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Just because someone studied medicine, it does not mean that they personally eliminated all harmful cultural practices in their lives. The same cultural causes of disease that fill their waiting rooms also fill their personal lives. In fact, the medical culture is even worse on doctors.
This article explores the contradictions within the medical profession, where doctors often model unhealthy behaviors they are trained to treat, such as tattooed dermatologists, smoking cardiologists, and breast health specialists who wear tight bras. It critiques how cultural conditioning blinds both doctors and patients to lifestyle factors contributing to disease, emphasizing that doctors are not immune to the same unhealthy habits. The piece also addresses the pressures and contradictions of medical culture, questioning whether doctors can truly offer sound health advice while they themselves are compromised by the very culture that fuels the diseases they treat.
How do medical logics translate the signs of somatic and behavioural dysfunctions. The case of Ayurveda and Indian folk medicine
European review for medical and pharmacological sciences
Aim of the study was to ascertain if a common cultural feeling of young people toward health, disease, physician's role and doctor-patient relationship, is present, and if under- and post-graduate students concepts and opinions modify during their stay in a School of Medicine. The study (1999-2001) was performed by anonymous questionnaires with 75 students (m = 28; f = 47) of the State School of Medicine, tested at the 3rd year, and with 73 students (m = 29; f = 44) tested at the 5th year of course; moreover with 71 (m = 30, f = 41) postgraduate residents at the 3rd year of specialty (Internal Medicine, Cardiology and Surgery). A group of 76 (m = 33; f = 43) students of the last year of a high school was also tested as reference group. Interference of medical under- and post-graduate school curricula on thoughts of youngsters toward health, disease, physician's role and doctor-patient relationship appears quite limited. Dissimilar way of thinking of medical vs. non-medical s...
Journal of the Ceylon College of Physicians, 2019
Collegium antropologicum, 2013
Eighteen years experience of teaching medical anthropology at a Hungarian medical school offers insight into the dynamics of interference between the rationalist epistemological tradition of biomedicine as one of the central paradigms of modernism and the cultural relativism of medical anthropology, as cultural anthropology is considered to be one of the generators of postmodern thinking. Tracing back the informal "prehistory" of our Institute, we can reveal its psychosomatic, humanistic commitment and critical basis as having represented a kind of counterculture compared with the technocrats of state-socialist Hungary's health ideology. The historical change and socio-cultural transition in Hungary after 1989 was accompanied by changes in the medical system as well as in philosophy and in the structure of the teaching of social sciences. The developing pluralism in the medical system together with the pluralism of social ideologies allowed the substitution of the dogm...
British Journal of General Practice, 2021
BACKGROUND The rise of non-communicable diseases, many of which share common risk factors of smoking, alcohol, poor diet, and physical inactivity, has resulted in calls to develop and expand lifestyle medicine, giving 'hope to those suffering from chronic illness' (https://bslm.org.uk/). It has been argued that lifestyle medicine should be recognised as a new medical specialty, 1 with primary care leading. There are numerous drivers for lifestyle medicine (Box 1). Our analysis does not aim to argue against the importance of these drivers as many of them are well informed. Instead we seek to balance existing discussions with aspects that, in our opinion, have been less well considered. With this in mind, we focus on the unintended consequences of uncritical endorsement and application of lifestyle medicine including the infiltration of pseudoscience, profiteering, and the potential for widening health inequalities by a continued focus on the 'individual'. We stress the need for greater attention to public health and community-level interventions and a more critical approach to current practice. WHAT IS 'LIFESTYLE MEDICINE'? Medical practice guidelines often advise on 'lifestyle factors'. These are usually in the form of individual behaviours that impact on health, framed as modifiable, often related to smoking, alcohol intake, physical activity, diet, and, to a lesser degree, sleep quality, stress, and social factors. However, translation of guidelines into achievable real-world benefits outside clinical trials is challenging. The British Society of Lifestyle Medicine (BSLM) describes lifestyle medicine as 'an established approach that focuses on improving the health and wellbeing of individuals and populations … It requires an understanding and acknowledgement of the physical, emotional, environmental and social determinants of disease.' (https:// bslm.org.uk/). Society membership is open to registered health professionals, who can take a diploma, and associate membership is available to others, such as reflexologists, homeopaths, herbalists, and naturopaths. Some have called for greater inclusion of lifestyle medicine education in professional training, including medical curricula, 2 based on evidence that knowledge of
Philosophy, ethics, and humanities in medicine : PEHM, 2006
There is a fairly closed circle between culture, language, meaning, and truth such that the world of a given culture is a world understood in terms of the meanings produced in that culture. Medicine is, in fact, a subculture of a powerful type and has its own language and understanding of the range of illnesses that affect human beings. So how does medicine get at the truth of people and their ills in such a way as to escape its own limited constructions? There is a way out of the closed circle implicit in the idea of a praxis and the engagement with reality that is central to it and the further possibility introduced by Jacques Lacan that signification is never comprehensive in relation to the subject's encounter with the real. I will explore both of these so as to develop a conception of truth that is apt for the knowledge that arises in the clinic.
The International Journal of Ethical Leadership, 2024
Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 1982
Anthropologists, including medical anthropologists, have directed their attention to the medical and other cultural systems beyond the frontiers of their own, principally Western societies. In their neglect, anthropologists may have followed an assumption of the neglected medicine itself, that it is scientific, and thus, they assume, beyond culture. The essays in this volume i explore a new frontier of medical anthropology: physicians of Western medicine. Such studies are of methodological and substantive significance in both medicine and anthropology. Medicine and its practitioners form a central institution of any society, reflecting and shaping its basic values of health and well-being, while employing and furthering its vital knowledge of human function. The essays here explore the theory and practice of Biomedicine, its cultural character, its cultural roots, and its cultural implications. They take Biomedicine as an ethnomedicine. While the medicine of our society is often regarded as monolithic,the essays here distinguish the very different disciplines which comprise our medicinethe many medicines. Not only is there a multiplicity of "specialties" within Biomedicine, but there are significant differences of ideology and practice which divide specialties and link them with others. Here we document the way in which these specialties and divisions defme their work, for example, 'physiological integrity', 'Christian psychiatry', and 'family medicine', thus shaping the beliefs and practices of the practitioner's world. Ethnography is inherently a comparative enterprise. Yet in our ethnographies of non-Western medicines, the standard of comparison has been a presumed ideal, a myth. We are concerned here to develop an ethnography of the clinical reality of Biomedicine, its divisions, its coherence, its incoherence. Biomedicine has been used also as a metric, a grid,-its nosological and sociological categories assumed universally applicable-'parasitic infection', 'depression', 'efficacy', 'the sick role', and even the distinction between 'patient' and 'healer'. Anthropological research has considered traditional 'psychiatrists' (Edgerton 1977) and even what might be called 'group therapy' (Crapanzano 1973), as well as ethno-obstetrics (McClain 1978), 'primitive surgery' (Ackerkneckt 1978), ethno-orthopedics (bone setters), and other indigenous healers. Some works have also given us accounts of the development and socialization of healers in traditional societies (e.g., Harvey 1979;.,Shchs 1947). Further exploration of our own medicine will elucidate its cultural,bases and provide firmer grounds for observation and comparison. If we are to understand disease and healing as universal rather than local phenomena, a fully
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