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Recent research in social psychology points towards the great importance of self-control. Persons who as children who are well able to exercise self-control, apparently achieve greater health and wealth and have lower crime rates when they are adults. Recent neuroscience and genomics research points towards the neurobiological and genetic foundations of suchlike behavior. Psychological and scientific research are taken to highlight the significance of early and targeted interventions that increase children’s self-control. Even though this might seem a matter of course at first glance, this chapter will argue that such a conclusion is overly simplistic. Most psychological and almost all neuroscience research adheres to a one-sided conception of what self-control even is. It departs from the assumption that self-control is the overriding of undesired thoughts, behaviors and emotions. Thereby, however, they pay attention to the aspect of overriding only and ignore the normative part of the definition. That is, they fail to recognize that determining what is desirable and what is undesirable, and why, is part and parcel of self-controlled behavior. For the raising of children, learning to identify and answer such normative questions, however, is of crucial importance as well. It allows children to become autonomous, rather than to merely become able to follow externally set goals. Provided that current neuroscience research on self-control ignores this integral aspect of what it means to exercise self-controlled behavior, it apparently has no direct repercussions on parental responsibilities. Neuroscience findings can at most be taken into account after fundamental normative questions have been answered.
In recent decades, self-control has received increasing attention as it can safeguard child-development and human wellbeing. Researchers from various disciplines – philosophy, neuroscience and social psychology – have investigated what self-control is, how it is generated and how it can be stimulated. This chapter critically reflects on recent discussions of the concept and the science of self-control while investigating their bearings on the question of whether parents have a responsibility to raise self-controlled children and what that would entail. The argument put forth is that current social psychology and neuroscience largely investigates controlled behaviour but ignores the prefix self. Consequently, a more comprehensive understanding of the term that does justice to both aspects is required. This gives rise to two different sets of educational goals. Firstly, raising self-controlled children entails teaching them strategies to overcome temptation. Secondly, it requires that parents support children to develop a self that sets its own goals, reflects on these goals and considers them as reasons for action.
Routledge International Handbook of Biosocial Criminology, 2014
2009
Self-regulatory limitations are typical of young children, whose impulsiveness, distractibility, and emotional outbursts can amuse and frustrate parents and practitioners. During the last 30 years, however, research into the development of selfregulation has revealed that early childhood is a very early stage in the maturation of brain regions relevant to self-control and that self-regulatory problems often accompany increasing stress in the lives of young children. These discoveries have underscored the importance of adult support for the growth of self-regulatory competence in young children and the need for appropriate developmental expectations for self-control, and they have contributed to the development of early interventions to support selfregulatory ability in the early years.
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 2011
Many children and youth have difficulty controlling emotions and impulsive behavior. Brain science is shining new light on the process by which children develop self-regulation and controls from within.
Criminology, 2006
Research on self-control theory consistently supports its central prediction that low self-control significantly affects crime. The theory includes other predictions, however, that have received far less scrutiny. Among these is the argument that self-control is developed early in childhood and that individual differences emerging then persist over time. The purpose of this study is to provide a rigorous test of the stability thesis. First, we examine the extent of stability and change in self-control for a national sample of U.S. children age 7 to age 15. Second, we consider whether parenting continues to affect self-control during adolescence—a period after the point at which self-control differences should be fixed. The analysis revealed strong absolute and relative stability of self-control for more than 80 percent of the sample, and this stability emerged in large part as early as age 7. Contradicting the theory was a smaller portion of respondents (roughly 16 percent) who experienced substantial absolute and relative changes in self-control even after the age of 10. Moreover, parental socialization continued to affect self-control during adolescence, even after accounting for both prior self-control and exposure to parental socialization.
Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 2008
Self-control theory is one of the most tested theories within the field of criminology. However, one of the basic assumptions of the theory has remained largely ignored. Gottfredson and Hirschi stated that the focus of their general theory of crime is the "connection between the self-control of the parent and the subsequent self-control of the child" (1990:100). However, no study to date has specifically tested this relationship. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, this study finds that mothers with low self-control do indeed produce children with lower self-control. To begin to understand the mechanism responsible for this relationship, several parenting practices used by the mothers are examined. The analysis shows that the self-control of the mother influences her choice of punishments, as well as having moderate impacts on how she supervises her children. In turn, higher supervision and several choices of punishments affect the development of self-control in the child. This study therefore provides support for a vital, yet previously unexamined, piece of the general theory of crime.
International Journal of Family & Community Medicine
Self-control is usually characterized as a skill in purely intra-individual terms, but recent scientific studies question this idea by clarifying how various contexts, both proximal and distal, can shape and contribute to explain the development of self-control, which, consequently, can be understood as a situated capacity, which is consistent with the theory of ecological rationality. The article argues on the social importance of self-control, points to neural correlates of this ability, and relates it to the idea of expected utility. After that, it refers to the influence of culture and consideration of context in the candy test and decision making. It concludes by discussing some implications of the topics reviewed for a more ecological perspective of self-control.
Child Development Perspectives
Self-control plays an important role in healthy development and has been shown to be amenable to intervention. We present a theoretical framework for the emerging area of “brain- training” interventions that includes both laboratory-based direct training methods and ecologically-valid school, family, and community based interventions. Although these approaches have proliferated in recent years, the evidence based to support them is just beginning to emerge, and conceptual models underlying many of the techniques tend to be underspecified and imprecise. Identifying the neural systems responsible for improvements in self-control may be of tremendous benefit not only for overall intervention efficacy, but also for basic science issues related to underlying shared biological mechanisms of psychopathology. Here, we review the neurodevelopment of self-control and explore its implications for theory, intervention, and prevention. We then present a neurally informed framework for understanding self-control development and change, and discuss how this may inform future intervention strategies for individuals suffering with psychopathology or drug abuse/dependence, as well as implications for young children with delays in cognitive and emotional functioning.
Behavior Therapy, 1981
Three studies examined children's self-control, as measured by the Self-Control Rating Scale (SCRS). In Study 1, 98 randomly selected elementary school children performed persistence, delay of gratification, social perspective taking, means-ends problem solving, and verbal IQ tasks. Teachers completed the SCRS and a measure of the internalization-externalization dimension of maladjustment. Results supported the relationship between the SCRS and maladjustment, especially for externalized behavior problems, and the SCRS and cognitive social perspective taking. However, means-ends problem solving, persistence, and delay of gratification measures were not intercorrelated and were not related to SCRS scores. In Study 2, in-class observations of six behavior codes on 100 randomly selected elementary school children and teachers' SCRS ratings evidenced several significant relationships. Study 3 compared the rates of observed in-class behaviors and SCRS ratings of children referred for self-control training and matched nonreferred children. Referred children were rated significantly less selfcontrolled and observed to engage in significantly greater rates of several behaviors than nonreferred children. Taken together, these data question the existence of a single unitary construct of self-control, yet provide some support for the utility of the SCRS as a rating scale method of assessing children's self-control. The notion of an effectively functioning autonomous individual stands among the few near-universal goals of therapy. Few would disagree that
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