Mexican Americans of Wichita's North End

2012

approved: _~~ This thesis deals with the process of assimilation of the Mexican-American community of Hutchinson, Kansas through three Anglo institutions: the Catholic Church, fastpitch softball, and military service, namely the various Airborne divisions of the United States Army. The process of assimilation for this group of people has taken place, but if has been a process of cultural pluralism as opposed to complete assimilation or integration. This type of assimilation uses the Anglo institution to provide cohesiveness, stability, and in the case of softball and the Airborne troopers, role models for the Mexican-American youth. The Anglo institution is also used to battle stereotypical perceptions of Mexican-Americans as well as prejudice and discrimination, in order to help to break down prejudicial barriers facing the Mexican-American of Hutchinson. The result of assimilation to the Catholic Church (Our Lady of Guadalupe Church), fastpitch softball (Hutchinson Our Lady of Gua...

2011

With the explosion in the Latino population across the U.S., particularly in the Southwest, over the past few decades, many cities have witnessed the process of Latinization—the impress of Latino attributes on the cultural landscape. Tulsa, Oklahoma is one of the “new” communities that has seen a significant increase in this populace and has seen a transformation on its cultural landscape as a result. In this article, I seek to answer the question of what factors, over the past few decades, have facilitated the process of Latinization on two specific areas of the city and on another area of the city that is obviously in transition. My research suggests that, although population numbers in a specific geographic area create a Latino comfort zone and impel this process, community and business leaders and supportive organizations strengthen and sustain the zone of comfort in Tulsa by giving Latinos additional important tools to survive in, prosper in, and Latinize this new place.

The Annals of Iowa, 2002

2010

Mexicans had the highest rate of population growth of all the major racial and ethnic groups in New York in the 1990s. According to the U.S. Census of Population, between 1990 and 2000, the number of Mexicans residing in New York tripled, reaching close to 200,000 in the year 2000. 1 By comparison, the overall population of New York City rose by 9.4 percent during this same time period. Mexicans now compose the third largest Hispanic group in the City (only Puerto Ricans and Dominicans have a greater presence). Despite the spiraling visibility of Mexicans in New York, relatively little systematic information is available about their current social and economic situation. There is an extensive literature on the socioeconomic and labor market status of the overall Mexican population in the country, mostly focusing on the Southwestern U.S. 2 There is also some research available on the budding Mexican population of New York in the early 1990s and studies of specific issues, such as the migration process, education, identity, and gender. 3 And research on other Latino groups in New York City has proliferated in recent years. 4 But there is no recent economic profile of the Mexican population of New York. Who are Mexican New Yorkers? What are their characteristics? This research report presents a comprehensive analysis of the Mexican population in New York City. The study utilizes the 2000 U.S. Census of Population and other data sources in providing a current picture of the income and labor market outcomes of Mexican New Yorkers. Population Growth & Location The U.S. Census of Population found that there were 186,872 Mexicans residing in New York City on April 2000. 5 This constitutes a substantial increase over the 61,722 Mexican New Yorkers counted by the Census in 1990. In fact, as Table 1 shows, Mexicans had the highest rate of population growth in New York in the 1990s, rising by 202.8 percent compared to the 9.4 percent growth of the City population overall. Mexicans have now become the third largest Hispanic/Latino group, behind Puerto Ricans (789,172 in 2000) and Dominicans (estimated to be 554,087 in 2000). The remarkable growth of Mexican New Yorkers is reflected in the fact that New York is now one of the top 15 cities in the concentration of Mexicans in the U.S. It is ranked number 11, following cities with a long-standing Mexican community like San Diego, Santa Ana and San Jose. Most Mexicans are located in Brooklyn and Queens, where, together, 61.2 percent of Mexican New Yorkers live. Within Brooklyn, the neighborhoods of Sunset Park and Bushwick have major Mexican populations. In Queens, it is Elmhurst, North Corona, and Jackson Heights where Mexicans are concentrated. And in Manhattan, East Harlem has a visible Mexican presence. What explains the rapid increase of the Mexican population residing in New York? Partly, the growth in New York reflects the general expansion of the Mexican population in the United States in the decade of the 1990s. The Mexican population in the U.S. grew by 52.9 percent between 1990 and 2000, substantially above the overall growth rate of the population in the country, which was 13.2 percent for this time period. Yet, the substantial growth of the overall Mexican population in the United States falls far short of its explosive rise in New York City. There is an explanation for this. The expansion in New York reflects a new pattern of Mexican location in the U.S., a pattern that is more geographically diversified than in the past. The great majority of Mexican immigrants moving to the United States over the last thirty years flowed into a few states mostly in the Western or Southwestern United States: California, Texas, Illinois, Nevada, Arizona, etc. As labor markets in these states flooded with immigrants in the late 1980s and 1990s, many Mexicans started to search for alternative job locations, from poultry processing and meatpacking in the Midwest to service sector jobs and construction in New York City. 6 Immigration is indeed the major source of the rapid Mexican population growth in New York. There were 145,

Association of Mexican American Educators Journal

The accelerated growth of the Latin@ population in the United States in the last few decades represents one of the most significant demographic changes in the nation. Alongside this population shift, some other trends have started to emerge: the Latin@ population, especially Mexican-origin people, has begun to move and settle outside traditional large cities (Murillo & Villenas, 1997; Stamps & Bohon, 2006). The numbers of Mexican-origin Latin@s concentrated in so-called “gateway” states, such as California and Texas, have started to decline and populations of immigrants settling in non-traditional destinations are now growing (Passel & Zimmerman 2001; Zuñiga & Hernandez-Leon, 2005). This demographic flow has been referred to in academic literature as the new Latino diaspora (Murillo & Villenas, 1997) or new Latino destinations (Suro & Singer, 2002). Against this background, this essay explores the literature with a focus on the history of Mexican-origin Latin@ presence in the Midwes...

Latino Studies, 2007

In this paper we report preliminary findings of a study that examines the historical formation of the principally Mexicano West Side of San Antonio. Our thesis is dialectical: a cultural point-counterpoint of the ''socially deforming (barrioizing) and the culturally affirming (barriological) spatial practices'' (Villa, 2000, 8) that have characterized the relationship between Anglos and Mexicans since the Mexican-American War of 1846-1848 and the Anglo conquest of the northern area of Mexico now known as South Texas, a relationship that has served to frame both groups and to re-enforce respective cultural identities. By taking a historical view of the relationship, we are attempting to ''broadly identify a historical continuity between past and present circumstances influencing the production of barrio social space and its representations'' (Villa, 2000, 8). The authors argue that barriology offers a method for understanding neighborhood formation and maintenance in a time when the dynamics of this and maintenance have become central issues in community research, thus they address the following questions: Is there something unique about the Mexicano community in the United States that promotes social cohesion and that can therefore account for the unexpected population health status of the Paradox? Is there something about the formation of social capital in the Mexicano community that can be understood by taking a barriological approach to the study of that community?

The Journal of Latin American and Caribbean …, 2012

2000

An 8-year ethnographic study in two rural Iowa towns examined the incorporation of recently arrived Mexicans and Mexican Americans into the social, economic, and political life of the community. Relocating to work in a nearby food processing plant, the newcomers altered the ethnic composition of this formerly homogeneous area. Data were gathered through in-depth interviews, informal conversations, observation of community events, and review of government documents and local newspapers. Conceptual frames for the study include modes of incorporation, racial formation and racialization, and social regulation. The experiences of Mexican and Mexican American newcomers demonstrate how local social regulatory activities circumscribe the ways in which these new residents can make claims as permanent members of the community. These social regulatory activities construct the racialized, gendered, and class-specific grounds on which Mexican Americans can earn a living wage, access social services and education, and gain a political voice. Various experiences of the newcomers are described, including recruitment to the food processing plant, poor working conditions, disadvantages arising from limited English proficiency, local resistance to providing English as a second language classes or offering Spanish in school, lack of proficient translators in the school and community, harassment by the police and the Immigration and Naturalization Service, lack of affordable housing, harassment and discrimination during use of health and social services, biased attitudes of educators, and community fears about Hispanic youth. (Contains 116 references.) (SV)

2012

موضوع البحث الحالي هو دراسة قلق الامتحان وخصائص خط اليد للتلاميذ. ويهدف إلى تحديد بعض خصائص خط اليد لدى التلاميذ ذوي مستوى قلق الامتحان المرتفع، باستخدام علم الجرافولوجيا أو علم تحليل الخط. وقد تكونت عينة البحث من 110 تلميذا وتلميذة من تلاميذ الصف الثالث ثانوي بمدينة بسكرة، اختيروا من بين 416 تلميذ وتلميذة ممن حصلوا على درجات مرتفعة على مقياس مكونات قلق الامتحان. وتراوحت أعمارهم الزمنية بين (17 -20) سنة. وقد قام البحث على الفرضيات التالية: – تكون ميول خط يد التلاميذ ذوي مستوى قلق الامتحان المرتفع في عكس اتجاه خط اليد (ميل الحروف إلى اليمين بدل من الميل لليسار). - يكون الشكل الغالب لخط يد التلاميذ ذوي مستوى قلق الامتحان المرتفع عبارة عن مثلثات. - يكون حجم خط يد التلاميذ ذوي مستوى قلق الامتحان المرتفع صغير. – تكون المسافة بين الكلمات في خط يد التلاميذ ذوي مستوى قلق الامتحان المرتفع صغيرة (ضيقة). - تكون المسافة بين السطور في خط يد التلاميذ ذوي مستوى قلق الامتحان المرتفع صغيرة (ضيقة). - يكون الضغط على الورق في خط يد التلاميذ ذوي مستوى قلق الامتحان المرتفع شديد (ثقيل). – لا توجد فروق بين...