the analytic session began, and members of the
group responded with reflections about their own familiarity with processes of
migration to the UK, including from the Caribbean. Below, we present our
analysis of the first eighteen lines of an interview with "Peter," who had migrated
to the UK from the Caribbean aged ten years to join his mother who had migrated
five years previously, and his sisters, who had joined her a year and a half before
Peter did. (For a fuller analysis of the initial turn in this interview, see ELLIOTT et
al., 2013.) We began the analysis by reading the extract line by line and using the
analysis of one line to anticipate what we expected to happen next in the
transcript. Making predictions enabled us to identify and explore the prejudgments that we made about how the story would unfold and to foreground any
impulses to skate over meanings and puzzles (WENGRAF, 2001).
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1
I
2
So um, I wonder if we can start um with you telling me about your experience of
migration.
3
P Okay
4
I
5
P Right. OK. Well as you know my name is Peter ermm. My recollection,
recollection of
...and I'm interested in anything that comes to your mind?
6
serial migration. My mother left me in the Caribbean erm, with my father and my
two
7
sisters. We were living in my grandmother's house er. My grandfather had died
some
8
year earlier. I didn't know my grandfather. Er but we had the house in a place
called
9
Burnt Hill which is on the outskirts of, of the town .hh. It was a happy home
errrrm and
10
I think my mother left when I was about five. So her leaving, I haven't got much
11
recollection of that ermm. All I know is I was left in a happy, caring environment.
My
12
grandmother looked after .hh myself, my other sisters and my father was there.
But
13
erm, it, it, I suppose it was the typical ermm, father relationship—the
disciplinarian
14
made sure I knew how to use my knife and fork properly—made sure I cleaned
my
15
shoes properly every evening .hh ermm, and then made sure that I was well
behaved
16
so I wouldn't embarrass either he or any other member of the family should I be
taken
17
anywhere err. .hh err. So it was, I had a strict upbringing. He was very mu-,
much into
18
education hh and erm,
Table 1: Extract from the beginning of Peter's (P) interview [17]
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5. Achieving Face-to-Face Consensus in Group Analysis
We took turns to read each sentence aloud in the group. Through (re)voicing the
data, we re-established the data as talk as well as text, transforming the group
into listeners as well as readers (HOLLWAY, 2015; THOMSON et al., 2012). This
fits with MEYER and MEIER ZU VERL's (2013) suggestion that re-enactment is
an important part of the process of joint analysis. Re-voicing directed us to think
about how speaking words involves interpretation by actors as well as audiences.
We considered each progressive line as building the story, rather than in
isolation. Accordingly, when we discussed a subsequent line, we would
sometimes refer to previous lines and discussion. A major part of the method was
to consider what we expected to be said following what had been said in the
previous line. [18]
We started by reflecting on the narrative possibilities that the initial interview
question set up and what subject positions it allowed Peter as the participant.
This discussion raised questions about how the original study had been
conceptualized, and how the data were collected, as well as arrangements for
secondary analysis. We reflected on what Peter already knew about the project
and on the various ways in which he might have understood the term "serial
migration." The discussion of the interviewer question produced cohesion by
bringing the group together in discussing their own experiences of starting
interviews and how it might set up possible and preferred responses. [19]
As we read the opening section, our own approaches to starting interviews came
to mind. In the opening discussion on the start of Peter's interview, A2 considered
that the analytic frame researchers employ "depends [on] what you've been
trained in" and the interviewer's own style. We noted how the interviewer and
participant were working to get the interview going, and the slight struggle
involved for the interviewer in "mobilizing a response" [A4 and A7]. A6 began her
analysis by saying that the interviewer and participant were positioning and
repositioning themselves as they co-constructed the interview. By relating the
beginning of the interview to our own experiences, we picked up on issues that
we had faced; of anxiety to get interviews flowing and power relations in the
dynamics of the interview. A1 followed this by pointing out that, as BURGOS
(1991) suggests, the beginning of the interview does show a struggle to get
going. While this is a minor struggle, it signals that Peter has a story to tell that is
not entirely straightforward. Equally, as a group, our analytic process paralleled
this process of struggling to work our way into the analysis, drawing on our
repertoire of research practices in order to do so. These initial discussions
established an ethos of working carefully and empathically with the interviewee's
story and with a fellow researcher's fieldwork. As the analysis progressed the
personal resources we drew on to interpret our data became apparent, as did our
various intersectional, gendered, generational and ethicized positions in relation
to the data, as will be demonstrated below. [20]
We concluded that the second question (line 4) gave the interviewee permission
to talk about what was important for him, what was "in his mind," but also gave
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him a challenge in working out where to start and what to include. It was striking
that our discussion of Peter's response (lines 5-7) started with the process of the
interview, focusing on his "recollection" and memory before substantive issues.
Each of the group members made the material personally meaningful by bringing
it into their own experience, theoretical commitments and the ways in which they
were interpellated by the account (c.f. ALTHUSSER, 1977). These different
threads highlight the plurality of the group's entry points into the analysis and, as
shown below, recurrent themes partly occurred because researchers' analyses
are necessarily filtered through their preoccupations and positioning (RIESSMAN,
2008). [21]
In lines 7-12, Peter built up a picture of the setting, evoked in part through the
specificity of naming places and a cast of characters for his story as well as a
strong assertion that the home was happy. A4 (and A7) considered the ways in
which discursive constructions of "happy home" are gendered, so that women's
labor in creating homes emerges strongly around talk of "happy caring
environment" but is not acknowledged [also A7]. This was a point of agreement
that, in itself, pointed to the group's gendered and temporal positioning and
perspective on the data. [22]
Analysis of the recording of the group work showed three major themes. First, the
process of conducting the analysis was as much a process of group building as
of engagement with the substantive content of the extract. To some extent, this
happened because everybody spoke and everybody listened to the points made,
so that the process was one of adding to what had already been said. Laughter
has been found to serve multiple functions in interviews and in group discussions
(BONAIUTO, CASTELLANA & PIERRO, 2003; WETHERELL, 1998). In the
group analysis described here it served to help create a consensus by keeping
the discussion light, "doing" shared enjoyment and validating ourselves as
researchers experienced in qualitative research. For example, there was general
laughter about the difficulties of starting off interviews. Later, after A5 commented
that Peter followed the instruction to talk about his experience of serial migration,
there was laughter when A7 cut through the general murmurs of agreement that
participants do try to follow researcher instructions, by saying that you also get
disobedience. This led on to discussion, following comments from A4 that
participants have their own agenda, of previous interviews where interviewee
agendas took precedence over the researcher agenda [A1 & A2]. There was also
laughter when members of the group made slips in reading, as for example, in
reading "toes," instead of "shoes" (line 15). The one time where the laughter was
not about the researchers' experiences or mistakes came when we were
grappling with the symbolic importance of Peter's father, signaled in his phrase,
"father was there." The laughter at that point was about the intersections of
gender and generation and the group's views and personal experiences of the
role of fathers more generally. The point here was that laughter may be important
in building group cohesion by suggesting that we shared understandings and
perspectives. In this case, it required the invoking of other interviews members of
the group had done and social trends so that it was clear to all of us that we were
not laughing at Peter or what he said in order to maintain respectful engagement
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with the extract. Apparent digressions were thus important to the dynamics of
establishing group solidarity. [23]
The second main theme was insider/outsider positionality in the negotiation of
authoritative interpretation. One of the group was born in the Caribbean and
another had a husband and parents who were born there. This both interpellated
them into Peter's account and was a position from which they claimed authority to
interpret his account at a number of points in the group discussion. When, for
example, the line "My mother left me in the Caribbean erm, with my father and my
two sisters" (lines 6-7) was read, A5 explained that
"[i]t's interesting actually. Being of [Caribbean] heritage, the men do tend to say—the
boys say mum left me about serial migration and then afterwards—dads usually
come before—and then afterwards the girls would say 'our parents left us'." [24]
Her claim to insider expertise recurred at other points as, for example, following
the reading of lines 7-8 ("We were living in my grandmother's house er. My
grandfather had died some year earlier"). A5 introduced a new angle on gender
and generation in Caribbean families that shifted the discussion into
understanding patterns of serial migration as complex. A5 suggested that Peter's
experience was "typical" and one with which her family is familiar. This led on to a
discussion of how Peter's family was "preserved as an appropriate family unit
through migration" [A7] and allowed the co-construction of analysis of Peter's
construction of his "happy home" as gendered [A2, A4 & A6]. It also alerted us to
how Peter's narrative demonstrates the rhetorical work of "doing family" in a way
that closed down possibilities that it would be viewed pejoratively or as
dysfunctional [A1, A5, A6]. This discussion opened the way for A5 to augment the
construction of Peter's family as a "typical" Caribbean family in various turns. A5
herself recognized her interpellation into Peter's narrative in a later e-mail:
"'Peter' came from an area in [the Caribbean] and my husband was born in an area
[in the Caribbean]. To this end I found myself closely associated to Peter by virtue of
what I perceived to be his location.
There was a point where it was thought that I had read on and I hadn't, which made
me realize that I was bringing my husband's experience of serial migration into the
analysis. I did find myself suppressing/censoring some of my thoughts; on hindsight I
feel it might have been useful to share them. That said, the process was again very
powerful and encouraged deeper thinking about data analysis." [25]
A5's recontextualization seemed to open possibilities for other members of the
group to position themselves as experts on families that allowed them to draw
parallels between Caribbean families and white British families. A7, for example,
suggested that this reminded her of 1950s conversations with her father, who
would say things like "sit up straight," so that Peter's report that his father was a
disciplinarian and strict was, at least partly, generational [A4]. [26]
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FQS 17(2), Art. 9, Ann Phoenix, Julia Brannen, Heather Elliott, Janet Smithson, Paulette Morris, Cordet Smart,
Ann Barlow & Elaine Bauer: Group Analysis in Practice: Narrative Approaches
A third theme, generating difference within the group was to do with the
methodological and theoretical commitments brought by members of the group.
In particular, in lines 14 and 15, the group focused on the word "disciplinarian"
used by Peter to refer to his father. Our discussion here shows how an
interpretation builds, opens up and is then refined within a group. Initially, some of
the group associated disciplinarian with being punitive. We reflected that there
seemed to be a discrepancy between punitive aspects of discipline and the
relatively mild example given—expecting children to exercise table manners.
From her experience of conversation analysis, A4 thought that the comment
"made sure I knew how to use my knife and fork properly" was likely to lead to a
"three-part list," which is, a rhetorically powerful, persuasive discursive device
(JEFFERSON, 1990; POTTER, 1996) and was likely to indicate that more severe
examples of discipline would follow. When we read on, the hypothesis of a threepart list was confirmed ("made sure I cleaned my shoes properly every evening
and then made sure I was well behaved") but not that there would be increasingly
severe examples of discipline. [27]
For lines 15-18 the group agreed that, in the context of Peter's childhood in the
Caribbean, discipline around table manners and dress was indeed "typical" and
everyday so that disciplinarian here meant order, not punishment [A5]. Although
Peter was likely to have meant the term "strict upbringing" positively [A2], for
some the term also implied distance and some difficulty in the father-son
relationship particularly because Peter did not tell us anything further about the
relationship at this point. In particular, A6 who is trained in analyzing adult
attachment interviews, suggested that, although no formal attachment interview
had been undertaken, Peter's account up until this point could tentatively be seen
as consistent with an emotionally avoidant attachment style (DALLOS, DENMAN,
STEDMON & SMART, 2012). She pointed out that Peter was precise about time
and place elsewhere in his account but vague in his memory of his mother's
leaving, "I haven't got much recollection of that ermm." He also seemed to trail off
in his account, something that she explained is common in avoidant attachment
patterns. For example, she considered that the disjunction between the strong
word "disciplinarian" and the examples in lines 15-17 and then the use of the less
strong "strict," indicated this. [28]
Peter's assertion that "I haven't got much recollection of that ..." (lines 10-11) was
a point that generated discussion. A1 reflected that mentioning in an absolute
way that he cannot recollect or narrate his mother's leaving may indicate that he
was aware of other, more common, narratives where a mother's departure is a
pivotal point in a story about serial migration and pre-empting questions
expecting him to comment on this. There was general agreement that Peter's
account suggested that he had experienced no sense of abandonment in his
mother leaving—something that we had surmised from the tone of the first few
lines. We reflected that Peter appeared to be defending against the inference that
being apart from his mother had been problematic. We thought that he was likely
to have encountered such assumptions in the UK, where, from the time of his
migration to the present time, there is a strong emphasis on the importance of the
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FQS 17(2), Art. 9, Ann Phoenix, Julia Brannen, Heather Elliott, Janet Smithson, Paulette Morris, Cordet Smart,
Ann Barlow & Elaine Bauer: Group Analysis in Practice: Narrative Approaches
co-residence of mother and child. We noted that his extended family is likely to
have decentered the importance of his mother's absence. [29]
In terms of how the group analysis has fed into the wider analysis of the
interview, one advantage of working in the way described above is that it
reminded us of the provisionality of interpretations and made us less inclined to
make interpretations without spelling out their epistemological foundations. Group
working enabled us to see our own understandings of family structures and
practices as constructed and situated and to hold back from overlaying our data
analysis with these. The case that Peter makes, that a loving mother can leave
her children and that children can thrive in such circumstances, is particularly
illuminating for considering how group analysis can help researchers nuance their
interpretations and not foreclose possibilities.
"I think it really shows the danger of putting your own preconceptions on somebody
else's narrative actually and why a group narrative is really the thing to do because it
takes you out of your own position. It challenges your position" (A5). [30]
The group analysis proved to be very labor intensive work. We had scheduled
two hours for the session and, in keeping with work that focuses on openings and
first lines, it took longer to do the analysis than we had expected; the first six lines
took more than an hour. Nonetheless, A6 felt that the process of doing the group
analysis had allowed her to see how she might be able to benefit from doing
narrative analysis. "I understand it much better. It's something I dismissed
because it takes too long ... but now I can see ways I can use it." [31]
6. Contingent Consensus: Differences of Positioning, Interpretation
and Methodological Commitment in E-Mailed Exchanges
ANDREWS (2013, p.205) suggests that:
"new experiences, and new understanding of old experiences, bring with them a new
perspective not only on our own lives—our present, as well as our pasts—but on the
way in which we make sense of the lives of others." [32]
We found that an advantage of group work is that it pushed us to unpick
assumptions which over-familiarity might otherwise leave unchallenged. Further,
group analysis facilitated the unraveling of the complex interaction between
researchers' methodological approaches, academic positions and experiential
resources. A benefit of analysis across research groups was that it made those
experiential resources explicit in ways that are not always apparent when
researchers work alone or in familiar teams. In DENZIN's (1994) terms, it made
the "art of interpretation" more explicit than is generally the case. [33]
The fruitfulness of the joint analysis led us to interrogate the process and to
decide to write an article on the process. In its turn, this second process that was
conducted by e-mail, illuminated the ways in which face-to-face consensusbuilding silences some views and positioning and so is emotionally marked for
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FQS 17(2), Art. 9, Ann Phoenix, Julia Brannen, Heather Elliott, Janet Smithson, Paulette Morris, Cordet Smart,
Ann Barlow & Elaine Bauer: Group Analysis in Practice: Narrative Approaches
some participants in different ways. It helps to add substance to understandings
of the dynamics at play when participants in a face-to-face interaction do not
verbally orient to particular issues and so do not make them open to scrutiny and
analysis. It also helps to clarify the ways in which research issues continue to be
considered by researchers after their first analyses of them so that they make
new sense of their first analyses (CAHILL, 2009). [34]
The multiple e-mailed exchanges in the process of writing up the article for
publication unsettled notions of easy consensus and illuminated the ways in
which such settlements are contingent and the process more emotionally difficult
than was immediately apparent, partly because group analysis is likely to result in
a hybrid of theoretically-informed interpretations (SMITHSON et al., 2015). Once
members of the group were on their own and away from the laughter and easy
camaraderie established in the group, they returned to their own ways of working
within their research commitments as well as their epistemological and
disciplinary positions. They may also have reflected on their own families,
parenting philosophies and gendered divisions of domestic labor, experiences of
being migrant to the UK and of belonging to a generation in particular cultures
where strong discipline was expected. A4, for example, mused on the validity of
using her own experience to interpret data and on how working in the group
encouraged her to reflect on the bases of her assumptions.
“It was fascinating to reflect on the concept of extended families, which I myself have
frequently experienced and associated with Caribbean families in the UK... At the
same time it was interesting to hear the views of other group members who
highlighted that … these are also things that are valued more broadly in UK
cultures. ... This highlighted for me some of the difficulties in trying to draw on
personal experience in interpreting texts, which is something I have only more
recently started to do to this extent." [35]
This comment arose because A4's background in conversation analysis eschews
the focus on personal experiences in analysis, while reflexivity is more acceptable
within some qualitative traditions, like feminist approaches and narrative analysis
which were invoked in the group. Since each person brings their background of
analysis and engagement with the substantive issues, it is unsurprising that they
find different issues salient and challenging, taking away different new ideas in
the process. A4 has developed the notion of "border crossing" to describe how
researchers doing joint work retain distinct traditions and rules of textual
interpretation. She considered that there are epistemological incompatibilities
between narrative research and conversation analysis that cannot be overridden
because they draw on different understandings of the nature of text, interaction,
knowledge and subjectivity. In particular, she suggested that the group analysis
showed that there "were more attributions of the participants' emotions and inner
states than I would be used to in a DA [discourse analysis] or CA [conversation
analysis], that's a big difference." [36]
Power dynamics, often unacknowledged, inevitably enter into the analytic/
epistemological approaches that are brought to bear on group analysis (e.g.,
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FQS 17(2), Art. 9, Ann Phoenix, Julia Brannen, Heather Elliott, Janet Smithson, Paulette Morris, Cordet Smart,
Ann Barlow & Elaine Bauer: Group Analysis in Practice: Narrative Approaches
TURNER & WEBB, 2012). Group analysis has contrary potentialities (FINE,
1994; HAMPSHIRE et al., 2014). Some group members may feel more confident
in sharing their views because of their professional or academic positions
(whether they are a professor or a PhD student, for example), or because they
are more experienced in doing analysis. Tracking how group dynamics shape
analyses helps establish how "shared" assumptions are arrived at and how
differential positioning affects analytic insights (FROGGETT & WENGRAF,
2004). The process of conducting the above analyses showed that some
interpretations were suppressed during the workshop in favor of working toward
consensus and that power relations are inextricably linked to whether or not
researchers voiced particular viewpoints. It is important therefore to attend to how
the group moderates itself, both for ethical reasons and also to understand the
processes whereby groups generate interpretations. Thus, the ways in which
group analysis enables knowledge sharing (WANG & NOE, 2010) can be
beneficial to qualitative analysis. However, the notion that group analysis per se
reduces inequalities within research teams is overly simplistic. It became clear in
the writing of the article that members of the group sometimes disagreed with
particular comments and had not said so at the time, with the result that the
analysis was based on less of a consensus than initially appeared. [37]
In keeping with the literature on group analysis we found the group narrative
analysis fruitful in building research skills and deepening creative analysis,
including of social differences. It increased the transparency and scrutiny of the
work. However, the analysis was contingent on the prior analytic perspectives
that researchers brought to the analysis and on unacknowledged power relations.
The outcomes of the analysis were inextricably linked with the people who
constitute the group. [38]
Acknowledgments
With grateful thanks to the participants, without whose generosity in sharing their
stories, the study would not have been possible. We are also pleased to
acknowledge funding of the NOVELLA research node from the Economic and
Social Research Council that enabled engagement with methodological,
theoretical and substantive issues.
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Authors
Ann PHOENIX is professor of psychosocial
studies at Thomas Coram Research Unit, UCL
Institute of Education. Her research interests are
psychosocial, including motherhood, family lives,
social identities, young people, racialization and
gender. She has particular interests in qualitative
and mixed methods, re-use of data and narrative
research.
Contact:
Ann Phoenix
Thomas Coram Research Unit
UCL Institute of Education London
27 Woburn Square
London
WC1H 0AA, UK
Tel: +44 20 7911 5395
E-mail:
[email protected]
URL:
https://www.ioe.ac.uk/staff/TCRU_43.html
Julia BRANNEN is professor of sociology of the
family at Thomas Coram Research Unit, UCL
Institute of Education and adjunct professor in the
Department of Sociology, University of Bergen.
Her research interests include families and
intergenerational relations and the work-family
interface. She has a special interest in
methodology including mixed methods,
comparative cross-national research, biographical
approaches and narrative research.
Contact:
Julia Brannen
Thomas Coram Research Unit
UCL Institute of Education London
27 Woburn Square
London
WC1H 0AA, UK
Tel: +44 20 7636 6951
E-mail:
[email protected]
URL:
https://www.ioe.ac.uk/staff/TCRU_11.html
Heather ELLIOTT is a researcher at the Thomas
Coram Research Unit, UCL Institute of Education.
Her research interests include narrative and
psychosocial approaches, secondary analysis of
qualitative data and the maternal, particularly
digital contexts for mothering.
Contact:
Heather Elliott
Thomas Coram Research Unit
UCL Institute of Education London
27 Woburn Square
London
WC1H 0AA, UK
Tel: +44 20 7612 6941
E-mail:
[email protected]
URL: https://www.ioe.ac.uk/staff/78582.html
FQS http://www.qualitative-research.net/
FQS 17(2), Art. 9, Ann Phoenix, Julia Brannen, Heather Elliott, Janet Smithson, Paulette Morris, Cordet Smart,
Ann Barlow & Elaine Bauer: Group Analysis in Practice: Narrative Approaches
Janet SMITHSON is a senior lecturer on the
doctor of clinical psychology, doctor of clinical
practice, and doctor of clinical research programs
in the school of psychology. She is a conversation
analyst whose research interests include gender
and discourse, life course transitions, qualitative
methodology and analysis, work-life balance,
online discourse and communication.
Contact:
Janet Smithson
Washington Singer Laboratories
University of Exeter
Perry Road
Prince of Wales Road
Exeter
EX4 4QG, UK
Tel: +44 139 272 4635
E-mail:
[email protected]
URL:
http://psychology.exeter.ac.uk/staff/index.php?
web_id=janet_smithson
Paulette MORRIS is program leader (subject
matter expert) mediation, at the chartered institute
of arbitrators. She is a trainer of family mediators
and mentors. Her research interests include family
mediation and how mediators manage the
mediation process.
Contact:
Paulette Morris
12 Bloomsbury Square
London
WC1A 2LP, UK
Tel: +44 20 7421 7444
E-mail:
[email protected]
Cordet SMART is a lecturer in clinical psychology
at Plymouth University. Her research interests
include group interactions in multiple family and
clinical contexts. She has a particular interest in
language based research methods including
discourse analysis, conversation analysis and
narrative analysis.
Contact:
Cordet Smart
Clinical Psychology
Plymouth University
Drake Circus
Plymouth PL4 8AA, UK
Tel: +44 175 260 0600
E-mail:
[email protected]
URL: https://www.plymouth.ac.uk/staff/cordetsmart
Anne BARLOW is professor of family law and
associate dean, research and knowledge transfer
and policy. Her research focuses on family law
and policy, especially the regulation of adult
relationships such as cohabitation, marriage and
housing law.
Contact:
Anne Barlow
University of Exeter
School of Law
Exeter, Devon, EX4 4QJ, UK
Tel: +44 139 272 3159
E-mail:
[email protected]
URL:
http://socialsciences.exeter.ac.uk/law/staff/barl
ow/
FQS http://www.qualitative-research.net/
FQS 17(2), Art. 9, Ann Phoenix, Julia Brannen, Heather Elliott, Janet Smithson, Paulette Morris, Cordet Smart,
Ann Barlow & Elaine Bauer: Group Analysis in Practice: Narrative Approaches
Elaine BAUER is a senior research fellow at
London South Bank University. Her research
interests include international migration,
transnationalism, race and ethnic relations.
Contact:
Elaine Bauer
School of Law and Social Sciences
London South Bank University
103 Borough Road
London, SE1 0AA, UK
Tel: +44 20 7815 5780
E-mail:
[email protected]
URL: https://www.lsbu.ac.uk/about-us/peoplefinder/dr-elaine-bauer
Citation
Phoenix, Ann; Brannen, Julia; Elliott, Heather; Smithson, Janet; Morris, Paulette; Smart, Cordet;
Barlow, Ann & Bauer, Elaine (2016). Group Analysis in Practice: Narrative Approaches [38
paragraphs]. Forum Qualitative Sozialforschung / Forum: Qualitative Social Research, 17(2), Art. 9,
http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs160294.
FQS http://www.qualitative-research.net/