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centributions to Nepalese studies
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BOOKREVIEW
S
Susan I. Hangen, 2000. The Rise of Ethnic Politics in Nepal: Democracy in
the Margins. Routledge: LondonA.{ew York, pp.190, with index, photos and a
map. ISBN 97 8-0415-77 884-8.
The Rise of Ethnic Politics in Nepal: Democracy in the Margins is a fulllength ethnography on mobilization of Mongol National Organizatton
part of Nepal that
OufNOl , an ethnicity based organization in the eastern
identity. Susan I.
racial
process
of
the
redefining
launched struggle for
Hangen argues that peaceful mobilization of ethnic parties strengthens
democracy rather than destabihze the democratization process. The book
gves a picture of ethnic exclusion and the ongoing struggle of the ethnic
for their entry into the mainstream politics in Nepal.
The study was conducted in a village named Maidel and the author has
used pseudonyms to protect the identity of the persons and places of her
study. The book begins by explaining the occulrence of the April Movement
in 2006. She argues that the Rhododendron Movement was a result of the
right to organrzatron and association guaranteed by the Constitution of the
Kingdom of Nepal 1990, which resulted in formation of a large nurnber of
ethnic organrzations, which resisted the homogenous Hindu policy. This
chapter sketches the location, social composition, migration, demographics
and social history of MNO, operational in Ilam and Jhapa districts. Hangen
organrzati.ons
has employed the 'Theory
of Margtn' to
interpret the ethnographic
information. Her basic proposition is that the marginal communities cannot
conffibute to the rnainstream without a gtarantee of their self-autonomy. She
uses the term margin to describe the marginal population, historically underrepresented, not hegemonic, and rural citizens.
In the first chapter, Hangen argues that the 1990 popular movement laid
the foundation for the movement of indigenous nationalities against the
ethnic inequality which prevails in Nepal iince the late 18th century. She
further explains that ethnic inequality has a long history in Nepal and is
deeply rooted. She explains the causes of ethnic inequality since the
unification of Nepal. She blames the homogenous policy of the autocratic
panchyat regime (1960-1990) as the main cause for restricting enjoyment of
ethnic identity. She says that the Treason Act 196I was one of the main
causes of restriction to the people. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal
1990 ensured people's rights to association and organtzation but there was a
restriction in forming political association on the basis of religion, caste,
ethnicity and regionality. Declaration of Hindu nation also iaused severe dent
in the independeot identity of indigenous nationalities. Maoist insurgency,
regicide in 2001, irresponsible acts of the elected bodies and the civil
servants were all to be blamed for the ethnic inequality. This situation led to
Contributions to Nepa/ese Sfuoies, Vol. 38, No. 1 (Janu ary 2011), 1 37-142
Copyright @ 2011 CNAS/TU
138 CNAS Journal, Vol. 38, No.
I
(January
20II)
flourishing of social movements carried out by the indigenous nationalities
and provided a firm ground for political participation to raise their voice
against the position of under-represented margin alized poprlation. The
author further argues that the census in l99l and 2001, which also took
account of ethnicity and languages, gave an impetus to identity politics and
that this was a gift of democracy. The hierarchy created by t6g caste slntem
resulted in pervasive inequality in Nepal and this was not &essed- until
1990. The Panchyat era-slogan "one language, one form of dresg me country
(Ek Bhasa, Ek Bhes, Ek des) reflect the state's effort to crede cultural
uniformity'' (p.31).
Second chapter deals with pre-l 99A emergence of indigsnas nationality
divities against
the dominance of high-caste groups and advocated for pommion and
preservation of culture. After 1990, the demands of these g.orrys $hifted from
movements in which ethnic organizations carried out their
cultural representation to political representation inchaing freir ethnic
autonomy, reservation and secular state. The organizations reld to ethnic
movements shared common goals. The author has identifid the agxization,
National Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFhIf a J dominant
otganization to carry out activities for languagerights, religics fiodm and
cultural revitalization in addition to the movement for t-srrir of mrltiparty democracy. Hangen has compared the gender inoqudiy bcrren the
organizations like NEFIN and ethnicity based political ptrdcs lib tlNO. She
identifies "ethnic parties view political power as the key to iryoriry their
status of the indigenous nationalities and asserted that it is ffi
s ry b gar"
power through mainstream political parties domin61661 by highd
Oq+l
These otganizations offered more representation in partiarent d hG.s.d
accountability towards them. However, these prties g'e undlc to echbve
positive results because the constitution balred famritn of ndiicrl pties
on the basis ofreligion, caste, tribe and reglon- She nded lh-fuortu
of
the indigenous movement was construction of collectirc ll+ritiss of
different ethnic groups and mobilizatim of the p@e fgr pditical
transformation. This would lead in groups wslcing in a bnoad coatitim to be
recognized and to ensure their rights. She frils to justiff how the different
ideologies and principles have consolidated the indigenous nationalities.
In the third chapter, Hangen draws an outline ofthe flag of the MNO, its
location and prime objectives to iesist the domination of Hindu state that
created structural inequality. Hangen sketches the life story of Gopal Gurung,
including his career as a teacher, a journalist and a political activist. Gurung
has created a strong platform to disseminate his ideas against the Hindu ruler
and their domination. MNO is run completely under the leadership of Gopal
Gurung and no question is raised against his leadership. She shows that ihe
party lacks transparency in
its
operation, particularly
in
selection of
leadership, decision making and nomination of the committee members. The
Book Review 139
author does not mention the fact that the entire activities of MNO have been
influenced by a single leader since its establishment and that it has excluded a
large section of populace and promoted hegemony of a particular person.
She states that MNO's political activities were based on the travelling
assemblies, meetings and mass-meetings that created networks and helped
coordination. The MNO travelling assembly took up the issues including
registration of party, one language policy of the government, irregularities
and weaknesses in different levels of the party committees. Mass meetings
were held to maintain contacts with supporters of the party, launch
membership drive to disseminate their policy at public sphere, and highlight
their ethnic identity and solidarity. Such meetings were found to have been
organized without proper preparations, guidance
and distribution of
responsibilities and authorities. Hangen has not been able to describe these
phenomena in her ethnography.
In the fourth chapter, Hangen examines the history of MNO mobilization
and shows the "contradictions between the MNO's stated goals and ideas and
its operation in this village" (p.85). She gives a picture of the social
composition of Maidel including the economic and development activities
and also dwells on male-dominated politics in the Mongol community. She
mentions that politics in Maidel is still guided by ascribed rules. Their social
and development activities are still influenced by the heir of Thari-Mttkhiya.
She also mentions that the MNO was established in Maidel as a result of the
conflicting relationship between pro-Panchyat supporter and leftists. The proPanchyat activists threatened the leftists of physical actions, "threatened
people enjoyed the rights glven by the 1990 Constitution and they opened the
new ethnic party' (p.88). The author exFesses that even following the
people's movement, a certain family captured the power at the local level and
it was no different than the previous regimes. [n the new party, the local elites
actively participated in party-builditg, and re-packaglng themselves as the
active agents of social change within the multi-party system. She writes,
'Affiliation with the MNO also helped the family to maintain its political
lineage" (p.90). Her statement justifies that the influence of elites in politics
can be observed even after the regime change, mainly in the development
activities such as construction of building, decision making and affiliation
with working committee.
Hangen urrites,
of
the elected
representatives
of the Maidel were
Thari-Iufukhiya who held different positions like Pradhonpancha (viilage chief) in Panchayat regime and Village Development
Commiuee chairman in the post 1990 era. In Maidel, local level politics
seems more personalizd and leaders are renewing their personal connections
with voters highli$ting their agenda and demonstrating their capabilities
through various methods. The voters emphasize on personal qualities of the
candidates rather than the principles of the political parties. The leaders are
descendants
140 CNAS Journal,
Vol. 38, No.
1 (Januaty 2011)
can demonstrate their skills in
found to be assuring that influential people
the ideology of attacking the
order to resolve thelocal dispute. Sh; argues,
in every sector including education
hegemony of the Brahmins una chhetris
played a key role to bring all
and administration, adopted by the MNo
'urhe MNo asserted that the
writes,
Hangen
Mongors on a singre front.
category musr unite in order
myiad ethnic groups who made ,rf ttt. Mongol
oppression of High-caste
the
from
to gain political po*., and freebom
social identity, in the
their
of
part.
a
as
meantiffie,
Hindus,, $.106). In the
through cmperatives to
post-lgg0 scenario Mongol women have united
actirities, and to
agricultural
their
manage labor exchange system to perform
*xial identity'
their
of
part
a
as
party
poliiical
guarantee their affiliation with
through which the
measures
the
expiaini
author
the
ln the fifth chapter,
\ftrngols' MNo
tried to create a sense of belonging among the
MNo
developed
a strategy to sing songs of uniry during the celehrations
and
\\-as threatened Lecause the
rituals. she argues that Morigol ethnic identitl'
Hindu state. She emphasizes that
constitution oit990 declareJNepal as a
identity
and rihar celebrations helped reprtrJuce :lieir
calendar and songs,
and nationalisuc ldentrttes' MNo
and enabled them to express their ethnic
Mongol identitl shar* :ne national
leaders argue that the "preservation of
,..king ethnic identity r*'ithin rariou= \{t--iltt'rl uroups,
than to sale :5e :dentity of
only fosters individual .thrri, identity ,uih.t
Mongol as a whole'
-^-^+^r +Ln\ r\/rNT(l nclehra
x Tilnr G i1*i ritrll t-estival
The author has elaborated that MNO celebrat
and l-:r-ni national
together
people
like other Hindus and it helps bind the
chis"roilg and
Singh
Iman
tbro_uias
stories
folb
identities. The Mongol
eriprure
rdig.rlo'
and
Potlitics.
Gopal Gurung,s Hidden Facts in Nepali
t*tival
a
rs
T:'5;'
ciat
prrr'i
t-act-s
Iuhmdhum areall related with rihar.These
the
lmitare
to
like
n'ould
nor
MliO
Hindus.
tc them than the
identify,,, however,
I
more native
distinct \\'a]- of singing deusiHindu way of celebration, and thus performs
songs to reflect their identity
bhailo.It also includes some of the Mongol
birthday of Falgunanda,
leleb*t.r
it
puja.
during Tihrar.on the day of Laxmi
identitY'
ul figure of Kirant
u
""ntIn the concluding chapter, Hangen elaborates the process and impact of
parrctra-vat era. Despite the rigid rules of the
imposition of Hindu iaeotogy in
Buddhiim in the late 1980s' She
state, Gurung community iriMaidel adopted
..it was through the category 'no1- Htndu' that many Gurung forged
writes,
and the political mobilization
connection between religion shift to-Buddhism
construction of a Gumba
The
(p.
L32-133).
of the MNO in Maidel,,
Gurung leaders and state
(monastery) in Maidel .r.ut.d tussle between
some leaders
construction.
the
of
authority. Folice monitored the activities
panchyat regime and were tortured. The rules were
were arrested during the
acy in 1990. Hangen asserts that the
made flexible after restoration of derrioc,
as a result of oppression of local
Gurung of Maidel adopted Buddhism
tsnr ie.€r '41
'w
.sno1 r-be} bEre
authorities against the non-Fllndu EE\IE{.
mqtcn :ibsurrs
rberr
a.
Lq,-x4"',rr
elaborating Buddha Jayanti and
ihall slu:t:cs
:{l.Ls-}
Hangen finds the reascrns oi nransfmmurr^m t'I
'i: rbe roiio* ers of Eh:,cichrsilm' \r Ere
Hinduism to Buddhisrn She fcunC rhal
"Hmfiis
sE con+Jdnns \ficcgul's m hr.'th
not supporters of MNO." She $atr.sTbel cory\tri Ylcrou rri
tirn*-nF-x-161"
histoncal
*yti.at and more recent
'\rcror]'
[h'e \t-mg't-' h the
over
of
-\r1an
is
demon'
the
goddess over
;hanges in
\retre
slgnrticaru
ihere
aftermath of people's movemenr in i9")-rb1 \laoisr
\\
inrnerC
er
;rvitr
The
mo\.emcffi.
the indigenous nationalities'
:tlo6'
n a' ftrr the uFmsing
ihe
c
pa\
inequaliq-.
rooted
against Ih. d..p
'ngoup6'
nl,3rSInel
Lri
lltb
the
These movements broughr tmnstbrrnar:uur ln
h lult- CP\-\[an-'ist e'tablished
State was declared a republic and sculer
ruttrnotrl)'. The tlclok is silent on
ff:r;
establish
to
20 ethnic liberation fronts
ethnic autonomous regimes'
such
tror:
lose
or
benefit
would
whether state
in the Constituent
s-on-siderablf
Representation of ethnic panies has incr:aoe'J
rronn the
pnlicl oi the Interim
Assembly and this can be creditc :r ::e liberal
of ethniciry based
lormation
:r€
lor
\r
a)
the
pnved
which
constitution,
nr\t
oi
s)siern
Fast the post and
political parties. Simijarlr. nrired .i*crd
in
CA. \f^\O could
:Jflr.senletitm
::c
1p,;r'ear'a:
proportionate represertirtrtrfl
jr* lrr 1t5 irun$\etition u-ith Maoist,
not achieve any ,.u, ia lr-x-r! C { :l*;tcc
ettrnic parties like
which strongly raised ethll c '. : :;i lJ,i*ii 3". f,. !!-\51e other
Rastriya Dal
P-rr,-\epcl
l,;.:
-,i';,tt:
F;c,,R.i? Rastriyo loiintttl,ti
and l{epa; Rrrsn:r'e Peq'
-* rc :la s's[[.{
'
anallz* rri:*;*.,"Jrs im:a:ir: r: fre \No in the elections.
that other ethrc Funis :ac a br',:ra; memhership across ethnic
The author
She argues
an*J ltre \longols \f,rere living
groups, the MNO n-as againsi ethn:; laierair-i;,
the \{NO activities
c:;rurtne,J
nn\'ffi1
lv{aoist
land.
ancestral
outside their
the MNO extended
ltr-nAtter
and resulted in displacernent of its leadea.
and they
organizations
sl$Er
torrosd
\,NO
its activities beyond Kathmandu.
holding
ne\n'spaperpublishing
blog
maintaining
internet.
used
have also
other actirtties to
meetings in the campus for the promotion \No. among
party'
spread the message about the
misses some
Despite teing a fascinating w,ork in ethnic politics, the book
MNO's
important issuer. th. aurhor's analysis is not enough to explore
to
answer
fails
author
The
1990s.
the
failure to grp national politics since
when
democracy
to
strengthen
able
be
will
panies
how the etirn'ic political
also unable to
is
Hangen
is
dismal.
politics
thEnarional
in
their represent"tion
\NO. *'hich fails to address the issue of other minorities in
explainhorr-the
the
the region. can suensrhen the democratization process or protect
understood that
be
to
It
has
project.
stare-making
the
in
multipil-identitin
in ethnic identity
nation-state policf is nrrt the only factor to create problems
author has failed
but also their assirniluion n'ith non-Mongolian groups. The
writing.
ethnographic
her
in
phenomena
to explain the
142 CNAS Journal,
In a
nutshell,
vol. 38, No. I
this
(January
z0lr)
ethnography presents social
iryuality and
discrimination practised by state over different periods of tirc. fto political
anthropological approach provides substantial information fa undetstandiog
ethnic movements within multi-cultural society. This hehs broaden the
horizon of demo cracy in Nepal. The book will be helpful ftr p.fid*t leaders,
activists, academia and policy makers who hur,"
restructuring state to make a new Nepal.
b;
cngaged in
lllrr ltbdur
Shahu