Orion in Hittite

Orion in Hittite? Billie Jean Collins The Hittite-language ritual attributed to the woman Āllī (CTH 402) derives from the westernmost reaches of the Anatolian peninsula, in the territory of Arzawa as it was known to the Hittites, the capital of which was at Apasa/Ephesos. Miletos, to the south in Caria, on the other hand, was, from early on, a center of Minoan and Mycenaean culture. This region in the Late Bronze Age has been called variously an interface, middle ground, border zone, or frontier, where pre-Greeks/Mycenaeans and native Anatolians interacted and significantly impacted one another.1 Āllī’s ritual was transmitted to the Hittite capital of Hattusa sometime in the fifteenth century BCE, probably during the reign of Tudhaliya I, who had campaigned in the region and thus had opportunity, but also who had made it his business to amass a body of ritual knowledge for the use of the royal house.2 The composition, in the form in which it has been passed down to us, is an amalgam of elements, some organic and some inserted later and then embellished by the Hattusa scribes. The earliest copies of the ritual date to the fifteenth–early fourteenth centuries and the latest to the late-thirteenth century, with the remainder belonging to the late fourteenth–early thirteenth centuries.3 Its numerous copies (at least 11 are known) and its length (some 44 paragraphs survive) indicate that it became a popular school text for the training of scribes. Numerous variants across the exemplars4 confirm a complicated text tradition. Despite its origins in Arzawa, a territory that has long been assumed to be populated by Luwian (or Luwic) speakers, the ritual lacks Luwian words or passages that would seal its place in the Luwian religious tradition. One reason that has been suggested to explain this lack is the means of transmission: the ritual was first textualized in Hittite, the language of the scribes who had been directed to record it.5 A contributing factor not so far considered, however, is that the ritual could have been communicated not by native Anatolians but rather by pre-Greeks. E.g., Taracha 2009, 24; 2018, 8–12. E.g., Collins 2019, 195–96; forthcoming b. 3 Mouton 2012, 247–49. 4 Mouton 2012, 259–62; Marcuson and van den Hout 2015, 146–51. 5 Archi 2015b, 291; see also Collins 2019, 194–95. 1 2 1 Āllī and the Huntsman The ritual’s purpose is to counter sorcery and it uses some known techniques to do so: the fashioning of figurines to represent the sorcerors, the use of colored wool to reify the impurities and transfer them to the figurines, the consignment of the polluted materia to the netherworld, and feasting, among other things. Other rites seem to feature exclusively or primarily in rituals deriving from the western Anatolian milieu.6 I will discuss these in turn below. Following the usual incipit introducing the ritualist, the ritual begins with a description of the materia to be used. Most importantly, five figurines are prepared. The two male figurines carry kuršas, which are leather bags used in hunting, but are also sacred objects; they contain the tongues symbolizing the sorcery. The three female figurines wear headdresses. §17 (A1 i 1–3; C1 i 1–3; D1 i 1–4; G1+2 i 1–3; F1 i 1′–3′) According to Āllī, woman of Arzawa. When a person is bewitched, then I do the following: five figurines of clay, among them two men—they carry kuršas (into which) tongues are inserted. §2 (A1 i 4–7; C1 i 4–7; D1 i 4–8; F1 i 4′–8′; G3 i 4–6) The three female (figurines); they have headdresses. One kurtali of clay; it is filled with clay tongues. One clay donkey; it carries them. One shovel and one rake of clay. Three small clay cups. She arranges three lids everywhere in the same way. (Var. “She arranges everywhere on three lids in the same way.”) The ritualist then sets the scene for a trial before the Sun God, who bears the unique epithet “of the Hand.” The incantation in §4 makes it clear that the tongues in the kuršas carried by the male figurines contain the sorcery. For the female sorcerer, her garments—headdress, belt, or shoe— contain the sorcery (§5). The medicaments used in §§33–35 (tariyatariya, warduli, ašḫayul, and irhāi) occur only in this ritual and may be specific to Arzawa. 7 As excellent editions now exist for this ritual, only a translation is provided here. For a full edition, see Mouton 2013, 2016a, 2016b. For a detailed discussion of the rites described in this text, see Collins forthcoming a. The sources referenced in the translation provided here are as follows: A. KBo 12.126 (A1) + KUB 24.9 (A2) + KBo 12.127 (A3) + JCS 24:37 (A4) (HaH; NS). B. KUB 24.10 (findspot unknown; NS). C. KBo 55.41 (C1) (+?) KBo 59.6 (C2) + KBo 52.26 (C3) (+) KBo 57.28 (C4) (+?) KBo 46.6 (C5) (T. I; NS). D. KBo 11.12 (D1) + KBo 10.43 (D2) (+) KBo 47.47 (D3) (Bk. K; MS). E. KBo 10.41 (Bk. K; NS). F. IBoT 2.123 (F1) (+?) Bo 3582 (F2)3 (findspot unknown; NS). G. Bo 8752 (G1) + Bo 9615 (G2) + KUB 41.2 (G3) + KBo 52.27 (G4) (+?) ABoT 2.25 (G5) (T. I; NS). H. KUB 41.1 (findspot unknown; LNS). I. KBo 21.8 (Bk. A; MS). J. KBo 45.190 (HaH; NS). K. KBo 51.31 (T. I; NS). 6 2 §3 (A1 i 8–11; D1 i 9–14; G3+4 i 7–10) She fastens the clay figurines round about. She arranges all this in front of them. The person who is bewitched sits opposite the Sun God. The wise woman takes up a lid together with a clay figurine and brandishes them against the Sun God. §48 (A1 i 12–15; D1 i 14–17; G3+4 i 11–14) Then the wise woman speaks as follows: “O Sun God of the Hand, here are the sorcerous people! If a man has bewitched (lit. treated) this person, herewith he is carrying it (the sorcery) with (his own) back. May he take them back! He is carrying (var. May he carry) it with (his own) back! §5 (A1 i 16–19; D1+2 i 18–22; G4 i 15) “If however a woman has bewitched him, you O Sun God know it, so it should be a headdress for her, and she is to put it on her head. May she take them back for herself! It should be a belt for her, and she is to gird herself; it should be for her a shoe, and she is to put it on! The wearing of kuršas (by male figurines in §1 and by female figurines in §27; see below), link this ritual to a cluster of rituals performed for the stag god, Inar/Kuruntiya, that also stems from western Anatolia.9 The name of the stag god is written dLAMMA kuršaš, identifying him as a tutelary deity “of the hunting bag.” Paragraphs 6–8 continue the incantations. The Huntsman is introduced for the first time in §8. He is armed with bow and arrow and is accompanied by his horses and dogs. The horse fodder and dog food10 absorb the impurities: the figurines serve the same purpose for the ritual patron. §8 (A1 i 27–30; C3 i 26′–28′) “The Sun God of the Hand and the (divine) Huntsman (are) in front. He (the Huntsman) has his bow [and] he has his [arr]ows. For his dogs let it For a discussion of this paragraph, see Steitler 2017, 333. For a discussion of this deity, see most recently Cammarosano 2018: 54–55, 67–72. On the western provenance of these rituals, see Collins forthcoming a (central-western Anatolia); cf. Bawanypeck 2005b, 71–125, 209–41 (Arzawa). For more on the sacred nature of the kurša-, see Archi 2015a. 10 Correctly understood by Jakob-Rost 1972, 25 “Hundekuchen”; Bawanypeck 2005a, 1 “Nahrung”; and Steitler 2017, 334, “dog biscuits.” Mouton (2016a) reads NINDA as “4” instead, translating “Il a quatre de ses chiens.” Although photo collation of the sign shows the three Winkelhacken atop the vertical to be precisely even, and thus a reading “4” to be more precise, it is difficult not to see this as an error on the part of the scribe given the trope of the dog and horse, which is found also in Tapalazunauli and Huwarlu, with immiul (var. ŠÀ.GAL) for the horse’s food and a different term in each case for the dog’s: etri, wagessar, and, here, NINDA. 8 9 3 be bread. [For] the [h]orses let it be fodder. And for the ritual patron [let it be] figurines of clay.” The wis[e woman] puts [them] (the figurines) down. The Huntsman, who accompanies the Sun God in this passage, is not a human hunter, but rather a divine being. The incantation in this passage accesses a trope found elsewhere in rituals stemming from western Anatolia that support his divine nature. In one of these, Tapalazanuali’s plague ritual (CTH 424.1), the dogs belong to the deity who brings the plague. In another, Dandanku’s ritual (CTH 425.2), the bow and arrow are wielded by the god of war and plague, Iyarri. The term LÚUR.GI7-aš LÚ-aš in this context has usually and awkwardly been translated as “hunter-man,” “dog-man,” or at best simply “hunter,”11 however, what is surely intended on this mythological level is more gracefully rendered in English as Huntsman. Paragraphs 9–19 contain repetitive rites in which colored wool symbolizing the impurity is wrapped around the figurines to the accompaniment of incantations designed to transfer the curses to the figurines, that is, to return them to their source, namely, the sorcerers. The polluted materia from these rites are disposed of in §20. The wise woman digs a hole, throws everything into it, seals it, and then hammers it shut with wooden pegs, consigning them forever to the Netherworld. Offerings follow in §§21–23, first for the marwayanzeš, the demonic “Dark Ones‚” then for “those who turn in front of the Huntsman,” the Netherworld, and finally the Sun God (§21). The wise woman then offers a flatbread for the deity Ariya (§22), for the demons who guard the crossroad, and finally for the šalawana-demons who protect the gate (§23).12 All this she follows with an incantation that references GALA-priests, surely to be equated in this Arzawan context with the galloi-, the eunuch priests of the Anatolian goddess Cybele.13 The galloi were Mouton 2016a; 2016b, 196, 209, etc.: “l’homme chasseur”; Marcuson 2016, 251: “hunting-man”; CHD P, 326: “hunter-man”; Haas 1998: “Jäger”; Jakob-Rost 1972: “Hundemann.” 12 For the importance of the city gate in juridical-sacral proceedings, see Marazzi forthcoming. In this article, Marazzi recovers the meaning of a faded inscription on the outer wall of the Lion’s Gate at Hattusa as “great seat of the lulu at the gate,” with lulu referring to ritual purity and its attainment through the rites carried out at the city gate, which is accordant with the testimony of the rituals, particularly in connection with the rite of “Durchschreitungszauber”: “The gate represents the passage that connects different areas/dimensions of ‘cultural reality.’ It, therefore, needs to be ritually and materially defended and controlled in order to prevent the intrusion/penetration of dangerous elements because they are adverse and/or ritually impure and therefore destabilizing for the social order; on the other hand, its re-crossing can lead to a status of order and social reintegration.” 13 These priests are also attested in Hittite context, e.g., in the AN.TAH.ŠUM festival where the GALA sing while drumming the arkammi- and galgalturi- instruments (Haas 1994, 822); here they correspond to the Sumerian GALA. The GALA in our text, however, is more plausibly a reference to the similarly performative priests of a cult that was well-known in the region of Arzawa in the first millennium. 11 4 particularly connected to Phrygia in the classical period and have their roots in the Bronze Age Luwian festivals from Istanuwa, in the area of the Sangarios (Sakarya) River.14 §21 (A2 ii 26′–33′; C3 ii 21′′–27′′) She steps a little away from there, and at the side of the pit breaks one flatbread for the Dark Ones. Those who turn before the Huntsman, (for them) she (the wise woman) breaks a flatbread with the miyanit tongue.15 She breaks one flatbread for the dark earth; she breaks one flatbread for the Sun God and says: “You must guard this!” She breaks one flatbread for the Sun God and places it on the ground. She libates beer before each flatbread. (Var.: She libates beer before the gods.) And she says: “You must keep this evil witchcraft fastened (in the earth)!” §22 (A2+3 ii 34′–39′; C3 ii 28′′–32′′; J 1′) She steps back a little and breaks one flatbread for Ariya and places it to the right of the road. She libates beer and says: “You, seize this evil and do not let it go!” She breaks one flatbread for the crossroad and places it to the left of the road. She libates beer and says: “You, gods of the road—the evil—guard it! Do not let it return!” §23 (A2+3 ii 40′–43′; B ii 1′; C3 ii 33′′–36′′; J 2′–6′) She steps forward a little and breaks one flatbread to the šalawana-demons of the gate. She sets it down, libates beer, and says: “Upward [ … ] may you always say good things! GALA-priests, [you] lock up the evil (words/things)!” She breaks a pitcher and they enter the city. Paragraph 24 marks the start of a new set of ritual actions. The bow and arrows are placed in a basket under the bed of the ritual patron with grains and breads overnight. Strips of wool are tied to the head and foot of the bed. In the morning (§25) the objects are taken out from under the bed and waved over the ritual patron. The Huntsman is invoked to send the sorcery back to the sorcerer, the implication being that he is to shoot the arrows bearing the impurity away from the ritual patron and back to the sorcerers. The wool is cut from the bed, symbolizing the cutting of the maleficia. All of the above is then repeated according to §26. Taylor 2007; Bachvarova 2008, 2019. Differently Mouton (2016a): “L’homme chasseur rompt un pain plat avec la ‘langue miyanit’ (pour) ceux qui (sont) tournés vers lui.” Her translation assumes the Huntsman is a human actor in the rite; she also fails to understand the correct nature of the “ones who run in front,” for which see below. On the confused grammar of this sentence see Marcuson 2016, 252 n. 195. 14 15 5 §24 (A2 ii 44′–47′; B ii 2′–5′; C3 ii 37′′–40′′; E ii 1′–5′) She puts karš-grain, pašša-breads, a bow, and three arrows in a basket and places them under the bed. It remains under the bed (overnight). She ties a strip of wool to the head and foot of the bed. §25 (A2+4 ii 48′–52′; B ii 6′–11′; C3 ii 41′′–46′′; E ii 6′–12′) On the second day, when it becomes light, she takes the basket out from under the bed, waves it back and forth over the person and speaks: “O Huntsman, you return the sorcery to the sorcerer! Let it be your cure!” She cuts the wool from the bed and places it in the basket. With day three of the ritual, figurines are once again the focus, this time made of wax (§27). In §27, female figurines wearing kuršas that contain tongues of wax are placed at the head of the bed (symbolizing the head of the ritual patron) with a bird-shaped bowl (§28). Two more bowls are placed beneath the bed. These remain overnight. In the morning, analogic magical formulae are recited (§§29–30). In §31, the trial resumes with the wise woman averring before the Sun God that the ritual patron is now free of malignancy. The figurines, which now bear the sorcery, are to be dressed by the Huntsman in polluted garments (recalling the female figurines and their garments listed in §2 above) and he is to escort the evil away. §31 (A2+3 iii 17′–24′; B iii 3′–10′; C3 iii 13′–20′) She seats the person facing the Sun God. She (var. the wise woman) holds out the wax figurines to him/her and says: “Whoever has made (this) sorcery, now they have been treated. They are standing here before you. The mortal says, ‘we are tired.’ The figurines say, ‘bring (the sorcery), we will carry it away.’ Before him let the Huntsman (var. man)16 dress (the figurines?). Let him put it (the sorcery) on their feet. Let him guard it. Let him carry it away.” The remainder of the ritual is not relevant to the present discussion and the reader is referred to the editions cited above for further content. Discussion The Sun God “of the Hand,”17 the divine Huntsman, and Ariya18 are all unique to this ritual and should be understood as belonging to a local, western tradition. Little has been made of the Notably, the duplicate recensions of this passage replace “Huntsman” with simply “man.” Steitler (2017, 333) does not offer an insight into this deity other than to place the ritual as a whole in the Luwian milieu. 18 Van Gessel (1998, 1:45–46) equates Ariya with an Arā attested elsewhere, however, this identification is doubtful. His ŠA dA-ra-aš in KBo 33.167 iv 10 is understood differently by Wegner, ChS I.3.1: ŠA DINGIR a-ra-aš. Ariya is 16 17 6 latter, obscure divinity so far.19 He is linked to the crossroads to the extent that his offering is placed to the right of the road directly before the demons of the crossroads receive their own offering. The Huntsman and Ariya seem to be separate entities in this text, as they are listed in adjacent paragraphs; nevertheless, one hesitates to dismiss their juxtaposition in the ritual as coincidence. Notably, the Huntsman himself does not receive an offering in §21, but rather his companions, “the ones who turn before” him. Such mysterious demonic entities appear in other western rituals. In Ambazzi’s ritual against demon-induced disease, “the one who turns in front of” the demon Tarpatassa, is given offerings, including a mouse. In Ashella’s plague ritual, rams are presented as substitutes to “whatever deity is turning below, whatever deity has caused this plague.” Finally, the ritualist Bappi invokes malign supernatural forces that surround (“who run behind and before”) the ritual patron, who are to be appeased with an offering. In sum, these beings in Āllī’s ritual are given offerings separately from the entity to which they are linked, in this case, the Huntsman. It therefore remains at least possible that the Huntsman receives his offering only in §22, where he is addressed by his name, Ariya. The parallels between the Huntsman of Āllī’s ritual and the stag god Inar/Kuruntiya are suggestive. Inar/Kuruntiya “of the kurša” is of course also a god of the hunt and wild nature.20 The fact that Āllī’s ritual attests figurines carrying sorcery-laden kuršas, as noted above, further links the Huntsman to this deity. Both also keep company with the Luwian Dark Ones (marwayanza) and the šalawana-demons.21 The Dark Ones appear as companions to the stag god in the ritual CTH 433.2 (written dIMIN.IMIN.BI) as do the šalawana-demons in the ritual CTH 433.3, also in connection with gates.22 In Dandanku’s Arzawan plague ritual, the Dark Ones are the companions of the war god Iyarri, who, like the Huntsman, wields a bow and arrow to dispense plague. The Dark Ones are further linked, in a Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription,23 to omitted in the online list “Hittite Divine Names” at https://cuneiform.neocities.org/HDN/start.html (accessed 11 September 2019). Jakob-Rost’s (1972, 83) discussion assumes Ariya is a form of Ara, citing Ehelolf: “handelt es sich möglicherweise um einen ‘Genius des Heils’ aus dem hurrischen Bereich.” She connects Ariya in the present text to the “Weggöttern” (KASKAL-aš DINGIR.MEŠ). 19 Mouton (2012, 254) views Ariya as a guardian of the crossroad along with the demons of the crossroad who also receive an offering: “les chemins qui peuvent servir de voies de communication entre l’Autre Monde et la sphère des vivants sont également surveillés par diverses divinités, à la demande de la Vieille Femme (§ 22).” Jakob-Rost (1972, 83) connects Ariya to the “Weggöttern” (KASKAL-aš DINGIR.MEŠ). 20 The divine nature of the Huntsman in this ritual was also surmised by Marcuson (2016, 252), who connects the “hunter” with the tutelary deities as his clear role in this ritual is to expel the evil and protect the ritual patron. 21 For the “Dark Ones,” see Archi 2010. For the šalawana-demons of the gate, see Klinger 1996, 514–15. 22 For editions of these rituals, see Collins forthcoming a; Bawanypeck 2005b, 105–35, 234–41 (CTH 433.3 only). 23 KULULU 2 § 6 (mid-eighth century BCE). See Payne (2019, 240–41 with n. 38) for this reference and for a Lydian inscription that also links Santa with the “dark ones.” 7 the Luwian war god Santa, who, like Iyarri, carries bows and arrows and is similarly connected with plague.24 All these connections led Alfonso Archi to the figure of Apollo.25 Homer (Il. 1.33–67) describes Apollo’s arrows as raining disease down upon the Greeks in their ships after the priest Chryses has prayed to Apollo Smintheus, the “mice god,” to use his arrows to make the Danaans pay for his suffering. But Apollo is a healer as well: a deity who brings plague has the power also to remove it, if appealed to correctly. Not only Apollo, but his sister Artemis too was a huntress and bringer of plague.26 Artemis, furthermore, been linked with the Anatolian kurša, if the interpretation of the breast adornment, worn on her most famous statue from Ephesos, as being inspired by the kurša is correct.27 The figure of Artemis provides a bridge to a possible identification for Āllī’s Huntsman, namely, the giant huntsman of Greek mythology Orion, who was catasterized into a constellation after his death.28 The coincidence of the correspondence of the names of the deities Ariya and Orion—linguistically there is no impediment to the equation, since Hitt. /a/ > Gk. /o/—lends strength to this conjecture. Orion’s legend had its beginnings in the Mycenaean Age, and he may have been a daimon in the earliest conception of him.29 Though not particularly associated with Asia Minor (his later hero cult was centered in Boeotia), his ultimate origins are unknown. He does, however, appear in the earliest Greek literature. According to Hesiod, the rising of the constellation Orion in November was associated with the winter storms.30 His dog was the constellation Sirius the Dog Star,31 whose rising was a bad omen, bringing the dog days of summer. Hesiod also related the full legend of Orion, but that work unfortunately has been lost. Odysseus encountered his ghost in Hades (Od. 11.572–575), chasing the animals he had killed in life. As an ancient hero, his cult was essentially forgotten, and survives only in confused and conflicting fragments. In the earliest version of his myth, Orion is killed by Artemis’s arrows. It is conceivable that his legend was Via Zarpiya’s Kizzuwatnean ritual (CTH 757). Archi (2015, 286) in a discussion of Dandanku’s ritual: “It is difficult, therefore, to avoid the idea that these elements are merged in the figure of Apollo, the god who provoked and eliminated plague (Homer, Iliad 1, 48–67, 450-456), when the Greeks came in contact with the Asianic (Luwian) population of the Aegean coasts.” 26 Budin 2016, 115–16; Il 9.533–546. According to Pulisa’s ritual (CTH 407), the plague deity could be female as well as male. 27 Morris 2001, 430–32. Ephesos was a major center of Artemis worship. 28 Renaud 2008, 223 for Artemis and Orion. 29 Fontenrose 1981, 5, 23. 30 E.g., Hes. Op. 619–21; Aratus, Phaen. 300–310; Cic. Arat. fr. 33.72–82. 31 Hes. Op. 609–610; Aratus, Phaen. 326–327; Homer refers to Sirius as “Orion’s dog” in Il. 22.29. 24 25 8 eventually eclipsed in Asia Minor by that of Artemis with whom his story became entwined.32 If so, then Orion would have a place in the Late Bronze Age matrix from which emerges the arrowwielding bringers of and protectors from plague in the westernmost reaches of Anatolia. The brief appearance of the galloi, Cybele’s self-castrating priests, in Āllī’s ritual may be relevant in that a link between Orion and the galloi exists in the typological similitude of this figure to Attis, the ill-fated consort of Cybele.33 Even if one dismisses the equation of the Huntsman with the figure of Ariya/Orion, what emerges is an increasingly complex picture of the connections between the native mythical traditions of Anatolia and those of its pre-Greek inhabitants. It seems to me that the Huntsman of Āllī’s ritual belongs to a mythological matrix of divine hunters and provides our earliest written evidence linked to that mythology. We cannot exclude the possibility, as proposed at the beginning of this article, that the elements original to Āllī’s ritual were transmitted to the Hittites via a pre-Greek medium rather than a Luwian one. I would like to believe that Sebastiano Tusa, whose own work embraced the stingy evidence of prehistory to illuminate the prehistoric religion of his beloved island of Sicily, would have enjoyed this modest offering to his memory. References CHD The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Edited by Hans G. Güterbock, Harry A. Hoffner Jr., and Theo P. J. van den Hout. Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1980– ChS I.3.1 Wegner, Ilse. 1995. Hurritische Opferlisten aus hethitischen Festbeschreibungen, Teil 1: Texte für ISTAR-Sa(w)uska. Corpus der hurritischen Sprachdenkmäler I.3.1. Rome: Bonsignori. Archi, Alfonso. 2010. “The Heptad in Anatolia.” Hethitica 16:21–34 ———. 2015a. “Hittite Religious Landscapes.” Pages 11–26 in Sacred Landscapes of Hittites and Luwians: Proceedings of the International Conference in Honour of Franca Pecchioli Daddi (Florence, February 6th–8th 2014). Edited by Anacleto d’Agostino, Valentina Orsi, and Giulia Torri. Studia Asiana 9. Florence: Firenze University Press. ———. 2015b. “Remarks on Hittite Augur Rituals and Rituals from Arzawa.” Bibliotheca Orientalis 72.3–4:282–94. Bachvarova, Mary R. 2008. Sumerian GALA Priests and Eastern Mediterranean Returning Gods: Tragic Lamentation in Cross-Cultural Perspective. Pages 18–52 in Lament: Studies in the Ancient Mediterranean and Beyond. Edited by Ann Suter. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 32 On the phenomenon of deity demotion in Greek religion, whereby an older deity is replaced by the Olympian equivalent, see, e.g., Budin 2016, 120–23, esp. 122–23 (vis-à-vis Artemis and Iphigeneia). The former deity then is either killed by, or becomes a member of the cult of, the Olympian deity. On the concept of “eclipse-syncretism” when “one deity consumed, ousted, or otherwise eclipsed the identity of another,” see Budin 2004, esp. 100–101. 33 For which see Clay 1995, 145. 9 ———. 2019. “Survival of “Popular” Mythology: From Hittite Mountain Man to Phrygian Mountain Mother.” Pages 203–29 in Religious Convergence in the Ancient Mediterranean. Edited by Sandra Blakely and Billie Jean Collins. Studies in Ancient Mediterranean Religions 2. Atlanta: Lockwood. Bawanypeck Daliah. 2005a. “Arzawäische Ritualpraktiken: Informationen aus Ḫattuša.” Pages 1–18 in Motivation und Mechanismen des Kulturkontaktes in der späten Bronzezeit. Edited by Doris Prechel. 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