4-10-60-615.pdf

Sampson Yekple

4-10-60-615.pdf

Sampson Yekple

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The domain of cut and break events have received a wide range of international literary attention. Evident in the field include, Pye (1994), Bohnemayer (2005), Gaby (2007) etc. Within the Ewe language, Ameka and Essegbey (2007) classified the cut and break events into highly agentive, agentive, highly non-agentive and non-agentive. I assume that because of the broad cut and break domain (C&B) in the Ewe language, much attention has not been drawn onto the cut domain specifically hence not many cut events in the language have been worked on. This paper focuses on the semantic properties of cut verbs in Ewe. In Ewe, ŋlɔ 'to weed' is the cover term expressed with dialectical variations as ŋlɔ, yà, ƒo as would be demonstrated in the discussion. Esegbey and Ameka (2007) divides the Ghana Ewe dialects into Southern (Aŋlɔ [Anlo] and Tɔŋu [Tongu]) and Inland (Ho, Anfoe, Kpando and Kpedze). I demonstrate that at least Adaklu an inland dialect expresses "weeding" as 'yà' while the Tongu express it variously as 'ƒò, ŋlɔ' glossed 'cut' but for the sake of this paper I gloss it 'to weed' for convenience. The paper suggests in conclusion that the lexicalization process depends largely on the semantics of the verb, the theme concerned and the instrument use in the cut event. That is to say in Ewe, the verb lexicalizes only the theme and the theme consequently lexicalizes the instrument.

Introduction

Ewe is a cluster of dialects spoken in South-eastern Ghana, south Togo, and across the Togo-Benin border. The dialects which are spoken in Ghana are grouped into Southern (Aŋlɔ, Tɔŋu) Central (Ho, Kpedze), and Northern (Anfoe, Kpando). The Central and North dialects form the inland dialects (Ameka and Esegbey, 2007) [1] . This paper argues that Avenor, Ave and Dzodze are equally southern dialects. As well; Adaklu, which shares boundaries with southern dialects like Tɔŋu and Avenor, other inland dialects like Abutia, Sokode; Awudome, Peki, Ve, Leklebi, Alavanyo are all inland dialects as though the list is not exhausted.

Methodology

The data for this paper is elicited primarily from four consultants (Tongu and Adaklu dialect speakers); two each for a dialect. This is because Adaklu is an inland dialect which shares boundary with two southern dialects (see introduction). The researcher is a native speaker of Avenor, a southern dialect. He selects these dialects to observe the effect of language contact on speakers in the domain of cut verbs. The researcher performed several cut activities for the consultants to describe using a verb. In most cases, it was the consultants who added and explained the other meanings of verbs that have more than one meaning in the cut domain. The people of Adaklu are predominantly farmers. They cultivate vegetables like pepper, and tomatoes, tubers such as yam and cassava. The general geography of the area is hilly savannah. The Tongus are the inhabitants along the River Volta sharing boundary with Anlo and Ada at the south, Krobo and Asuogyaman at the West, Awudome, Abutia and Sokode at the North and Adaklu and Avenor at the East. Their major occupations include fishing and cattle rearing though farming on subsistence basis. Their women trade in raw and processed occupational products of their men and other traditional goods like salt. Both Adaklu and Tongu indigenes engage in palm wine tapping and akpeteshie distillation as additional job. These activities involve the use of lots of cut verbs.

Analysis and Discussion

English 'cut' is commonly taken to be a super ordinate generic verb with respect to verbs such as slash, slice, chop, hack; etc. (Palancar, 2007) [4] . Majid et al. (2007) [3] indicate that hyponymy has traditionally been taken to be a common organizational pattern in the semantics of some languages and English has that phenomenon for cut and breaks. They say Leons (1968) treats words like duck and owl as hyponyms of the more generic noun bird which functions as a super ordinate category. Palanca (2007) [4] says this categorization is not unique to noun. The cut verbs in this paper are discussed and analyzed in terms of total separation and part separation. These verbs are further discussed in terms of the degree (deep/shallow) of cut and how lexicalization occurs in the language in the cut domain. Kpà 'carve' is semantically broad, encompassing various cutting events. Generally meaning/ equivalence in English is 'carve'. In the language, the semantics of 'kpà' entails a shallow cut of a part of body. The instrument use depends on the nature of theme to cut and manner of cut. 'Kpà' which means to carve something, denoting 'art' is the prototype of all variants of the verb. It uses such instruments as sharp knife, plane, and other modern carving tools. This verb is accusative in the syntax of the language. * Amuzu stylized head.

Southern speakers use 'lù and 'ƒlɔˊ' to mean total removal of hair from the head. The Adaklu consultant when asked to describe how he cuts his nails, used kpà 'cut' to mean cutting off unwanted nail from the fingers and toes while Tongu speaker use ɖè 'remove' to mean same. Consequently the forms of kpà 'cut' may be predicated of separation of part from a whole (Gaby 2007) [2] . 'Fé'. The meaning of the verb is similar to 'yak' in Kuuk Thaayorre but their glossing may vary. (fesplit open; yak cut). Yak encodes information about control, instrument, manner of separation and the result state of the theme. The instrument has an extended sharp surface (typically a blade) which is brought into controlled, prolong contact with the theme, exerting downward pressure (toward the theme), typically involving lengthwise movement of (along the single dimension in which the instrument is saliently extended) the instrument. This result in some partial separation of the theme at a locus determined by the agent; either an incision or full severance along the path of the instrument's motion. Accordingly, yak might prototypically describe the action of a woman using a knife to cut yam or a pair of scissors to cut cloth (Gaby 2007) [2] . Typologically, verbs of this nature in Ewe include fé, tsò and dzè. In the process described above both Adaklu and Tongu consultants use fé on themes like bamboo, palm frond and wooden board (in terms of bamboo, another instrument, mallet is added). The themes lexicalize instrument i.e sharp cutlass; dzè would use either rip saw, chain saw on themes like wooden board and log respectively while tsò lexicalize fabric which also lexicalize a pair of scissors or razor blade. 5. (a) Abu dzè atia. Abu split the board (b) *Ama dzè fetri *Ama split okra.

Tsò 'chop' expresses information about, instrument, theme manner of action and result of severance. Tsò 'chop' performed on fruit vegetables like okra, onion, shallot etc. uses sharp knife. The level of force applied is not that high. This is because the theme is usually held between the fingers of the agent. The result is that the theme is separated into pieces with an arbitrarily determined locus incision. This explanation covers other themes like leafy vegetables including kontomire, lettuce, amarantus, ademɛ etc. In 6, tsò is glossed cut. Tsò 'cut' when used on other pasture grasses for livestock lexicalize sharp cutlass and the result is total separating at a predetermined locus or an arbitrary point of cut from the mother plant. The force applies is higher here than on vegetables. 6. Awuku tsò gbe na lã-wo.

Awuku cut grass give animal-PL 'Awuku caught grass for the animals'

When 'tsò' is used on animals to mean 'slaughter'. The instrument is still a sharp knife. The manner of action is either abruptly once or more when firmly pressed against the theme as against the repeated in vegetables. The result is just an incision into the theme rather than the separation into pieces in vegetables. The Tongu consultant insists that they do not slaughter animal but kill it. For this speaker, tsò is glossed 'to cross' He explains further;

"Míewo ɖe míwuɔ lã mítsoɔ lã o. Ne ètso lã la, efie bɛ ɖè 'bɛ megasí o".

We kill animal we don't slaughter animal. If you cross animal it means you prevent it from running away

Tsò, to 'circumcise' lexicalize the theme penis. The theme then lexicalizes instrument sharp blade or razor. The locus of cut is determined by the agent and the action of cut is done with a careful precision. Tsò can also be effected on hard objects like standing trees as elicited by the Adaklu consultant while the Tongu consultant uses 'lã́' to mean 'fell'. The instrument is usually sharp cutlass/machete or axe depending on the size of the theme. Force required is high on a determined locus by the agent to result total separation after repeated little cuts. Both consultants use 'flì' to mean 'spleet' in 7. It also require same instrument, force and manner of action is repetitive but result is pieces. Flì 'chop' is used on meat and involve sharp knife with a rather controlled high force on a locus. The knife is moved either strongly through the locus or repeatedly to effect total separation. In this context the theme is flesh. As a result 'flì' is appropriate for separating pawpaw and melons into smaller sizes. However 'dzá' chop, involves usage of cutlass to cut meat into big sizes after dissection. Dzá is defined by Westerman (1973:18) as "to cut with a sharp instrument". The prototypical instruments used to carry out the dzá event are axe or machetes Ameka and Esegbey (2007) [1] . In another context dzá 'slash' means a cut on the part of the body by a sharp instrument like razor, cutlass or even axe. The Tongu consultant used dzá to describe a cut on the body but rejected it for cut on the branch of a tree and used lã́ and sẽ. To describe an incision on a part of the body mainly fingers and toes by razor, both dialectal consultants used si. The locus in not predetermined but incidental. Flì 'chop' is also performed on themes, like cassava, cocoyam, yam, potatoes to result total separation into pieces and uses knife. Another verb of concern is ŋlɔ 'weed'. Its semantic properties include

The instrument is usually sharp cutlass or hoe. The agent normally bends downwards, holds the cutlass in one hand and performs the swinging of the instrument repeatedly. The locus of cut is arbitrarily determined by the agent. The result is that of total separation in the theme. In case of hoe, it is held by two hands and can be done by one hand occasionally. In both cases the action is rigorous. Where cutlass is used Adaklu speaker describes the action as 'yà' and Togu as 'ƒò' hence-the constructions in 1 above to mean weed grass. Both speakers maintain'ŋlɔ' where hoe is used to weed. When weed control practice is carried out in farms, Adaklu speaker maintains 'ŋlɔ' while the Tongu speakers use 'gà' as in 8 to mean weeding through the plants to control weed.

(a) Sgbedzi ŋlɔ bli me. [Adaklu]

Segbedzi weed maize-DET in 'Segbedzi weeded through the maize'. (b) Sgbedzi gà bli-a me.

[Tongu] Segbedzi weed maize-DET in 'Segbedzi weeded through the maize'.

Another verb is 'tá' castrate'. The meaning of the verb to castrate is similar to its English gloss. It encodes information about control of action, manner of separation, instrument and result state of theme. The verb 'tá' lexicalize theme, and the theme in turn lexicalize the instrument. It encodes the meaning of the removal of a part form a whole. One of the testicles of an animal is carefully cut with a razor blade and removed from the scrotum. The use of burdizo to destroy the testicle is a modern process adopted by veterinary officers and is not common with the tradition of the language. Following the semantics of 'tá' to remove a part, the verb is also used to mean the first harvest of yam where only the fresh tuber is carefully cut off with a sharp knife without destroying the roots. The locus of cut is determined by the agent and action is controlled to avoid cut in the roots. The cut is usually neat. Tá 'clear' embodies the use of a sharp cutlass on grass to cut it (weed for Tongu above). The verb is used to mean or describe the process of weeding along a path. It is also used to mean creating path in the bush either for hunting purpose or otherwise.

Conclusion

Verbs in the cut domain of Ewe are worth noting that the nature of entity to receive the cut and the nature of severance determine type of instrument. It is also generally observed from the discussion that cut verbs in Ewe lexicalize the theme and the theme consequently lexicalize the instrument. It is also observed that dialectal contact does not affect the semantics and choice of cut verbs in both dialects; each dialect maintains its verb form and semantics.

kpà' means

the removal of the back of trees. It usually involves the use of sharp machete. The verb lexicalizes argument and it also lexicalizes instrument. The use of 'kpà' in the carving industry may semantically denote the English 'scoop'. It follows from the process of carving objects like mortar, drum and some other hollow objects. Hence the following utterances; 2. (a) Kpeto kpà to (b) Yao kpà de.

Table 1 :

*Dzá orange.

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