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Walter Benjamin Re-Situated
BEN MORGAN
Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings, Walter Benjamin: A Critical
Life (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014), 768 pp.
Walter Benjamin, Werke und Nachlaß: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, edited by
Christoph Gödde and Henri Lonitz (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp,
2008–), selected volumes.
The study of Walter Benjamin is currently poised to enter a new phase.
A recent, comprehensive English-language biography by Michael
Jennings and Howard Eiland (2014); an ongoing new critical edition of
Benjamin’s writings overseen by Christoph Gödde and Henri Lonitz,
two further volumes of which came out in 2017; and older resources,
such as the encyclopaedic Benjamin Handbuch (Benjamin Handbook)
published in 2006 have prepared the way for an historically informed,
critical rethinking of Benjamin’s legacy.1 Taking the Eiland/Jennings
biography as my point of departure, I want in this essay to explore
the questions that their account opens up, to show the fundamental
methodological significance of these questions, and to illustrate how
the details made available — and usable — by the new edition
contribute to a reassessment of some of the dominant tropes of
Benjaminian theory. The trope I will particularly focus on is the
‘now of recognizability’. A moment from the past, for Benjamin,
only becomes properly legible at a particular later time, forging links
across the continuum of history between past situations and present
moments: ‘each “now” is the now of a particular recognisability’.2 As
I hope to demonstrate, our ‘now’ seems to be a moment in which new
aspects of Benjamin’s work have become startlingly recognizable.
Michael Jennings was the general editor of the major Englishlanguage edition of Benjamin’s Selected Writings published by Harvard
University Press from 1996 to 2003, for which he collaborated,
among others, with Howard Eiland. In 2014 Eiland and Jennings then
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published their gripping, wide-ranging and even-handed biography,
Walter Benjamin: A Critical Life. The biography builds on the ground
plan of the Selected Writings, which proceeded chronologically, in
contrast to the organization by genre of the two major German
editions (of which more later).3 To give an example, the more familiar
works, such as Benjamin’s 1934 essay on Kafka (SW 2, 794–818) with
its theologically inflected reflections on creaturely life, were nested
alongside other works of the same year: the equally famous but much
more uncompromising ‘The Author as Producer’ (SW 2, 768–82),
which insisted on the inseparability of formal and political radicalism
(SW 2, 770); Benjamin’s first essay commissioned for the official
journal of the Frankfurt School, Zeitschrift für Sozialforschung, ‘The
Present Social Situation of the French Writer’, which adopts a more
measured tone appropriate to that organ, asking ‘Is there a genuine
revolutionary literature without didacticism?’ (SW 2, 744–67); and his
prescient note, not on established authors like Kafka, Brecht, Gide and
Malraux, but on the similarities between Hitler and Charlie Chaplin’s
popular clown persona six years before Chaplin’s own direct parody
of Hitler in The Great Dictator (1940) (SW 2, 792–3). The Selected
Works thus already gave English readers access to what Eiland and
Jennings in the biography call the ‘mobile and contradictory whole’
of Benjamin’s convictions (CL, 3, 42, 118, 321, 679), using a phrase
coined by Benjamin himself in a draft letter to Gershom Scholem —
again in 1934 (CL, 448).
The biography makes brilliantly explicit what was implicit in the
organization of the Selected Writings: the way Benjamin’s thought
was inseparable from the contexts and conversations from which it
emerged: his pre-World War II engagement with Gustav Wyneken
and the Youth Movement; the conversations with the theologically
interested and Zionistically inclined Scholem in the 1910s and early
1920s; with the conservative Lutheran ex-pastor Florens Christian
Rang, who after his death in 1924 was succeeded in Benjamin’s
intellectual world — again in 1934 — by the historian and theologian
Karl Thieme (CL, 471); the support from writers such as Hugo von
Hofmannsthal, or Hermann Hesse, who in 1934 made efforts to help
Benjamin publish the autobiographical Berlin Childhood around 1900
(CL, 437–8); the engagement with the contemporary avant-garde
mediated by the Dadaist Hugo Ball; the exchanges and rivalries with
Siegfried Kracauer, Ernst Bloch, Theodor Adorno, Asja Lacis, Bertolt
Brecht, Hannah Arendt, Georges Bataille, Michel Leiris, and so the
list goes on. There seems to be almost no one in the conflict-ridden
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intellectual life of Germany and France during the early twentieth
century whom Benjamin didn’t either know well, correspond with
(such as Erich Auerbach, who would go to write Mimesis, one
of the Ur-texts of Comparative Literature) or actively avoid, as he
did Heidegger. Benjamin and Heidegger took the same seminar on
Bergson with the neo-Kantian professor Heinrich Rickert in Freiburg
in 1913 (CL, 33–4) but these shared beginnings did nothing to soften
Benjamin’s acerbic dismissals (CL, 91, 118) of the philosopher with
whom, in retrospect, Hannah Arendt at least, would suggest he had
most in common.4
The sort of claim that Arendt made for Benjamin is exactly what
the painstaking work of Eiland and Jennings, over the past twenty
or so years, is intended to relativize. But, as we will see at the end
of my argument, the new biography and the new critical edition
disclose a truth to Arendt’s remark that she perhaps little suspected.
Arendt and Benjamin knew each other from Berlin — Benjamin was
a distant cousin of Arendt’s first husband, Günther Stern (CL, 580)
— and the friendship continued in Parisian exile. Arendt helped to
ensure Benjamin’s legacy, editing the English-language edition of the
collection of essays Illuminations in 1968, with a long introductory
essay on Benjamin that had first appeared in the New Yorker. In
addition to this advocacy, conversations with Arendt and her partner
Heinrich Blücher contributed to the development of Benjamin’s
thought in the late 1930s. In 1940 Arendt, Blücher and Benjamin
discussed a draft of Scholem’s Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism while
Benjamin was composing the aphorisms ‘On the Concept of History’,
which combine messianic tropes with an unflinching, and explicitly
materialist, critique of ideas of progress (CL, 659). Benjamin left a
draft of the text, written on cast-off wrappers from the Schweizer
Zeitung am Sonntag, with Arendt and she passed it on to Adorno in
1941 when he was preparing the first edition of the text.5 As well as
contributing to the conversations that fed into the last developments
in Benjamin’s thought, discussions with Arendt and Blücher left other
traces. The Selected Writings include a note on Brecht from 1938 or
1939 that Benjamin wrote in response to a comment by Blücher. In
the note, Benjamin acknowledges his own failure to point up the
parallels between attitudes expressed in Brecht’s poetry of the later
1920s and the threatening practices of the GPU, the Soviet secret
police: ‘At any rate, the commentary, in the form I gave it, is a pious
falsification which obscures the extent to which Brecht is implicated
in the development in question’ (SW 4, 159). In the biography,
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too, Eiland and Jennings track Benjamin’s dismay at the increasingly
authoritarian developments in the Soviet Union in the 1930s (CL,
535). They thus give the background that explains why Arendt was
right in her attempts to distance Benjamin’s thought from ‘from the
intellectual subtleties of his Marxist friends’, but also why she was
wrong.6 For the biography explores the importance of the relationship
with Brecht, of the reading of Lukács’s History and Class Consciousness
in the wake of Ernst Bloch’s review of the book in 1924 (CL, 206–7)
and, in parallel with his reading of a monograph by Karl Thieme on
Christian eschatology, of the close study of Karl Korsch’s Karl Marx
in 1939. Indeed, the biography suggests, ‘This “riveting” book was
in many ways Benjamin’s most extensive encounter with Marx’s own
ideas; Korsch is cited in The Arcades Project more frequently than Marx
himself ’ (CL, 640).
Eiland and Jennings paint a sympathetic portrait of Benjamin’s
complexity, and of the ways in which his voracious, omnivorous and
risk-taking cultural appetite was misunderstood even by figures to
whom he was intellectually very close, such as Scholem or Adorno:
‘Benjamin was as ready as his friends were unready for the juxtaposition
of “extreme positions” in his thought. It is in part this very instability,
this resistance to the fixed and doctrinaire, that gives his writing
the exciting, “living” quality that has engaged several generations of
readers’ (CL, 431). They show how this creativity and experimentation
is in part the result of Benjamin’s nihilism, or what they call: ‘the
experience of the utter groundlessness of modern existence’ (CL,
618). Where all forms of cultural, political and intellectual endeavour
seem flawed and partial, it makes sense to cleave to none even as
one longs for the overthrow of all, meanwhile jealously preserving
intellectual independence. Eiland and Jennings carefully document the
different directions Benjamin explored and the successive attempts
by his colleagues, mentors and peers to instrumentalize his thought,
culminating in Adorno’s ‘astonishingly intrusive’ demands for the
rewriting — in his own image — of Benjamin’s 1938 essay on ‘The
Paris of the Second Empire in Baudelaire’ (CL, 628). A portrait of
Hugo von Hofmannsthal that Benjamin sketched in a letter to Adorno
written 7 May 1940, three days before the German invasion of France,
reads to Eiland and Jennings as ‘a moving tribute to the one major
figure who recognized and supported Benjamin’s talent without trying
to bend it to his own purposes’ (CL, 667). The Benjamin they present
is intellectually courageous in his exploration of competing lines of
inquiry. At the same time, he was, from the 1910s, subject to attempts
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to curtail the heteroclite mix to which his method of using contingent
tools to analyse hidden layers of experience committed him.
The biography has been well received. As David Ferris, editor of
The Cambridge Companion to Walter Benjamin (2004), summarized:
This achievement will remain not only a standard and resource-full account of
Benjamin but in its comprehensiveness as well as its acute accounts of Benjamin’s
thought across the whole range of that thinking it will continue to provide
the foundation for the fuller understanding of his place and contribution to
the critical, cultural, political, and historical present we have inherited from the
twentieth century.7
Nevertheless, the book’s undogmatic attention to multiplicity
challenges further readings of Benjamin to explain any partiality they
might exhibit, even as the authors generously imagine that, ‘Coming
generations of readers will undoubtedly find their own Benjamins
in the encounter with that “mobile and contradictory whole” that
is his lifework’ (CL, 679). How do we read Benjamin now without
falling back into the old habits of an instrumentalizing misreading that
jeopardizes the insight that Eiland and Jennings make so clear: that, for
Benjamin, no single approach or vocabulary will be adequate in the
pursuit of truth?
To help answer this question, Nitzan Lebovic commissioned a series
of reflections by established younger scholars. These were published,
with a response by Eiland and Jennings, on the MLA Commons
website in December 2015.8 The essays by Udi Greenberg, Brian Britt,
Ilit Ferber, Daniel Weidner, Annika Thiem, Galili Shahar and Carolin
Duttlinger return again and again to the question of contextualization.
Udi Greenberg’s contribution notes the ambiguous effect of Eiland’s
and Jennings’s nuanced historicizing. The authors, he argues, reveal a
Benjamin who understands both politics and nihilism with the tools
of his own era:
By doing so, they seek to strip his biography of contemporary meanings and
instead reframe him as an interwar thinker. (. . . ) By situating Benjamin so deeply
in the world of interwar Europe, A Critical Life also raises significant questions
about Benjamin’s ability to provide ideas and terminologies that are helpful for
thinking about the contemporary world.9
Brian Britt and Ilit Ferber respond to the ambiguity by suggesting that
Benjamin’s engagement with his own context still contains unexplored
resources for thinking in the twenty-first century. Britt argues that
Benjamin’s reflections on Jewishness allow us to move from models of
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Jewishness as a set of beliefs, or an inheritance, to that of Jewishness as
a displaced but still palpable tradition:
For Benjamin as for more recent ‘postsecular’ thinkers like Talal Asad, tradition
never just goes away; even the most iconoclastic modernisms bear the afterlife and
traces of the past. The inversions, paradoxes, and formal experiments of Benjamin’s
thought identify the displacements of tradition in ways that open space for critical
thought, and, I would argue, agency.10
Where, for Britt, Benjamin helps us reconceive the continuing
if oblique presence of past traditions in present practices — the
entangled, multi-layered structure of temporal experience to which
Eiland and Jennings draw attention with a phrase from Benjamin’s
1929 essay on Proust: ‘intertwined time (verschränkte Zeit)’ (CL,
291, 327, 383) — for Ferber, Benjamin’s thought also provides the
conceptual resources for a radical rethinking of affect and emotion
that parallels, without being reducible to, Heidegger’s discussions of
moods in Being and Time. Benjamin ‘provides us with a suggestive
alternative to Heidegger’s Dasein’, exploring the affectivity that is the
very condition of the emergence of both subject and object.11
Working in a different tradition, Giovanna Colombetti has recently
explored the comparable idea of ‘primordial affectivity’, drawing, like
Ferber, on aspects of the early twentieth-century phenomenology.12
The striking difference from Ferber’s account is the way Colombetti
combines her interest in the philosophy of the 1920s or 1940s with
current empirical work on the structure and functioning of our
situated affective life, modelling the dynamic interaction of brain,
body and environment. Colombetti’s response to the promise and the
limitations of early twentieth-century reflection is, thus, to stand back
from their vocabularies and to test their claims against more recent
empirical work, which is itself tested by the methodological insights of
philosophical tradition. Of course, as Daniel Weidner points out, any
such reappropriation of Benjamin, or other figures (in Colombetti’s
case, Heidegger and Merleau-Ponty) will need to be clear about its
own interests, and indeed its reasons for appealing to historical figures
in the first place: ‘Why do we need such “big-name intellectuals”? And
what does Benjamin do for us?’13 Nevertheless, as Carolin Duttlinger
argues, it is productive to move beyond the internal perspective of
individual texts so as to continue the work, enabled so compellingly
by the Selected Writings and the new biography, of ‘thinking in earnest
about [Benjamin’s] thought as part of a network of ideas both internal
and external to his texts’.14
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Duttlinger cites Frederic J. Schwartz’s Blind Spots: Critical Theory and
the History of Art (2005) as a model for this earnest thinking.15 Schwartz
reconstructs the early twentieth-century interest in psychotechnics
(Psychotechnik), a branch of applied psychology that, as Duttlinger
summarizes, ‘tried to maximize the effectiveness of human perception
at the workplace and in commodity culture’. Benjamin’s interest in the
effects of the filmic image, which, in his arguments, shocks the viewer
out of a contemplative attitude into a distracted and collective form of
self-transcendence, can be read in the context of comparable empirical
investigations of attention and distraction in the 1920s and 1930s. His
leftist, avant-garde excitement about forms of distraction that herald
the socialization of vision contrasts with the psychologists’ study of
a distraction ‘which isolated the individual from the environment,
making him or her unable to respond to the challenges of modern
life’.16 For Duttlinger, Benjamin’s argument thus ‘ignores empirical
research into cognition and its rootedness in the body, research that was
not, in fact, driven solely by employers’ interests — the maximization
of efficiency and profit — but also by a concern for the worker and
the project of adapting working conditions in ways best suited to the
individual’.17 Following Schwartz, therefore, Duttlinger suggests that a
contextualizing and sympathetic reading of Benjamin can nevertheless
modulate the claims of Benjamin’s own vocabulary. We can continue
his pluralistic project of finding tools for re-energizing occluded layers
of experience without having to endorse his every choice. There may
be some choices that in retrospect no longer seem compelling.
For a critic such as Eli Friedlander, this cherry-picking approach
doesn’t properly acknowledge the ‘single physiognomy of [Benjamin’s]
thought’; indeed, a piecemeal approach suggests, for Friedlander, ‘the
reluctance to engage the rigor of Benjamin’s thought’.18 His review of
Eiland and Jennings’s book was accordingly concerned that their focus
on the ‘mobile and contradictory whole’ might lead us to mistake the
conflicting, ordinary moral dilemmas to which Benjamin the man was
subject for an insight into the disunity of the philosophical project.
Such a method, for Friedlander, would disregard ‘what Benjamin calls
the nonderivable character of the poetic work’.19
However, we don’t in fact need to choose between, on the one
hand, the premise that apparently disparate aspects in fact belong
together, and, on the other, the assumption that forms of difference
cannot be assimilated to a common core. Following William James,
in his discussion of the problem of the One and the Many in his
lectures on Pragmatism (1907), we can see both as useful tools which,
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in different contexts, can make a difference to our inquiry. James’s
own inclinations are towards pluralism, but he can see that the idea
of unity is a powerful heuristic device, since it is often useful to
group things together, or to assume that, if nothing else, things are
unified by their susceptibility to being known by us.20 The premise
of the Selected Writings is precisely that we can meaningfully connect
the dizzying range of topics and forms to which Benjamin, at any
one moment, turned his attention: his second impression of hashish,
reviews of a cultural history of toys or a play by Hofmannsthal, an
account of the Berlin Food Exhibition, or a thirty-page essay on
Goethe, to pick some of the things Benjamin worked on in 1928,
the same year he published The Origin of German Tragic Drama, and the
book of aphorisms One-Way Street. At the same time, it’s important,
as we open-mindedly search for connections, to consider how aspects
might be irreconcilable, or how cultural habits age at different rates,
so that some of the lines of thought Benjamin pursued might be
embroiled with practices we now consider differently. Moreover,
following the argument made in Charles Taylor’s Sources of the Self
(1989), a culture might inherit habits and assumptions which conflict
with each other fundamentally and yet are ineradicable parts of the
culture’s ways of conceiving a human being. The ‘package’ to which
we are the historical inheritors might be irrevocably plural in a way
which theoretical ingenuity can do no more than disguise.21 The layers
of past experience which, in Benjaminian fashion, reveal themselves to
our present, as it unlocks them and is itself transformed by them, might
be a disunified aggregate of forces.
Eiland and Jennings clearly prepare the way for questioning the
wholeness of the ‘mobile and contradictory whole’ in the scrupulous
way they reconstruct even the less palatable aspects of Benjamin’s
work. A case in point is their discussion of the biting and misogynist
review written in 1928 of a book by Eva Fiesel on German Romantic
philosophy of language, the same topic on which Benjamin himself
had completed his PhD dissertation in 1919 (CL, 304–5). The review
is not included in the Selected Writings. But it’s a testament to Eiland
and Jennings’s dispassionate account of their subject that they dwell for
a moment on this unsettling episode.
To prepare the way for a more detailed analysis of Benjamin’s
1928 review, I need to say a bit more about the new critical edition
of Benjamin’s published texts and unpublished papers edited by
Christoph Gödde and Henri Lonitz: Werke und Nachlaß. The guiding
premises of the edition are to collect all writings now available and to
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foreground Benjamin’s thinking and writing processes as much as his
finished works.22 The first of twenty-one projected volumes appeared
in 2008. Since then eight volumes have appeared including the
edition of Benjamin’s radio works and his translations of Baudelaire’s
Tableaux parisiens which were published in 2017.23 The volume with
Benjamin’s critiques and reviews, including the impatient dismissal of
Eva Fiesel’s book on Romantic philosophies of language, appeared
in 2011. In their contributions to the MLA Commons debate, both
Daniel Weidner and Annika Thiem drew attention to Benjamin’s
underexplored journalistic reviews. Much of the material was already
available in the older Gesammelte Schriften [Collected Writings] which
were overseen by Rolf Tiedemann and Hermann Schweppenhäuser,
including the review of Fiesel.24 But in the older edition the critical
apparatus tells us nothing more than that the review was first published
in the Frankfurter Zeitung on 26 February 1928 (GS III, 625). In
contrast, Heinrich Kaulen’s 2011 edition fills the background, and
so reveals ways in which the ‘mobile and contradictory’ version of
Benjamin’s œuvre might begin to disaggregate.
The core of Benjamin’s argument in the review of Fiesel’s book
is that to understand the Romantics’ philosophy of language it is
not enough to be a neutral observer reporting on past ways of
thinking ‘because the innermost structures of the past are illuminated
for each present moment only in the light emanating from the
white heat of their changing actuality’.25 His reservations about
the book derive from his own methodological commitment to the
explosive entanglement of past and present: or, to quote the 1929
Proust essay again: ‘intertwined time [verschränkte Zeit]’ (SW 2,
244). The review is startling for the way it genders this dynamic
relation to time. For Benjamin, Fiesel’s book is careful and well
informed, but lacks sovereignty and a genuine relation to the material:
‘the typical work of a woman [typische Frauenarbeit]’ (WuN 13.1,
104). The gendered understanding of the methodological failure
returns later when Benjamin diagnoses an ‘unmanly historicism [einen
unmännlichen Historizismus]’ (WuN 13.1, 104). The historical irony is
that Benjamin, who mistakenly took the book to be an ‘above average’
PhD dissertation (WuN 13.1, 103), was dismissing the work of another
Jewish intellectual who, like him, had her habilitation rejected (WuN,
13.2, 118–19) and who was forced into exile in 1933 (CL, 305). Be
that as it may: the important point is that a recurring and influential
trope of Benjamin’s thought (the ‘now of recognizability’ here figured
as the changing actualities linking past and present) turns out to be
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so readily combinable with the image of manly dynamism as opposed
to womanly reserve. Nor is this misogynist outburst the only instance
of gender-inflected understanding of the ‘now of recognizability’ in
Benjamin’s writing. On the contrary, the review of Fiesel’s book turns
out to be a tropological preparation of Benjamin’s influential final work
‘On the Concept of History’ (1940), the process of which we can
reconstruct following lines of connection made visible by the new
critical edition.
In May 1930 Benjamin published another review in the Frankfurter
Zeitung of Fritz Ernst’s Studien zur europäischen Literatur [Studies in
European Literature]. Here Benjamin finds the manliness he missed in
Fiesel’s book. Drawing on Ernest Hemingway’s short story collection
Men without Women (1927) which he read around the same time as
Ernst’s book (WuN, 13.2, 244), Benjamin declares that Studien zur
europäischen Literatur could also be given the title Men without Women:
‘for what the author is dealing with is that virile quality that either
needs no consolation or is inconsolable’ (WuN, 13.1, 246). Benjamin
is struck by the restrained and manly way the figures Ernst presents —
the portrait of Pestalozzi particularly impresses him (WuN 13.1,
247) — confront the obstacles and constraints of their situation. The
idea of ‘having been constrained [dies Bezwungenwordensein],’ which
we find in the review of Ernst (WuN 13.1, 248), returns in a radio
review of Hemingway and Thornton Wilder that Benjamin broadcast
in December 1929, when he is directly discussing Hemingway’s Men
without Women.26 Once again, we are dependent on the 2017 edition
of the radio works to follow up this connection: the English-language
Radio Benjamin (2014) doesn’t include the broadcast.27 In the broadcast
on Hemingway, the connection between manly constraint on the one
hand, and time on the other, is explicit. Benjamin draws attention to
male characters, ‘heroically constrained by or constraining time’ whom
Hemingway denies what Benjamin calls the narcotic of love (WuN 9.1,
437).
Putting together these texts from the late 1920s we can see a
connection in Benjamin’s thinking between manliness and a certain
ability to wrest an experience from time. This same constellation
returns in ‘On the Concept of History’ (1940) when Benjamin is
articulating a similar critique of historicism to that found in his 1928
review of Fiesel’s book. The new critical edition of ‘On the Concept
of History’ does not include a final version of the text, since Benjamin
did not authorize any one of the drafts that were in circulation at the
time of his death. What is striking in comparing the different drafts
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is that, whilst aspects of the ordering and formulations change, the
particular words and images chosen to convey the connection between
masculinity and experience do not. Across the different versions
Leopold von Ranke’s ideal of telling history ‘how it actually was’ is
contrasted with a different approach: ‘to seize hold [sich bemächtigen]
of a memory as it flashes up in a moment of danger’ (WuN 19,
18/SW 4, 391, translation amended). The German verb bemächtigen
has replaced bezwingen, but the sense of actively constrained time
remains. In the imaginative world of the text, a complex, multi-layered
temporality is personified as a woman pregnant with future events:
‘The soothsayers who queried time and learned what she bore in her
womb, did not experience her as either homogeneous or empty’ (WuN
19, 23/SW 4, 397, translation amended). Benjamin thus imagines that,
to have a generative experience with time of the sort lacking in Fiesel’s
disengaged, historicist approach, one needs to be a manly historical
materialist:
Historicism offers the ‘eternal’ image of the past; the historical materialist an
experience with the past that stands unique. He leaves it to others to be expend
themselves with the whore ‘Once upon a time’ in historicism’s bordello. He
remains master of his own powers: man enough to blast open the continuum
of history. (WuN 19, 26/SW 4, 396, translation amended)
Following the lead in Eiland and Jennings’s biography, and using
the resources of the new critical edition to put the review in the
context of its composition and of Benjamin’s developing writerly
imagination, we find a connection to which neither cherry-picking
nor the insistence on the philosophical unity of Benjamin’s work seem
adequate responses. If we cherry-pick and bracket out the misogyny to
preserve the exhilarating idea of the ‘now of recognisability’, we ignore
an important piece of evidence. Yet the deep connection between a
powerful virility and wresting a transformative image from the past
can’t easily be absorbed into a twenty-first century philosophy of
history.
Benjamin’s tropes can’t be neatly extracted from the Umwelt in
which they originally emerged. They bring something of the soil
with them. What should we do with a powerful conceptual topos that
is inseparable from the lived dynamism of a male self-understanding
we no longer share? Feminist discussions of Benjamin’s work have
either emphasized elements of his thought, such as the discussions of
androgyny, that complexify a simple gender binary, or have pointed
out the ways in which Benjamin’s tropes reinforce paradigmatic
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patriarchal structures.28 The virile experience of intertwined time
seems to fall squarely into the latter category, but it is at the same
time something more. For Benjamin’s choice of figure suggests that the
dynamic engagement with time will always and only be experienced
by historically situated and embodied human beings, whose relation to
temporality will be disclosed (not just mediated) by whatever flawed
habits and techniques of self-relation they happen to have been forged
by. There will be no experience of temporal dynamism that doesn’t
bring the soil with it, and to other generations that soil might seem to
soil the purity of the insights.
The process of owning and transforming the lived experience of
time’s layering is what Walter Bryce Gallie has called an ‘essentially
contested concept’ and Ellen Spolsky has called a ‘representationally
hungry problem’, that is to say, a knot to which cultures return again
and again with the contingent tools available in any one epoch without
ever solving the problem once and for all.29 As cultural historians,
we are left with the task of reconstructing the necessity of such
constellations, and of allowing the unsettling juxtapositions of the
past to defamiliarize the concatenations in which we are ourselves
embroiled. In this case, that means seeing how time is experienced
through a situated, frail, affective and sexual body.
In Benjamin’s brief essay on ‘Experience and Poverty’ (1933),
the process of cultural transformation in the early twentieth century
seems to leave behind nothing but a vulnerable, naked human being
confronting the sky: ‘A generation that had gone to school in horsedrawn streetcars now stood in the open air, amid a landscape in
which nothing was the same except the clouds and, at its centre, in
a force field of destructive torrents and explosions, the tiny, fragile
human body [der winzige gebrechliche Menschenkörper]’ (SW 2,
732). Benjamin lived this frailty as a man, using the tools of his era
that we find him admiring in Hemingway. The ‘primordial affectivity’,
to use Colombetti’s term, through which the world was disclosed
to him in the dynamic exchange between body, brain and cultural
environment, was inseparable from a certain virile tone: sexual selfassertion and emotional self-control promulgated by many at the
time. These are not psychological terms, but the cultural modulations
through which psychology — our relation to ourselves and others —
is experienced in the first place.
For Ilit Ferber, mood is something like a deep ontological
structure.30 But what the discussion of Benjamin’s virile tone reveals is,
rather, that mood is always disclosed with and by the contingent habits
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of a particular era: human affective life is ontic all the way down. This is
the level at which, it seems to me, Benjamin connects with Heidegger.
Like Benjamin, Heidegger’s formulations of how Dasein appropriates
the complex temporality of the human situation are gendered through
and through.31 We find invocations of an ‘unwavering discipline’ (SuZ,
370 [§65]), which includes ‘doing violence’ to complacent habits
(SuZ, 359 [§63]); a valuation of reticence over chatter (SuZ, 318
[§56], 322 [§57]), and of being self-controlled and collected (gehalten)
in the face of anxiety (SuZ, 394 [§68]). The gendering of these terms
becomes explicit in the letters Heidegger wrote to Hannah Arendt
when they were lovers and while he was working on the book that
became Being and Time, contrasting the manly solitude of his academic
work with the gift of a particular kind of togetherness made possible
by Arendt’s womanliness.32
Nevertheless, the connection with Heidegger does not simplify the
image of Benjamin that emerges, as Arendt seems to have hoped
when she tried to distance him from his ‘Marxist friends’.33 Rather,
it discloses our own embodied entanglement with history. Curiously,
the image Arendt uses to explain the parallel she perceived, conjures
precisely the bodily inhabiting of a contingent aggregate of cultural
forms that threatens to pull apart the ‘mobile and contradictory whole’
of a human life: ‘Without realizing it, Benjamin actually had more in
common with Heidegger’s remarkable sense for living eyes and living
bones that had sea-changed into pearls and coral, and as such could be
saved and lifted into the present only by doing violence to their context
in interpreting them with “the deadly impact” of new thoughts.’34 If
the new biography and the new critical edition put us in a position
to develop new forms of cultural history, following in Benjamin’s
footsteps to connect the past with our present contingencies, they
challenge us at the same time to confront the embodied disaggregation
to which this confrontation with historical human fragility inevitably
exposes us.
NOTES
1 Benjamin Handbuch: Leben — Werk — Wirkung, edited by Burkhardt
Lindner (Stuttgart: Metzler, 2006). Further references to the Eiland/Jennings
biography will be given parenthetically in the text, using the abbreviation
CL.
2 Walter Benjamin, The Arcades Project, translated by Howard Eiland and Kevin
McLaughlin (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 463 [N3, 1].
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Benjamin Re-Situated
231
3 Walter Benjamin, Selected Writings, edited by Michael W. Jennings
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996–2003). Further references
to this edition will be given parenthetically in the text giving the volume
number and using the abbreviation SW.
4 Illuminations, edited by Hannah Arendt, translated by Harry Zohn (London:
Collins-Fontana Books, 1973), 50–51.
5 Arendt und Benjamin: Texte, Briefe, Dokumente, edited by Detlev Schöttker
and Erdmut Wizisla (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2006), 101–19; Walter
Benjamin, Über den Begriff der Geschichte, edited by Gérard Raulet, Werke
und Nachlaß: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, vol. 19 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp,
2010), 6–29.
6 Benjamin, Illuminations, 50.
7 David Ferris, ‘Howard Eiland and Michael W. Jennings, Walter Benjamin: A
Critical Life’, Critical Inquiry 42:3 (2016), 716–17 (717).
8 The Future of Benjamin, edited by Nitzan Lebovic with commentary by
Howard Eiland and Michael Jennings: https://importance-of-benjamin.cas2.
lehigh.edu/, consulted 1 March 2018.
9 Udi Greenberg, ‘A Critical Life and the Politics of Biography’, §12,
§18, https://importance-of-benjamin.cas2.lehigh.edu/content/critical-lifeand-politics-biography, consulted 3 March 2018.
10 Brian Britt, ‘Benjamin’s Displaced Jewish Tradition’, §11, https://
importance-of-benjamin.cas2.lehigh.edu/content/benjamin%E2%80%99sdisplaced-jewish-tradition, consulted 3 March 2018.
11 Ilit Ferber, ‘A Feel for Benjamin’, §2, https://importance-of-benjamin.cas2.
lehigh.edu/content/feel-benjamin, consulted 3 March 2018. Ferber makes
these arguments at greater length in her essay ‘Stimmung: Heidegger and
Benjamin’ in Sparks Will Fly: Benjamin and Heidegger, edited by Andrew E.
Benjamin and Dimitris Vardoulakis (Albany, NY: State University of New
York Press, 2015), 67–93.
12 Giovanna Colombetti, The Feeling Body: Affective Science Meets the Enactive
Mind (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2014).
13 Daniel Weidner, ‘The Afterlife of Walter Benjamin’, §10, https://
importance-of-benjamin.cas2.lehigh.edu/content/afterlife-walter-benjamin,
consulted 3 March 2018.
14 Carolin Duttlinger, ‘Network — Figure — Labyrinth: New Routes
into Walter Benjamin’, §1, https://importance-of-benjamin.cas2.lehigh.edu/
content/network-%E2%80%93-figure-%E2%80%93-labyrinth-new-routeswalter-benjamin, consulted 3 March 2018.
15 Frederic J. Schwartz, Blind Spots: Critical Theory and the History of Art in
Twentieth-Century Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005).
16 Duttlinger, ‘Network — Figure — Labyrinth’, §10.
17 Duttlinger, ‘Network — Figure — Labyrinth’, §10.
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18 Eli Friedlander, Walter Benjamin: A Philosophical Portrait (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 2012), 1.
19 ‘Matters of Life: A Review of Walter Benjamin: A Critical Life’, boundary 2
43:4 (2016), 147–53 (149).
20 William James, Pragmatism (Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books, 1991), 62–5.
21 Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 502–13.
22 See the articles by Burkhardt Lindner, Davide Giuriato and Detlev Schöttker
discussing the new edition in Walter-Benjamin Studien 2, edited by Daniel
Weidner and Sigrid Weigel (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 2011), 323–47.
23 Walter Benjamin, Rundfunkarbeiten, edited by Thomas Küpper and Anja
Nowak, Werke und Nachlaß: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, vol. 9 (Frankfurt am
Main: Suhrkamp, 2017); Tableaux parisiens, edited by Antonia Birnbaum and
Michel Métayer, Werke und Nachlaß: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, vol. 7 (Frankfurt
am Main: Suhrkamp, 2017).
24 Kritiken und Rezensionen, edited by Hella Tiedemann-Bartels, Gesammelte
Schriften, vol. 3 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1972), 96–7.
25 ‘Weil die innersten Strukturen des Vergangenen sich jeder Gegenwart nur
in dem Licht erhellen, das von der Weißglut ihrer Aktualitäten ausgeht.’
Kritiken und Rezensionen, edited by Heinrich Kaulen, Werke und Nachlaß:
Kritische Gesamtausgabe, vol. 13 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2011), 104,
my translation. Further references will be given parenthetically in the text
using the abbreviation WuN and giving volume and page number.
26 Benjamin, Rundfunkarbeiten, 9, 481.
27 Radio Benjamin, edited by Lecia Rosenthal (London: Verso, 2014).
28 Thomas Küpper and Timo Skrandies, ‘Rezeptionsgeschichte’ in Benjamin
Handbuch, 44–6.
29 Walter Bryce Gallie, ‘Essentially Contested Concepts’, Proceedings of the
Aristotelian Society 56 (1955–6), 167–98; Ellen Spolsky, ‘Iconotropism, or
Representational Hunger: Raphael and Titian’ in Iconotropism, or Turning
toward Pictures, edited by Ellen Spolsky (Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University
Press, 2004), 23–36; Spolsky, The Contracts of Fiction: Cognition, Culture,
Community (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015).
30 Ferber, ‘Stimmung . . . ’, 87–8.
31 Martin Heidegger, Sein und Zeit (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1976). Further
references will be given parenthetically in the text using the abbreviation SuZ.
32 Ben Morgan, ‘The Unfolding of Our Lives Together: Heidegger and
Medieval Mysticism’ in New Topics in Feminist Philosophy of Religion:
Contestations and Transcendence Incarnate, edited by Pamela Sue Anderson
(Dordrecht: Springer, 2010), 235–48 (245–6).
33 Benjamin, Illuminations, 50.
34 Benjamin, Illuminations, 50.