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Poolewe: The last Bronze Age hoard in Scotland?
Matthew G. Knight, Dot Boughton and J. Peter Northover
This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in
Archaeological Journal on 23rd November 2020, available online:
https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/00665983.2020.1824883.
Fifty free e-prints are available to download here:
https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/PUQMEAYVKJAZXRSVCA8J/full?target=10.
1080/00665983.2020.1824883
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Poolewe: The last Bronze Age hoard in Scotland?
Matthew G. Knighta*, Dot Boughtonb and J. Peter Northoverc
a
Curator of Prehistory, Scottish History and Archaeology, National Museums Scotland,
Edinburgh, Scotland, United Kingdom EH1 1JF; b Archaeological small finds specialist,
Independent; c Honorary Research Associate, School of Archaeology, University of
Oxford
*
[email protected]; ORCiD: 0000-0001-6880-4417
In 1877, a hoard of nine copper alloy objects was recovered from a peat bog at Poolewe,
Scotland, including axeheads, rings and an ornament. For the first time since its
discovery, this article publishes the hoard in its entirety, including an assessment of
typological features, full illustration and metallurgical analysis. Components of the hoard
are characteristic of the British Llyn Fawr / Earliest Iron Age period (800–600 BC)
suggesting the date of deposition, which is confirmed by a radiocarbon date from the
wooden haft of an axehead. However, set in the broader context of Scotland and Britain
during this period, it is suggested that this hoard in fact represents the last vestiges of the
Late Bronze Age hoarding practice in Scotland.
Keywords: hoard, Scotland, Bronze Age, Earliest Iron Age, Llyn Fawr, socketed
axehead
A hoard of nine bronze objects was excavated from a peat bog at Poolewe, Highland,
Scotland during the late nineteenth century. It contained five socketed axeheads, three
annular rings and a cup-ended ornament (Figure 1). Three of the axeheads fit
typologically into the British Llyn Fawr / Earliest Iron Age period (c.800–600 BC),
providing the earliest date of deposition, though aspects of the deposit suggest links with
practices more common during the Late Bronze Age (c.1000-800 BC). It is the only
definite hoard dating to this period from Scotland and has a long history in the National
Museum of Scotland’s collections, yet it has received little dedicated research. In 2019
the hoard went on display at Gairloch Museum, making now an apt occasion to present
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new or otherwise unpublished research on this group of objects. This paper details the
history and contents of the hoard, its dating in light of new radiocarbon dates, and
metallurgical analysis of the objects. We conclude by discussing the hoard’s position in
Scotland and Britain during the Earliest Iron Age and highlighting that in fact it might
represent the last traces of the Late Bronze Age hoarding tradition in Scotland.
Figure 1: The Poolewe hoard. Photo: Neil McLean © National Museums Scotland
History of discovery
The hoard was recovered in 1877 from Poolewe, near Gairloch, by Mr Hector Maciver
while digging peat. It was acquired by Sir Kenneth Mackenzie of Gairloch in 1879 and
recorded in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland in 1880 by William
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Jolly. The exact findspot is unknown; however, Jolly’s account provides a good
indication:
several Bronzes were come upon, on the high ground overlooking the River Ewe
on the north side, some distance beyond the Public School… They were found 6
feet below the surface, all in one spot (Jolly 1880, 46).
This helps confirm the authenticity of the group of objects as a hoard, and allows us to
approximate the findspot. A peat bog south of the current Poolewe Primary School (i.e.
the ‘Public School’ referred to by Jolly) provides the most likely findspot with the grid
reference NG 863 804, now known as Lochan Dubh na Mòine (Figures 2 and 3). Lochan
Dubh na Mòine forms a natural depression, which was originally a lochan before peat
deposition, and still remains very wet and boggy, even during long, dry spells. Moreover,
this spot has a significant depth of peat (at least 2m) and there is evidence of relatively
recent peat cutting around the margins. The River Ewe flows on the north side of this
findspot, and it is located relatively high in the area, making it a possible candidate for
the reported ‘high ground’. The highest point is a nearby hill called Creag an Fhithich,
though this has no evidence of historic peat cutting. Thus, we can be reasonably confident
Lochan Dubh na Mòine is the approximate findspot.1
1
The authors are grateful to Jim Buchanan for his local knowledge and assistance in determining
the probable findspot.
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Figure 2: Probable findspot of the Poolewe hoard. Map (left): courtesy of Jim Buchanan.
Figure 3: Oblique drone photograph of findspot of Poolewe hoard. Photo: Jim Buchanan.
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In 1881, Sir Kenneth Mackenzie presented one of the nine objects, a cup-ended
ornament, to the then National Museum of Antiquities of Scotland (Acc. No. X.DO 20).
One of the annular rings was retained by the finder, Mr Maciver, and its whereabouts is
now unknown. The location of the rest of the hoard after 1881 was unknown until 1958
when Professor John Coles rediscovered it in Conan House, Conon Bridge, the ancestral
home of the Mackenzie family. The hoard was then loaned to the National Museum of
Antiquities of Scotland, where it resided until 2019, when the hoard, including the cupended ornament, was redisplayed at Gairloch Museum.
Contents
The hoard comprised two complete and three incomplete socketed axeheads, three
annular rings (one now lost) and a cup-ended ornament (Figure 4). All objects bear a
similar bronze patina, which is the result of having been cleaned and stripped postrecovery; this has caused some surface degradation of all objects. Dimensions are
recorded in millimetres. The typology for the axeheads follows Boughton (2015).
1. Socketed axehead, Type Sompting, Kingston variant
Length 112.7; surviving cutting edge width 58.7; socket mouth dimensions (external)
(width x height) 46.5x45.2; socket mouth dimensions (internal) (width x height)
34.1x35.5; weight 346.30g
Largely complete cast socketed axehead with a sub-rectangular socket and a thick collar
moulding. There are three vertical parallel ribs on both faces each terminating in a single
pellet. The outer ribs descend from the moulding, though the central rib descends from a
horizontal rib connecting the two outer ribs. The body of the axehead is narrow and
expands to an incomplete broad crescentic cutting edge; no original edge survives and
part of one face has fragmented. There is a small casting flaw near the thick side of the
loop, but otherwise the axehead appears to have been cast well and prepared after casting.
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Figure 4: The Poolewe hoard. Illustration Marion O’Neil © National Museums Scotland
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2. Socketed axehead, Type Sompting, Tower Hill variant
Length 112.2; cutting edge width 69.0; socket mouth dimensions (external) 44.0x41.9;
socket mouth dimensions (internal) 29.5x31.0; weight 355.02g
Complete cast socketed axehead with a circular socket and a thick bulbous collar
moulding. The body is plain and undecorated and the sides gradually diverge from a
narrow waist below the collar to a broad flared cutting edge. This edge is slightly dented,
but it is difficult to relate this to evidence of use. Casting seams are prominent but show
signs of some working and there is no casting material surviving around the socket.
A piece of wooden haft (Quercus or Fraxinus sp., not heartwood) was preserved in
the socket of this axehead measuring 66.4mm long (see Figure 1). This wood has
evidence of charring, suggesting fire-hardening, and is wedge-shaped with a rectangular
section to fit into the socket.
3. Socketed axehead, type uncertain
Surviving length 32.3; cutting edge width 68.6; width at break 48.2; thickness at break
13.8; weight 92.12g
Cutting-edge fragment of a cast socketed axehead, broken about 10mm above the internal
aperture, probably in antiquity. There are no signs of casting flaws in the broken metal,
though the core was at a slight angle during casting, creating thicker and thinner parts of
the socket walls, the thinnest being 0.8mm and the thickest 4.5mm. There is a shallow
circular depression (about 10mm diameter) on one face associated with the breakage,
causing bowing of the metal in this area. The cutting edge is broad and slightly curved,
indicating a Sompting type. The edge appears to have been worked and there are minor
chips, which could indicate use-wear.
4. Socketed axehead, Type Sompting, Tower Hill variant?
Length 92.5; cutting edge width 63.1; weight 167.42g. Socket dimensions are not
observable.
Incomplete body and cutting edge of a miscast socketed axehead. The surviving upper
body indicates it would have possessed a sub-rectangular socketed mouth with a single
bulbous collar moulding. The body of the axehead is plain and the sides diverge to a
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slightly curved cutting edge. The axehead is incomplete as a result of failing to fill the
mould during casting, though additional fragmentation has occurred since removal from
the mould. The overall casting quality is poor and the surface is very porous.
5. Socketed axehead, uncertain or possibly Transitional
Length 57.7; cutting edge width 37.2; weight 40.61g. Socket dimensions are not
observable.
Incomplete small cast socketed axehead, broken across half of the socket and down one
face of the axehead. Evidence of a single bulbous collar moulding survives, and the
remaining body is plain with a crescentic cutting edge. The surviving surface is pitted and
porous and there is a black concretion residue on the inside of the socket which probably
represents some of the original burnt core material. On the exterior surface around the
side loop there is a slightly silvery patina which seems to represent the original uncleaned
surface.
6. Annular ring, possibly harness fitting
External diameter 47.2x48.3; internal diameter 30.3x30.3; width of ring 9.1; thickness of
ring 8.3; weight 29.18g
Complete circular annular ring with a hollow circular section and a sub-rectangular
perforation. Small casting flaw in the exterior surface on one side.
7. Annular ring, vessel ring handle Class B2 (Gerloff 2010, No.61)
External diameter 83.7; internal diameter 65.3; width of bar 6.6 / 3.6; thickness of bar
9.7; weight 53.12g
Complete cast circular annular ring with an inverted T-shaped section and covered with a
pitted black and bronze patina.
8. Cup-ended ornament / “dress-fastener”
Maximum width of ornament (terminal to terminal) 118.6; bar width 6.1; bar thickness
4.4; terminal diameter (width x height) 51.4x54.3 and 51.8x52.6; weight 61.27g
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Complete cast penannular bar ornament with concave circular terminals. The bar of the
ornament has an oval cross-section and expands smoothly out to the terminals with no
signs of a join on the exterior. The centre of the interior of the terminals has a raised lip.
There is some dark grey concretion around the centre of each terminal which appears to
represent the original patina. There are two fragmentary holes in each terminal where the
metal is thinnest; this could be related to corrosion or, alternatively, excessive wear.
9. Annular ring, now lost
Details of this object are unknown, but it was described as ‘similar to these [the surviving
rings]’ (Jolly 1880, 46). Previous authors have assumed this was the same as the vessel
ring handle (e.g. Gerloff 2010, 178; Boughton 2015, 239), but it could equally be similar
to the hollow annular ring.
Typologies and features of individual finds
Socketed axeheads
Of the five socketed axeheads in the Poolewe hoard, three, possibly four, are Somptingtype axeheads or variants of, and one is a small specimen of Transitional type.
Sompting-type axeheads are the most characteristic Earliest Iron Age axehead
type produced and used around 800–600 BC (Boughton 2015, 38–42). They are the
largest of the entire corpus of Late Bronze Age and Earliest Iron Age socketed axeheads;
whilst other Earliest Iron Age socketed axeheads are often small, light, thinly cast and
have a high tin-content (11.45-22.96%) (Northover 1987, 186-187), the axeheads
described as ‘Sompting’ are comparatively large and heavy (Boughton 2015, 38). One of
us (DB) has recently reassessed the definition of Sompting axeheads presented by Colin
Burgess (1971, 268) and key characteristics include their broad cutting edge (c. 6070mm), their overall shape and size, and their heavy weight (c.400g) (Boughton 2015,
150–152, figs 5.62–5.65; Burgess 1971, 268). The Poolewe examples all possess these
features.
Transitional axeheads are defined by slightly more elaborate decoration (Late
Bronze Age socketed axeheads are mostly plain or ribbed) or a slightly bigger than
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average size (e.g. 300-400g) (Boughton 2015, 94–101). In general, they share features of
both Late Bronze Age and Earliest Iron Age axeheads. Although the Poolewe example is
small and its socket damaged, it can be confidently placed within this type category due
to its uncharacteristically splayed blade.
All the axeheads showed signs of post-casting preparation, including the filing of
casting sprues around the socket mouth and the casting seams down either side of the
axeheads. This has even been performed on Axehead No.4, which is an incomplete
miscast Sompting form. Despite having an incomplete socket and no side loop, the
casting flash has been removed and it has a widely splayed, sharpened cutting edge. Postrecovery cleaning obscures definite signs of use-wear on the axeheads, but it is likely that
some if not all were used prior to deposition. The surviving piece of hafting in Axehead
No.2 illustrates this possibility, indicating that the axehead would have been a functional
tool and may have been deposited with its haft.
The complete nature of Axehead No.2 contrasts with the cutting-edge fragment of
a socketed axehead (No.3), which was deliberately fragmented. Recent work on the
deliberate destruction of socketed axeheads has demonstrated that breakage such as this
was achieved by heating and striking the axehead with a blunt object (Knight 2017).
Close analysis of the fragment revealed a faint circular hammer mark at the point of
breakage on one face (Figure 5); furthermore, the socket wall is slightly bowed inwards
at this point, all indicating intentional fragmentation. The deliberate fragmentation of
axeheads, and indeed other bronze implements, was common in the Ewart Park phase of
the Late Bronze Age (Knight 2017; Turner 2010) but is less common with Llyn Fawr
period metalwork (Boughton 2015, 209–210, 264).
The wooden haft from Axehead No.2 has been sampled twice for radiocarbon
dating: once in the mid-1990s and again in 2018. Both samples were processed by
SUERC for radiocarbon dating by AMS, with the graphite target for the first sample
measured at the University of Arizona (AA-). AA-29710 (2465 ±40 BP) was processed
following pre-treatment methods detailed in Stenhouse and Baxter (1983) and graphitized
following the method described in Slota et al. (1987). The sample was measured by AMS
following Donahue et al. (1997). Using the internationally-agreed calibration curve
(IntCal13) of Reimer et al (2013), the maximum intercept method (Stuiver and Reimer
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Figure 5: The hammer blow on the fragmented socketed axehead. Photo: M. Knight ©
National Museums Scotland
1986), and the OxCal computer program (Bronk Ramsey 2009), the result is calibrated to
780–400 cal BC (95% confidence). The second sample (SUERC-81222) was processed
in 2018, following the methods of Dunbar et al. (2016), and it provided a radiocarbon age
of 2553 ±21 BP (Knight 2019a), which calibrates to 800–560 cal BC (95% confidence),
with the 68% confidence interval at 790–760 cal BC (Figure 6). The two results are
statistically consistent (T’=3.8; df=1; T’(5%)=3.8; Ward and Wilson 1978) and consistent
with the expected typology of the axehead, with a high likelihood that it was hafted, and
perhaps deposited, in the first half of the 8th century BC (D. Hamilton pers. comm.).
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Figure 6: The calibrated date on the wooden axe haft fragment (SUERC-81222)
(provided by SUERC, University of Glasgow)
Perforated annular ring
The Poolewe annular ring is an unusual form but is consistent with the production of
solid and hollow annular rings in the Late Bronze Age and Earliest Iron Age. The annular
ring shows no signs of wear, though we must accept some of this may have been removed
through cleaning. Upon initial inspection, it was posited that this object may have
functioned as a terret or piece of horse gear, but the lack of observable wear on the
interior of the ring, even accepting the effects of cleaning, does not indicate reins having
passed through it. It could have alternatively functioned as a mount or accoutrement.
Vessel ring handle(s)
The vessel ring handle typologically fits within Gerloff’s Class B2 series, broadly dating
to c.675–600 BC (2010, 181–183). Although it cannot be conclusively attributed to either
a bucket or a cauldron, Gerloff notes its similarity in size to the Class B2 cauldron ring
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handles in the Sompting hoard, Sussex, as well as highlighting the current absence of
bucket handles with similar cross-sections (2010, 178). As with the annular ring, the
Poolewe vessel ring handle shows limited signs of wear.
Cup-ended ornament
Cup-ended ornaments (alternatively ‘dress fasteners’) are almost exclusively produced in
gold during the Late Bronze Age in Britain and Ireland (c.1000–800 BC) (Eogan 1994,
88). Whilst eighteen gold examples are known from Late Bronze Age hoards and as
single finds in Scotland (Eogan 1994, 142–144), the Poolewe ornament is the only
confirmed copper alloy version known (see below). It is therefore anomalous for its
production in bronze and its presence in an otherwise Earliest Iron Age hoard. The
surface of the Poolewe ornament appears to have been damaged by post-recovery
cleaning, particularly where it is thinnest at the terminal, though this may also represent a
degree of wear raising the possibility that it may have been an already old object when
deposited. This point is explored further below.
An important aspect of the bronze cup-ended ornament is its manufacture.
Maryon suggested that gold cup-ended ornaments in their simplest forms were cast, but
alternative examples with larger cup terminals, such as those in Ireland, required the
terminals to be produced first and then the bar of the ornament was cast onto the
terminals (1938, 201-203). Alternatively, the components may be produced separately
and attached by soldering or ‘burning together’ the different elements, creating a
seamless join (Maryon 1938, 201-203). Conceivably, such a method could be used for
producing a copper alloy counterpart. The bar of the Poolewe ornament seamlessly
expands into the terminals and there is no evidence that the terminals were hammered out
(Figure 7), so it is possible that these were cast onto the bar using a lost-wax casting
process. Further analysis of this object involving microscopy or x-ray was not possible as
part of the present research but would help clarify aspects of manufacture in the future.
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Figure 7: The bronze cup-ended ornament. Photo: Neil McLean © National Museums
Scotland
Metallurgical analysis by J.P. Northover
The metallurgical study of the Poolewe hoard took place in two stages. The first consisted
of the analysis of the vessel ring handle (No. 7) as part of a programme of metallurgy for
inclusion in a catalogue of Atlantic cauldrons and buckets (Northover 2010), while the
second comprised the analysis of six of the other seven locatable objects. This was
carried out as part of a project of characterising Scottish Late Bronze Age hoards,
consequent upon the detailed study of the St Andrew’s, Fife, hoard (Cowie, Northover
and O’Connor 1998). Objects were selected on the basis of a recognisable typology
meaning that the axehead fragment (No. 3) was excluded.
All samples were drilled, using a 1mm diameter drill bit, hot-mounted in a carbon
filled thermosetting resin, and ground and polished to a 1µm diamond finish. Analysis
was by electron probe microanalysis, for twelve elements in the case of the ring handle
(No. 7), and thirteen, including sulphur, for the other objects; detection limits were 100200ppm. Three analyses were made on each sample; the mean compositions, normalised
to 100%, are presented in Table 1; all concentrations are in weight %.
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Table 1: Compositional analysis of the Poolewe objects
Hoard Sample Object
Fe
Co
No.
1
Ed620 Socketed axehead, 0.00 0.02
Sompting
2
Ed640 Socketed axehead, 0.07 0.05
Sompting
4
Ed611 Socketed axehead, 0.02 0.00
fragmentary
5
Ed618 Socketed axehead, 0.06 0.00
?Transitional
6
Ed614 Hollow annular
0.06 0.06
ring
7
SIMG8 Vessel ring handle 0.04 0.03
9
8
Ed726 Cup-ended
0.01 0.01
ornament
16
Ni
Cu
Zn
As
Sb
Sn
Ag
Bi
Pb
Au
S
0.07
86.3
3
88.8
3
94.0
6
88.6
5
87.5
4
87.3
9
89.8
2
0.00
0.52
0.02
0.03
0.25
2.50
0.01
0.02
0.00
0.20
0.12
0.06
0.00
0.32
0.01
0.02
0.00
0.29
0.11
10.2
2
10.2
0
4.80
0.05
0.02
0.49
0.00
0.01
0.01
0.27
0.17
9.48
0.12
0.01
1.08
0.00
0.03
0.00
0.09
0.07
0.03
0.01
1.67
0.00
0.10
0.00
0.20
0.00
0.03
0.01
0.60
0.00
0.01
0.16
0.05
10.2
6
12.2
7
9.33
0.06
0.03
0.39
0.07
0.14
0.14
0.12
0.10
0.03
0.03
0.02
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All the analysed objects were cast in medium-tin, unleaded or low-lead bronze,
except for the miscast socketed axehead (No. 4) which is in a low tin bronze with 4.8%
tin and 0.5% lead. The seven analysed objects can be grouped into five impurity patterns,
two pairs (Nos 4 and 5, and Nos 2 and 6) and three individual pieces (Nos 1, 7 and 8), a
variety that shows at once that the metal supply had not become homogenised by
repeated recycling and that new metal was entering the system.
The first pair (Nos 4 and 5) has an As/Sb/Ni/Ag impurity pattern, but the tin
contents differ widely at 4.8% and 9.5%. This pattern indicates that at least some portion
of the copper in the alloy is of Continental origin (Northover 1983). The same is true of
the second pair (Nos 2 and 6), but here there is a cobalt impurity as well (0.05-0.06%).
This is something very unusual in Britain but can be found elsewhere. The
comprehensive programme of analysis carried out for the lakeside settlement of ZugSumpf in Switzerland (Northover 2004) showed a consistent presence of As/Sb/Co/Ni/Ag
impurity patterns with a wide range of impurity concentrations, with Group 9d in the
Zug-Sumpf corpus matching these very well.
One of the complete Sompting axeheads (No. 1) has arsenic and bismuth as its
principal impurities, atypical for the Late Bronze Age but very typical of Anglesey and
Cornish copper at the end of the 18th century BC, so a British origin for the copper in this
axehead might be proposed (Northover and Wilcox 2013). There is some similarity
between the compositions of the vessel ring handle (No. 7) and the cup-ended ornament
(No. 8) and some connections might be suggested by the 0.03% each of cobalt and nickel
in the ring handle. A very similar pattern is seen in the base sheet of the cauldron from
Kincardine Moss (Gerloff 2010, No. 69), but with 0.05% cobalt and 0.06% nickel, while
the impurities in the top sheets are close to those of the cup-ended ornament. The
Kincardine Moss cauldron, one of Gerloff’s Class B3 cauldrons, Type Kincardine Moss,
is seen as representing some hybridisation between Atlantic cauldrons of Class B2 from
the Hallstatt C (Llyn Fawr) period and Continental cauldrons of Ha D (Gerloff 2010,
186–189). There is, though, no evidence for what handle arrangements B3 cauldrons had,
if any, so it is not possible to associate the Poolewe ring handle with such a cauldron.
To place the results from Poolewe in a broader context two sets of comparisons
were made: the first with other hoards from the mainland of Britain from the Llyn Fawr
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period (Figure 8), and the second with all Late Bronze Age hoards from Scotland
(Figure 9). The simplest means of visualising these is through bivariate scatter plots; this
is especially the case with the impurities, where concentrations are relatively low and
some element pairs are strongly correlated, thus limiting the usefulness of multivariate
statistics. Because the number of objects from Poolewe is small compared with the total
number of analyses in each plot, the symbols for Poolewe have been enlarged to aid
clarity. For the Llyn Fawr period the comparisons are only between axeheads and
axehead fragments since they occur in all the hoards and are in the majority in most.2 The
comparisons are made graphically, with plots of lead against tin in Figure 8a and nickel
against antimony in Figure 8b. The disadvantage in this comparison is that the other
hoards are in south-central and south-west England and south-east Wales. Regarding the
alloy used there is a clear difference between the Tower Hill, Oxfordshire, and
Figheldean Down, Wiltshire, axeheads in terms of tin content and between King’s
Weston Hill, Bristol, and Figheldean Down in lead content, even though the findspots are
relatively close to each other. Poolewe matches Leckwith Moors, Vale of Glamorgan, and
King’s Weston Hill most closely, except for the outlier with a low tin content, which is
closer to Tower Hill.
To discover if a similar patterning could be observed through the impurity
patterns, a plot was made of nickel against antimony (Figure 8b). With copper from
Continental Fahlerz sources nickel and antimony can be strongly correlated so this plot
can be used to differentiate between this and other types of source. The result is that we
see again a separation between the Tower Hill and Figheldean Down hoards. As might be
expected from different impurity groups the Poolewe data are split between three
axeheads which have similarities to Tower Hill axeheads, but with higher nickel and
antimony contents, and a single axehead which is close to Figheldean Down and King’s
Weston Hill axeheads, and also some similarity to some axeheads in the hoard from
Mylor, Cornwall. It is important to note, though, that the alloy contents and impurity
patterns do not correlate for the Poolewe data with the low tin bronze being associated
with the copper with the highest impurity content.
2
Much of the data was compiled for the publication of the Tower Hill, Oxfordshire hoard
(Coombs, Northover and Maskal 2004); the rest come from the writer’s own database.
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Figure 8: Comparisons of trace elements of socketed axeheads from select Earliest Iron
Age / Llyn Fawr copper alloy hoards in Britain with Poolewe: (a) lead and tin; (b) nickel
and antimony.
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Figure 9: Comparisons of trace elements from objects in Late Bronze Age hoards in Scotland
with Poolewe: (a) lead and tin; (b) nickel and antimony; (c) antimony and arsenic.
20
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The second question posed was the relationship of Poolewe to the overall
sequence of Scottish Late Bronze Age metalwork (c.1150-800 BC). In Figures 9a-c the
seven Poolewe analyses are plotted against the totality of analysed Scottish Late Bronze
Age bronze for lead and tin, nickel and antimony, and antimony and arsenic. In Figure
9a five of the alloys fall centrally in the Scottish distribution, with the vessel ring handle
having a slightly higher tin content; the low tin bronze axehead is an outlier for any stage
of the Late Bronze Age.
Turning to the impurities, nickel and antimony and antimony and arsenic can be
strongly correlated (Figures 9b and 9c). The Poolewe data fall off these trends, all the
antimony concentrations being below both. There has clearly been a change in the metal
supply circulating in Scotland. This change has not been explored to any great extent in
Britain, but there is another area of northern Europe where it has: Denmark (Liversage
2000). The corresponding change in Scandinavia is from Period V to Period VI and here,
also, there is a modest trend towards lower antimony contents in Denmark. For Scotland,
Poolewe may reflect a similar change. This is not to imply any direct connection between
Denmark and Scotland, rather that developments in the ultimate source area for much of
the copper influences the outcome in both Scotland and Denmark in a similar way. The
implications of this change in the metal supply are discussed below.
The objects in context
Having established key features of the individual objects and their metallurgy, they can
be contextualised alongside similar objects from Britain to establish their individual
significance. The hoard is then compared with Late Bronze Age and Earliest Iron Age
hoards and set within the wider context of Scotland and Britain.
Socketed axeheads
Considering the entire corpus of Earliest Iron Age metalwork from Britain dating from c.
800–600 BC, the predominant artefact type is without doubt the socketed axehead. More
than 1400 Earliest Iron Age socketed axeheads and at least six moulds are now known
from Britain (Boughton 2015, 2). Forty-seven socketed axeheads are from Scotland, ten
from three possible associations (including the five from Poolewe) and 37 as single finds;
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22
at least four moulds are known from three sites in Scotland (Figure 10). The nearest
broadly contemporary deposit to Poolewe is an iron socketed axehead, now lost, reported
from Inveran, south of Poolewe on the edge of Loch Maree (MacKie 1967), probably
dating to the Llyn Fawr period, or perhaps slightly later. However, compared to the
region’s actual size, Scotland has only a very small corpus of Earliest Iron Age socketed
axeheads (Boughton 2015, 319–321), making Poolewe a significant concentration of the
overall. The number of single finds of Earliest Iron Age socketed axeheads (37) is
comparable to that of Boughton’s Southern region (Hampshire, Dorset, Wiltshire, Isle of
Wight) (33) but the density of finds is much higher in the south than it is in Scotland
(Boughton 2015, 242f., 322).
The unassociated socketed axeheads show a wide distribution across Scotland, but
there are very few notable clusters and concentrations of specific axehead types. The
associated axeheads and single finds share one common trait, however, which is that their
individual findspots are either in the Scottish Lowlands or quite close to the coast. There
are few finds from the Scottish Highlands and even in southern Scotland none of the
axeheads were found on higher ground or in the upland areas. The location of Poolewe so
far north is therefore unusual.
Its location on the west coast, however, is perhaps less anomalous when we
consider the small cluster of single axeheads further south in Argyll and Bute. Two
ceramic mould fragments for producing Sompting axeheads recovered from Little
Dunagoil, Bute (Coles 1960, 89), suggest this may also have been an area in which these
axeheads were produced. Alongside this we can consider two sets of complete bivalve
stone moulds for Sompting axeheads from Rosskeen in the eastern Highland region
(Wilson 1863, 345–346).3 Coles (1960, 36–37) suggests that in the light of the discovery
of three sets of moulds for casting decorated Sompting axeheads, Scotland was probably
not only a recipient of such axeheads, but also a producer. This is supported by recent
finds of moulds for Earliest Iron Age socketed axeheads from the prehistoric settlement at
Bellfield Farm, North Kessock, Highland, on the east coast alongside a range of other
3
Due to a complex history post-recovery in which they were separated, these two mould sets have
previously been erroneously disassociated and attributed very different provenances, one from Ardrossan,
Ayrshire, and one from Stittenham, Rosskeen. It is clear from Wilson’s (1863, 345–346) account and
illustrations that these two moulds are in fact from the same site in Rosskeen.
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23
Figure 10: A map of Earliest Iron Age / Llyn Fawr axeheads and moulds from Scotland.
Sites mentioned in text are labelled. Finds with an imprecise findspot (e.g. ‘Scotland’)
have not been mapped.
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24
object moulds (Clark et al. 2017; see below). In connection with this, it is noteworthy that
only two moulds for Sompting-type axeheads are known from England: Melcombe
Horsey, Dorset, and Ham Hill, Somerset (Boughton 2015, Nos 640 and 1409). However,
no moulds have been found in regions with the greatest concentrations of Sompting-type
axeheads: the Thames Valley and East Anglia (Boughton 2015).
In northern England, there is metalworking evidence from the Furness peninsula,
Cumbria, where a piece of casting residue was found in a hoard with three socketed
axeheads at Ulverston, Cumbria (Boughton 2015, Nos 1395-1397). Furthermore, the two
decorated axeheads from Ulverston were made in the same mould or from the same
mould template as one of the axeheads from an older hoard from the Furness (Skelmore
Heads, Cumbria) and a single find from Dunnichen, Angus (Boughton 2015, 320); even
though no mould was found in the Furness, the metalworking evidence suggests that all
four axeheads were made in the Furness peninsula.
This allows us an insight into the different ‘histories’ axeheads may have. One of
the axeheads from Ulverston and the axehead from Skelmore Heads were deposited in ascast conditions while the axehead from Angus shows clear signs of wear and resharpening on both the upper and lower surfaces of the body (Boughton 2015, Nos 193,
1245 and 1395). This suggests that it probably had a longer ‘life’ than the two axeheads
from the Furness which were never finished. One can draw parallels here with the miscast axehead in the Poolewe hoard showing signs of use-wear. Similarly, at Shelford,
Nottinghamshire, a miscast Late Bronze Age–Earliest Iron Age axehead had been
prepared for use despite its imperfect form (Boughton 2015, No. 930). This contrasts with
other complete axeheads from Earliest Iron Age contexts that have not been prepared or
used.
The contexts in which Earliest Iron Age socketed axeheads were deposited, which
includes places near settlements, coasts and hilltops, infer no overall preference
(Boughton 2015), but across Britain, places in or close to watery locations are common
contexts, a trend that continues from the Late Bronze Age (Boughton 2015, 321; Bradley
1998 [1990]; O’Connor 2007a). In Scotland, most depositions of Earliest Iron Age
axeheads were made near the sea or a river or loch, though, apart from Poolewe, their
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25
recovery from within wetland locations is unknown;4 thus, while the deposition of the
Poolewe hoard in proximity to a sea loch broadly conforms with the expected practice for
depositing axeheads between 800–600 BC, its deposition in a peat bog, possibly in or
near a former lochan, stands out in Scotland. By contrast, Late Bronze Age hoards and
depositions in Scotland have commonly been recovered from peat bogs, often including
axeheads, such as an axehead and gouge from Achnahannait, Skye, or the hoard of
axeheads, tools and ornaments from Adabrock, Harris (Coles 1960, 110, 127). Moreover,
Jolly’s (1880) original account of the Poolewe hoard describes earlier Bronze Age
metalwork found nearby, including axeheads and spearheads. This suggests the Poolewe
hoard was deposited according to widely understood practices and in a landscape that had
a long history of deposition; practices in this area may have been undertaken according to
past traditions, thus reflecting the continuation of important concepts from the period
1100-800 BC and including new forms of objects, such as Sompting axeheads.
Well-dated contexts for Sompting-type axeheads are rare, particularly in northern
Britain, and dating of these axeheads has mainly been performed using typological
analysis extrapolated from the few well-associated hoards and by comparisons with
artefacts from Britain and continental Europe. This emphasises the significance of the
Poolewe dates, as these represent the only direct radiocarbon dates from an object within
a Llyn Fawr hoard in Britain. The only other radiocarbon date directly associated with a
Sompting axehead comes from the River Thames (see Table 2), though dated contexts
from which Sompting-type axeheads have been recovered infer their continued
production and use throughout the Llyn Fawr period. A fragment of a possible Sompting
axehead fragment was recovered from the basal accumulation layers of the midden at
East Chisenbury, Wiltshire, which produced radiocarbon dates suggesting deposition
during the ninth–eighth centuries cal BC (Waddington et al. 2018, 29). At the Llanmaes
midden site, Vale of Glamorgan, fragments of Earliest Iron Age/Early Iron Age
metalwork, including multiple Sompting and Armorican axeheads, were probably
deposited c.675–530/520 BC based on typo-chronological associations and other
radiocarbon dates from the site (Gwilt et al. 2016, 309–315; A. Gwilt pers. comm.). Other
One exception may be a Sompting-type axehead from ‘Corsbie Tower’, which may have been recovered
from a nearby peat bog (Knight 2019b, 35).
4
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26
hoards and associations, such as the eponymous Sompting hoard, similarly suggests that
Sompting axeheads were in use into the late seventh century BC (Boughton 2015;
O’Connor 2007a, 71–73). The radiocarbon date associated with the Poolewe example
thus infers that its hafting and use falls relatively early in the overall development and
circulation of Sompting axeheads.
Table 2: Radiocarbon dates directly associated with Earliest Iron Age / Llyn Fawr
metalwork in Britain
Findspot
Poolewe,
Highland
Broom,
Warwickshire
Buscott Lock,
Oxfordshire
Llanmaes, Vale
of Glamorgan
River Thames,
Kew Deer Park,
Middlesex
East
Chisenbury,
Wiltshire
Material
dated
Axe haft
(Quercus
or
Fraxinus
sp., not
heartwood)
Charcoal
(Fraxinus
sp.,
heartwood)
Charcoal
(Fraxinus
sp.,
heartwood)
Axe haft
Pig
metatarsal
Axe haft
(Salix/
Populus)
Animal
bone
(sheep/goat
radius)
Carbonised
residue
from pot
sherd
Associated
metalwork
Context
BP
Hoard
2553±21
Sompting
axehead
Class B2
cauldron
fragments
Pyre site
with remains
of cremation
deposits and
charcoal
Iron
axehead
Class B2
cauldron
ring handle
fragment
Sompting
axehead
Single find
from river
Posthole
(F076) of
pre-midden
roundhouse
Single find
from river
Possible
Sompting
axehead
fragment
Midden
basal
accumulation
layer
(Trench A,
context 11)
cal BC (2σ,
95.4%
probability)
801–571
2465
±40
780-400
2570±55
833–520
Lab
code
Reference
SUERC81222
AA29710
Knight
2019a; this
paper
OxA6282
Gale in
Palmer
1999, 53
2475±55
773–416
OxA6283
2480±50
776–416
2492±33
782–418
OxA6216
UB–
6428
Needham et
al. 1997, 98
Gwilt et al.
2016, 301,
310, 322
2545±55
830–510
OxA4658
Needham et
al. 1997, 72
2682±29
897-802*
OxA20277
2521±28
794–739
(30.3%)
692–659
(14.9%)
651–543
(50.2%)*
OxA20217
Waddington
et al. 2018,
23
*Dates calibrated by authors using the OxCal computer programme, v.4.3 (Bronk Ramsey 2009), calibration curve
IntCal 13 (Reimer et al. 2013) for this paper.
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27
Perforated annular ring
The function and significance of the perforated hollow ring is difficult to determine,
especially as few parallels exist. Whilst solid and hollow annular rings are known from
Late Bronze Age and Earliest Iron Age hoards, few are perforated. Hawkes highlighted
similarities between the Poolewe ring and the perforated hollow rings in the Late Bronze
Age hoard from Trillick, Co. Tyrone (Hawkes and Clarke 1963, 227). This hoard
contained eight annular rings, a sunflower headed pin, a socketed hammer and a socketed
axehead (Eogan 1983, 161–162). Two of the rings are perforated with two vertical holes
opposite each other through the body from the outer edge to the inner edge, the function
of which is unclear. A similarly perforated ring was found in the Derryhale hoard, Co.
Armagh, associated with another bronze cup-ended ornament (Eogan 1983, 57–60; see
below). The alternative perforation arrangement on the Poolewe ring (i.e. horizontal
rather than vertical) means we cannot assume that these rings all served the same general
function though. A complex ring with eight horizontal perforations and a D-shaped
suspension loop was recovered as part of the Earliest Iron Age hoard from Tower Hill,
Oxfordshire, found with socketed axeheads, ornaments and copper alloy fragments,
though the original function of this ring is unclear (Coombs et al. 2004, 206, 215, figure
11.14) and it significantly differs from the Poolewe ring. Although dating much later, a
Roman harness fitting from Horncastle, Lincolnshire, is remarkably similar in form
(Staves 2006), suggesting that the Poolewe object could indeed be considered a harness
fitting, perhaps for a horse.5
Horse gear, including harnesses and cart fittings, are generally very rare in British
Late Bronze Age and Earliest Iron Age contexts; notable exceptions include multiple
hoards from Wales (Parc-y-Meirch, Denbighshire; Leckwith Moors, Cardiff; and the
eponymous Llyn Fawr assemblage, Vale of Glamorgan [O’Connor 1980, 419–420, Nos
217, 218; Savory 1980, 119, 187; Thomas 1989, 281]) and the collection of Late Bronze
Age terret rings and fittings from Horsehope, Scottish Borders (Piggott 1953). None of
this material matches the ring from Poolewe though and, importantly, there are no signs
of wear on the Poolewe ring that one might expect with a terret or harness. Nonetheless,
the ring probably functioned as an accoutrement of some kind.
5
The authors are grateful to Anna Lewis for highlighting this comparison.
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28
Vessel ring handle(s)
Cauldrons and buckets are viewed often as feasting vessels, though many of the Class B
cauldrons (from which the Poolewe handle may derive, specifically Class B2) may have
never been used, serving only as symbolic objects (Gerloff 2010, 196). Class B cauldrons
were massive and difficult to move, but if used for cooking and feasting they would have
fed a large number of people; the inclusion of a vessel ring handle in the Poolewe group
may therefore infer local communal cooking activities. Evidence for such feasting events
are lacking in Scotland but are most clearly seen at midden sites in southern Britain.
Excavations at the Llanmaes midden and pre-midden site revealed fragments of multiple
cauldrons, cups and ladles in association with swan’s neck pins and socketed axeheads,
deposited amongst animal remains and other bronze debris (Boughton 2015, 194; Gwilt
et al. 2016). The midden accumulated over time and may represent a site of communal
gathering or feasting, similar to the middens at Broom, Warwickshire, and East
Chisenbury and Potterne, both Wiltshire (Lawson and Allen 2000; McOmish, Field and
Brown 2010; Watson 1999). At Llanmaes, multiple fragments of Class B2 vessels were
found within the midden, as well as an incomplete vessel ring handle deposited in the
posthole of a pre-midden roundhouse associated with a pig metatarsal, which produced a
radiocarbon date of 782–418 cal BC (see Table 2; Gwilt et al. 2016, 310). At Broom,
Class B2 cauldron fragments were also found with associated dates in the Llyn Fawr
period or perhaps slightly later (see Table 2; Gale in Palmer 1999, 53). Gwilt et al. (2016,
309-310) suggest a depositional date for the Class B2 vessel fragments at Llanmaes in the
seventh century BC (675-600 BC) based on typo-chronological grounds and radiocarbon
dates from the lower midden layers; the vessel ring with associated radiocarbon dates
indicates use of vessels prior to the midden formation (see also Gerloff 2010, 181-183).
However, the associated date from Poolewe suggests an earlier production date for Class
B2 vessels in the eighth century BC. This would overlap with typologically earlier Class
B1 cauldrons, as suggested by Gerloff (2010, 182). As with the Sompting axeheads, it is
probable Class B2 vessels had a long sequence of production and circulation throughout
the period 800-600 BC, with the Poolewe example occurring towards the beginning of
this sequence.
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In Scotland, relatively few vessels are known from the Late Bronze Age and
Earliest Iron Age, with the earliest known example deposited at Hattonknowe, Scottish
Borders, c.1100–1000 BC (Buchan 1905). A largely complete bucket from Flanders
Moss, Stirling, could date to c.800 BC (Gerloff 2010, No.69). More commonly, vessels
are indicated by ring handles, such as those from the Duddingston Loch assemblage,
Edinburgh, and the hoards from Dowalton Loch, Dumfries and Galloway, and Dalduff,
South Ayrshire (Gerloff 2010, 90f., 272–274, Nos 26, 126 and 127), all dating to c.1000800 BC. There is none definitely known from the Llyn Fawr phase in Scotland. We can
thus assume that the use of large vessels, perhaps for communal feasting events, was
well-established, albeit uncommon, in Scotland by the time the Poolewe hoard was
deposited.
However, the single vessel ring from Poolewe raises an obvious question: where
is the rest of the vessel? The deposition of fragments or incomplete objects is common in
the Late Bronze Age, as highlighted by the Poolewe axehead cutting-edge fragment.
Moreover, the deliberate removal or fragmentation of ring handles from vessels has been
observed on multiple Late Bronze Age–Early Iron Age cauldrons across Britain and
Ireland, as at Llanmaes (Gerloff 2010, 196; Gwilt et al. 2016). One of the handles on the
Hattonknowe cauldron, for instance, had been deliberately removed, and the ring handles
in the Scottish hoards mentioned above may also have been intentionally separated from
the vessels. Depositing pairs of vessel rings and staples is occasionally seen across
Britain, such as in the Dalduff hoard, strengthening the possibility that the missing
annular ring from Poolewe was indeed another vessel ring. Reasons for deliberately
removing and depositing pairs of vessel rings are difficult to interpret. The deposition of
partial objects may represent a pars pro toto practice, in which part of an object is
deposited as a token of the original complete object (cf. Hansen 1994; 2016; Fontijn
2008; Knight 2018, 35, 433f.). However, such a theory does not necessarily explain the
combination of complete and incomplete objects in the hoard, nor the variety.
Cup-ended ornament
Eighteen gold cup-ended ornaments are known from Scotland (Eogan 1994, 142–144),
frequently deposited with other gold objects, as at Heights of Brae, Highland (Clarke and
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30
Kemp 1984), or else as single finds. By contrast, the Poolewe cup-ended ornament is the
only copper alloy example from Scotland and is one of only five possible examples
known from Britain and Ireland (Table 3). Another possible bronze example is recorded
to have come from an unspecified location attributed to ‘Scotland’ (Coles 1960, 91;
Wilson 1863, 461), though no further information is known and, although Wilson notes it
was donated to the (then) National Museum of Antiquities of Scotland, it can no longer
be located. Furthermore, Wilson’s account of this object compares it to a small ‘dilated
penannular ring’ (1863, 461) found with a gold cup-ended ornament from Galway,
Ireland. The smaller Galway ornament is better classed as a sleeve-fastener (Eogan 1983,
90-91); overall it seems unlikely the object in question is a true bronze cup-ended
ornament. A miniature bronze ornament recovered through metal-detecting from Powys
seems to represent a small variation of a bronze cup-ended ornament (Lodwick 2010) and
mimics the three-piece manufacture of larger gold examples where the terminals are
made separately (M. Cahill pers.comm.). The only secure association of another fullsized bronze cup-ended ornament is in the hoard from Derryhale, Northern Ireland
(Eogan 1983, 57–60). This hoard contained an axehead, knives, annular rings, sunflowerheaded pins and glass and faience beads and can be relatively dated to the Irish Dowris
phase (c.900–800 BC) equivalent to the British Ewart Park phase. This suggests that
bronze cup-ended ornaments were likely in circulation at the same time as their gold
counterparts, which are more numerous and date to c.1000–800 BC. This dating is
important as it suggests that the Poolewe ornament may have been produced earlier than
other objects in the hoard, but continued in circulation into the first half of the eighth
century BC when the hoard was most likely deposited. If we accept that the Poolewe
ornament was contemporary with gold versions, this raises two possibilities: the Poolewe
ornament was produced late in its expected sequence (c.800 BC); or was of some age
when deposited. Even if the former is the case, the radiocarbon date associated with the
hoard implies that the ornament could have been several years, if not decades, old when
deposited; this interpretation is strengthened by the possible wear on the terminals. This,
and its typologically anomalous nature, suggests we are dealing with a group of objects
that may have been accumulated over some time, a phenomenon that is increasingly
recognised in the British Bronze and Iron Ages (e.g. Boughton 2019; Hingley 2009; Joy
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31
2016; Knight 2019b; forthcoming). One hesitates to attribute an ‘heirloom’ status to the
ornament, but it probably accrued some social value over time.
Table 3: Certain or possible copper alloy cup-ended ornaments from Britain and Ireland
Site
Context
Associated
Notes
Reference
objects
1 Poolewe
Hoard
Socketed
This paper
axeheads,
annular rings
2 Derryhale,
Hoard
Socketed
Eogan 1983, 57–60
Co. Armagh,
axehead, knives,
Northern
annular rings,
Ireland
sunflower pins,
glass and faience
beads
3 ‘Ireland’
Uncertain Eogan 1994, 144
4 Brecon Gaer, Single
Miniature?
Lodwick 2010
Powys,
find
[incorrectly listed as
Wales
Dymock,
Gloucestershire]
5 ‘Scotland’ –
Uncertain Probably not Wilson 1863, 461;
provenance
a true cupColes 1960, 91
uncertain
ended
ornament
The Place of the Poolewe hoard in Earliest Iron Age Scotland and Britain
The Late Bronze Age–Earliest Iron Age transition c.800 BC has often been viewed
through the lens of the metalwork deposition (see Needham 2007). Large quantities of
bronze objects were deposited as single finds and in hoards across Britain and Europe
during the period 1150–800 BC. In Scotland, John Coles (1960) listed over 60 Late
Bronze Age hoards, the majority dating to the early first millennium BC; to this we can
add new discoveries in the sixty years since. A discovery of note is the Baile-a-Chladaidh
hoard from Dores, near Inverness, on the edge of Loch Ness. This hoard contained two
complete and two fragmentary socketed axeheads, a socketed gouge, a tanged chisel, one
complete and one fragmentary socketed knife and two pieces of casting jet (Clark et al.
2017, 50). Although typologically earlier, its Highland location and the combination of
complete and incomplete axeheads compares well with aspects of the Poolewe hoard.
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The overall character of Late Bronze Age hoards in Scotland is similar,
encompassing complete and/or fragmented weapons, tools and ornaments, largely
composed of bronze, but also including gold, amber, ceramic and stone objects. The
Balmashanner hoard, Angus, for instance, included a deliberately broken socketed
axehead fragment, bronze armlets and rings, fragments of a cast bronze bowl, gold
penannular rings, amber and cannel coal or shale beads, and an iron ring – the earliest
known iron object in Scotland – buried in a ceramic vessel (Anderson 1892; Coles 1960,
98–99; A. Sheridan pers. comm.). The Adabrock hoard, Lewis, was similarly diverse,
comprising bronze socketed axeheads, spearheads, tools and razors, as well as fragments
of a decorated bronze vessel with continental affinities, whetstones, and beads made of
glass, amber and gold (Coles 1960, 127). As at Poolewe, the Adabrock hoard was
deposited in a bog, probably during the ninth century BC. Late Bronze Age hoards in the
rest of Britain frequently contain heavily used, broken-up weapons, tools and ornaments
(Taylor 1993; Huth 1997; Turner 2010).
By contrast, the composition of Earliest Iron Age metalwork hoards is usually
very different, often including complete artefacts in good or as-cast condition, mostly
comprising axeheads, as well as items relating to communal feasting and horse gear and
vehicle fittings (O’Connor 2007a; Boughton 2015, 176–177). Earliest Iron Age
metalwork hoards have largely been recovered from southern Britain, with the biggest
concentrations in the Wessex region of southern England and south-east Wales. The axedominant nature of Poolewe, associated with ornaments and a vessel ring handle can be
compared with these broader compositional traits, despite being geographically very
separate. Geographically the closest definite hoards are from Cumbria: Skelmore and
Ulverston, comprising six and three complete socketed axeheads respectively, though no
additional artefacts (Boughton 2015, Nos 193–198, 1395–1397). The hoard from Ferring,
Sussex, deposited during the first half of the eighth century BC, contained one broken
and nine complete socketed axeheads of various forms as well as fragments of a two
Gündlingen swords, a socketed leather-working knife and part of a cast copper alloy belt
or strap attachment (Boughton 2015, Nos 999–1008). The eponymous Sompting hoard,
Sussex, contained two fragmentary cauldrons and 17 socketed axeheads (Curwen 1948);
this hoard was deposited c.650-600 BC indicating a period of around 200 years during
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33
which hoards of this nature persisted (O’Connor 2007a), continuing trends that began in
the Late Bronze Age.
However, unlike southern Britain, relatively little metalwork entered the ground
in Scotland between 800–600 BC, except as single finds, most of which is concentrated
in the south and east of Scotland, and included swords, razors and axeheads (O’Connor
2007a; Boughton 2015; see above). In addition, Poolewe remains the only definite hoard
from Scotland dating to this period. Although the Balmashanner hoard contains an iron
object, the treatment and diverse character of the associated objects, including bronze,
gold, amber and cannel coal or shale ornaments, suggests a depositional date c.900–800
BC during the Late Bronze Age; the iron ring in this case represents an early inclusion of
an iron object, rather than reflecting a Llyn Fawr-phase hoard. Two supposed
associations date to the Llyn Fawr phase, from Lamancha, Scottish Borders, and
Tillicoultry, Clackmannanshire (see Figure 10), though neither are convincing. Nothing
is known of the find circumstances of three Armorican axeheads from Lamancha (Coles
1960, 124), and these lie outside the typical distribution of this axehead type in the
furthest south and south west of England. This so-called hoard must be considered
suspicious, and it is probable that the three Armorican axeheads were single antiquarian
finds, having come either from the area or, more likely, from further south. Similarly, two
decorated Sompting axeheads found near an earlier stone circle at Tillicoultry may have
been found close together, but not directly associated (O’Connor 2007b). This findspot
also lies close to a number of Early Bronze Age cremations and O’Connor suggests that
the place was deliberately chosen for the deposition of the axeheads because of the
presence of the prehistoric monument and cemetery (2007b, 76). Poolewe is thus
currently unique in Scotland for this period; however, its links in terms of composition
and depositional practice both echo aspects of preceding Late Bronze Age practices and
encompasses traits of the Earliest Iron Age hoards buried further south later on.
Previously, the extensive deposition of metal objects in the Late Bronze Age,
followed by relatively few bronze objects entering the archaeological record in the
Earliest Iron Age had often been taken to represent the collapse of the bronze industry
and the wholesale abandonment of bronze (e.g. Burgess 1979; Thomas 1989). These
theories are now recognized as inadequate (Needham 1990, 130–140; 2007; O’Connor
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34
2007a; Cunliffe 2015, 11ff.), and the picture is in fact more nuanced. Changes relating to
metal deposition were probably linked with broader socio-cultural shifts and perhaps to
the changing role bronze played in society more broadly (Needham 2007). Around this
time, one sees the development of a variety of architectural traditions in central and
northern Britain, particularly across Scotland, including brochs, hillforts, crannogs and
embellished hut structures (Henderson 2007; Pope 2007; Ralston and Ashmore 2007).
Several sites now present evidence for occupation spanning the Late Bronze Age–Earliest
Iron Age/Early Iron Age (c.1100–400 BC), such as Cladh Hallan, South Uist (Parker
Pearson, Sharples and Symonds 2004, 70) and Bellfield Farm, North Kessock (Murray
2012). Furthermore, whilst the object forms that were the staple of the preceding Ewart
Park metalworking tradition ceased to be produced and deposited (Needham 2007), new
forms of bronze objects emerged during and after this 800 BC threshold, albeit on a
limited scale, including the various axehead types mentioned above, as well as
Gündlingen swords, chapes, vessels, horse gear and razors (O’Connor 2007a; Gerloff
2010; Boughton 2015). Although its social role changed, bronze continued to be an
integral part of Earliest Iron Age social life, alongside the burgeoning industry of iron
working.
Supporting this, an increasing number of Earliest and Early Iron Age
metalworking sites, involving both ferrous and non-ferrous metallurgy, are now known
from northern Scotland. At the Iron Age hillfort at Dun Knock, Perth and Kinross, nonferrous metalworking is indicated by the recovery of a crucible fragment from a ditch, as
well as a range of ferrous metallurgical debris (Poller 2015, 8–9) and a possible Late
Bronze Age phase has been suggested by radiocarbon dates (Daglish et al. 2009, 5; Poller
2015, 24). Evidence for Iron Age ferrous and non-ferrous metalworking is likewise
known from Moncreiffe House henge, Perth and Kinross, and High Pasture Cave, Isle of
Skye (Stewart 1985; G. Cruickshanks pers. comm.). Although the exact date of
metalworking at Moncreiffe House is uncertain, a fragmentary Late Bronze Age chisel
suggests it could be earlier in the Iron Age, rather than later. At High Pasture Cave
possible non-ferrous metalworking crucibles have been recovered from the earliest Iron
Age phases (G. Cruickshanks pers. comm.). To this we can add the evidence of a
metalworking site at Rosskeen discovered in 1847 and from which two stone moulds for
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35
Sompting axeheads were recovered (Wilson 1863, 345–346), as well as the mould
fragments from Little Dunagoil. Finally, at North Kessock, fragments of clay moulds for
producing at least five socketed axeheads, a spearhead, and a range of small tools,
including four sickles, four gouges, a possible awl, a socketed knife and a tanged knife,
were found in pits associated with Early Iron Age houses (Cowie and Kruse in Clark et
al. 2017, 60). Radiocarbon dates from these pits fell between c.800–400 BC and
typologically the moulds included Late Bronze Age object forms and Earliest Iron Age
socketed axeheads (Cowie and Kruse in Clark et al. 2017, 60); this suggests that the
production event took place towards the beginning of the eighth century BC, broadly
contemporary with the deposition of Poolewe. Additionally, over 16kg of metalworking
waste was recovered, including slag, furnace lining and other waste material diagnostic of
ironworking (Murray 2012, 24). These sites emphasise that the industry of bronze
production did not cease with the introduction of iron in Scotland around 800 BC, but
rather continued alongside it and thus we can infer changes in depositional practices and
a shift in the social role of bronze, rather than the mass abandonment and cessation of
production of a useful material (cf. Needham 2007). Moreover, the evidence is dominated
by the remains of axehead production and the discoveries at High Pasture Cave,
Rosskeen, and North Kessock help contextualise the Poolewe hoard in what appears to be
an industrious region of northern Scotland.
The metallurgical analysis of Poolewe is important in this regard as it confirms
new metal was entering production spheres and that supplies of metal were changing in
line with southern Britain and other parts of Europe (Roberts et al. 2015; see Northover
above). Multiple impurity patterns confirm that the objects were likely produced from
different sources of metal: the three Sompting axeheads, for instance, were produced
from three pools of metal though are broadly contemporary typologically. Put another
way, this was not a homogenised pool of metal. A similar observation has been noted for
the Earliest Iron Age axeheads from Langton Matravers, Dorset (Roberts et al. 2015,
379). This could infer production at different workshops or by craftspeople with access to
different sources of metal. If we also consider that some of the objects may be
typologically earlier, such as the cup-ended ornament, the distinctive metallurgical
composition is certainly conducive to the theory that these objects were accumulated
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36
from different sources over time. Needham (2007, 54) highlighted the important point
that there is little evidence of residual Ewart Park metalwork entering the Llyn Fawr
material record, which we might otherwise expect given the high volume of artefacts
produced and deposited during the period 1000–800 BC, the Poolewe ornament being an
exception. It seems that if any was still in circulation it was either deliberately excluded
or recycled; however, the limited metallurgical analyses do not support that recycling of
earlier Ewart Park material was undertaken on any grand scale (Rohl and Needham 1998,
110; Needham 2007, 54). The Poolewe metallurgy reinforces this shift towards new
supplies and perhaps a break with established metalworking traditions.
Regarding the social value of bronze, Needham (2007) has suggested that whilst it
served a myriad of economic, political and symbolic functions leading up to 800BC, post800BC there was a significant downturn in the extent to which it was used, circulated and
deposited. Although the broader evidence certainly suggests this is true, it is also clear
that certain bronze objects, particularly axeheads, continued to function both as utilitarian
and symbolic objects. Investigations into axe use have been relatively limited, with the
only published experiment involving replica socketed axes being Roberts and Ottaway’s
(2003) paper utilising Late Bronze Age axehead forms. Nonetheless, wear-analysis of
notches and nicks, sharpening striations and asymmetrical wear infers that many of the
axeheads deposited during the Late Bronze Age were well-used tools (Roberts and
Ottaway 2003; Turner 2010; Knight 2018, 444). Similar evidence is also observed on
some Sompting axeheads (Boughton 2015). However, many axeheads deposited in the
Earliest Iron Age show limited signs of wear, often deposited as-cast. The most extreme
examples of this are the Portland and Blandford types from Wiltshire and Dorset, which
were not only fresh from the mould, but also produced in a high-tin alloy that was
extremely brittle and created a silvery surface appearance (Boughton 2015; Roberts et al.
2015). These latter axeheads would have been completely unsuitable for use and it has
been suggested that the appearance was designed to imitate the colour of iron (Roberts et
al. 2015, 388-389); these axeheads may thus have been purely symbolic. In Scotland, we
can turn to proxy evidence for the use of axes during the period 800–600 BC, such as the
structural posts from Oakbank crannog at Loch Tay, Perth and Kinross, which bear tools
marks that closely compare to the form of Earliest Iron Age axeheads (Sands 2016
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37
[1997], Ch.7). The variable evidence of wear on the Poolewe axeheads, with some
showing signs of repeated resharpening and others appearing to be unused, suggests that
not all axeheads functioned similarly within society. These are generally considered
multi-functional tools, though also likely had a symbolic aspect, valued in some way for
their form.
In light of the evidence for the continued production, circulation, use and
deposition of socketed axeheads and other implements in Scotland, we can recognize that
the hoarding of objects at Poolewe represents the last vestiges of a social practice that
was waning around 800 BC in Scotland, though continued elsewhere in Britain until at
least 650-600 BC and was taken up again later in the Iron Age. Why exactly hoarding
ceased in Scotland at this time is unclear, though as there was clearly still an industry of
bronze production and deposition we may speculate that it could be linked to broader
ideological shifts, e.g. hoarding was no longer a mechanism by which communities
managed their social, political and economic lives in this area. This lack of hoards is not
isolated to Scotland, with similar conspicuous absences in central, north-eastern and
south-eastern England, which contrast significant clusters of hoards in central southern
Britain, south Wales, East Anglia and Cornwall (see Boughton 2015, fig.6.32). The
absence in south-eastern England is particularly striking given the volume of metalwork
deposited during the preceding Ewart Park period (1000-800 BC) (O’Connor 2007a, 645). The exact nature of this distribution of practices would repay further attention.
At Poolewe, the grouping of diverse objects attests to a practice that was
common in Scotland throughout the Late Bronze Age and we can suggest that this hoard
may have been deposited by a community that was still hoarding material in accordance
with long-established ideas. The deliberate fragmentation of one of the axeheads and the
removal of a vessel handle likewise recalls Late Bronze Age practices, and the cupended ornament, an oddity in itself, was possibly in longer circulation than other objects.
However, at Poolewe we also see a more Earliest Iron Age perspective on depositing
complete, as-cast axeheads with limited signs of use. To this we can add the metallurgical
evidence that suggests a shift in supply networks, as well as the production and gathering
of objects over time. This hoard thus allows us a glimpse at the selection and
accumulation of objects prior to deposition, as it incorporates earlier and later object
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38
styles, used and unused objects, different and innovative manufacturing techniques, as
well as older and newer ideas about how objects should be treated prior to deposition. It
is not a homogenous group, conforming to a single way of undertaking a deposit. It may
in fact represent the coming together, and indeed transformation, of different people or
communities with differing ideas about how to approach the deposition of metalwork
during a period when the social value of bronze was changing. Each object may have
been contributed for specific individual reasons. The very notion of hoarding and burying
these objects in a wetland location indicates the continuing social concepts of appropriate
depositional practices, with the radiocarbon date indicating this occurred during the
eighth century BC when broader social changes were in full swing. Whilst hoarding and
depositing objects continued in parts of southern Britain between 800–600 BC, the lack
of comparable deposits in Scotland except for Poolewe becomes stark. Viewed from this
perspective, we can suggest the Poolewe hoard may in fact be the last Bronze Age hoard
deposited in Scotland.
Acknowledgments
This article has benefited from the insights of several specialists and we are grateful to Sophie
Adams, Barbara Armbruster, Katharina Becker, Mary Cahill, Trevor Cowie, Adam Gwilt, Fraser
Hunter, Anna Lewis, Mark Lodwick, Alison Sheridan and Theo Skinner. Derek Hamilton kindly
provided comments on the sampling and dating of the material. We are extremely grateful to Jim
Buchanan for helping us determine the probable location of the Poolewe hoard and for producing
maps and images of the local area. Thanks also to the two anonymous reviewers whose thoughtprovoking comments have enhanced this paper. In particular, we wish to thank Karen Buchanan,
Gemma Cruickshanks and Susan Kruse for commenting on earlier drafts of this paper. Any errors
are our own.
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39
Figure Captions
Figure 1: The Poolewe hoard. Photo: Neil McLean © National Museums Scotland
Figure 2: Probable findspot of the Poolewe hoard. Map (left): courtesy of Jim Buchanan.
Figure 3: Oblique drone photograph of findspot of Poolewe hoard. Photo: Jim Buchanan.
Figure 4: The Poolewe hoard. Illustration Marion O’Neil © National Museums Scotland
Figure 5: The hammer blow on the fragmented socketed axehead. Photo: M. Knight ©
National Museums Scotland
Figure 6: The calibrated date on the wooden axe haft fragment (SUERC-81222)
(provided by SUERC, University of Glasgow)
Figure 7: The bronze cup-ended ornament. Photo: Neil McLean © National Museums
Scotland
Figure 8: Comparisons of trace elements of socketed axeheads from select Earliest Iron
Age / Llyn Fawr copper alloy hoards in Britain with Poolewe: (a) lead and tin; (b) nickel
and antimony.
Figure 9: Comparisons of trace elements from objects in Late Bronze Age hoards in
Scotland with Poolewe: (a) lead and tin; (b) nickel and antimony; (c) antimony and
arsenic.
Figure 10: A map of Earliest Iron Age / Llyn Fawr axeheads and moulds from Scotland.
Sites mentioned in text are labelled. Finds with an imprecise findspot (e.g. ‘Scotland’)
have not been mapped.
Table captions
Table 1: Compositional analysis of the Poolewe objects
Table 2: Radiocarbon dates directly associated with Earliest Iron Age / Llyn Fawr
metalwork in Britain
Table 3: Certain or possible copper alloy cup-ended ornaments from Britain and Ireland
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40
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