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The Rise of Ethnic Politics in Nepal Democracy in the Margin

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Khanal Dhruba Kumar NAKANO, Yasuto Editorial Policy Published twice a year in January and July, Contributions to t vrt 1 Nepalese Studiespublishes articles on Nepalese st'dies foiused on: art and archaeology, history historical-cultural forms; religion; folk studies, social structure, national integration, ethnic studies, population dynamics, institutional processes, deveTopment apptiid *rr lift;iiti* fior*sses, r- --"7 and ^ sociolinguistic sfudies; *"{y of man, environment, development and geo-political setting of the IndusBrahmaputra regions Articles, review articles and short reviews of latest books on Nepal are rvelcome from both Nepali and foreign contributors. Anicles shoulo uL original and written in English or Nepali. The Editorial Board reserves the right to edit, moderate or reject the articles submitted. Jht ^ tolNtpal published articles of. Nepali contributors are remunerated, but Centre and Asian studies retains the copyriglla contributors will receive a complimentary ropi ;i ;;trre "tti"i;plurirned. in" :o"inui ind- fifteen copies of offprints. Opinions exp{essed in the articles or reviews are the authors, own and do not necessarily reflect the view ^ !-ubsgriptlol payren{.canF of the Editorial goa.d or th. p"Ulisher. "*lff:ill*"r qo us$^ ali No. oi o: Ft N.p?l uqd Asian studies, convertibte ar Nabit Bank, Kathmandu, Fax : 977 -l-4226905. Subsctipti"rit rates35201 are subj draft payabre ro Ressarch centre ect to change without prior notice. Subscription Rates Other countries Single copy Note: Air-mail postage is includedfi1. q. fr. ifi'T. BT. Efi'T. rT. A. d. l1-o1o us$ s5.00 BOOKREVIEW S Susan I. Hangen, 2000. The Rise of Ethnic Politics in Nepal: Democracy in the Margins. Routledge: LondonA.{ew York, pp.190, with index, photos and a map. ISBN 97 8-0415-77 884-8. The Rise of Ethnic Politics in Nepal: Democracy in the Margins is a fulllength ethnography on mobilization of Mongol National Organizatton part of Nepal that OufNOl , an ethnicity based organization in the eastern identity. Susan I. racial process of the redefining launched struggle for Hangen argues that peaceful mobilization of ethnic parties strengthens democracy rather than destabihze the democratization process. The book gves a picture of ethnic exclusion and the ongoing struggle of the ethnic for their entry into the mainstream politics in Nepal. The study was conducted in a village named Maidel and the author has used pseudonyms to protect the identity of the persons and places of her study. The book begins by explaining the occulrence of the April Movement in 2006. She argues that the Rhododendron Movement was a result of the right to organrzatron and association guaranteed by the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990, which resulted in formation of a large nurnber of ethnic organrzations, which resisted the homogenous Hindu policy. This chapter sketches the location, social composition, migration, demographics and social history of MNO, operational in Ilam and Jhapa districts. Hangen organrzati.ons has employed the 'Theory of Margtn' to interpret the ethnographic information. Her basic proposition is that the marginal communities cannot conffibute to the rnainstream without a gtarantee of their self-autonomy. She uses the term margin to describe the marginal population, historically underrepresented, not hegemonic, and rural citizens. In the first chapter, Hangen argues that the 1990 popular movement laid the foundation for the movement of indigenous nationalities against the ethnic inequality which prevails in Nepal iince the late 18th century. She further explains that ethnic inequality has a long history in Nepal and is deeply rooted. She explains the causes of ethnic inequality since the unification of Nepal. She blames the homogenous policy of the autocratic panchyat regime (1960-1990) as the main cause for restricting enjoyment of ethnic identity. She says that the Treason Act 196I was one of the main causes of restriction to the people. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990 ensured people's rights to association and organtzation but there was a restriction in forming political association on the basis of religion, caste, ethnicity and regionality. Declaration of Hindu nation also iaused severe dent in the independeot identity of indigenous nationalities. Maoist insurgency, regicide in 2001, irresponsible acts of the elected bodies and the civil servants were all to be blamed for the ethnic inequality. This situation led to Contributions to Nepa/ese Sfuoies, Vol. 38, No. 1 (Janu ary 2011), 1 37-142 Copyright @ 2011 CNAS/TU 138 CNAS Journal, Vol. 38, No. I (January 20II) flourishing of social movements carried out by the indigenous nationalities and provided a firm ground for political participation to raise their voice against the position of under-represented margin alized poprlation. The author further argues that the census in l99l and 2001, which also took account of ethnicity and languages, gave an impetus to identity politics and that this was a gift of democracy. The hierarchy created by t6g caste slntem resulted in pervasive inequality in Nepal and this was not &essed- until 1990. The Panchyat era-slogan "one language, one form of dresg me country (Ek Bhasa, Ek Bhes, Ek des) reflect the state's effort to crede cultural uniformity'' (p.31). Second chapter deals with pre-l 99A emergence of indigsnas nationality divities against the dominance of high-caste groups and advocated for pommion and preservation of culture. After 1990, the demands of these g.orrys $hifted from movements in which ethnic organizations carried out their cultural representation to political representation inchaing freir ethnic autonomy, reservation and secular state. The organizations reld to ethnic movements shared common goals. The author has identifid the agxization, National Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (NEFhIf a J dominant otganization to carry out activities for languagerights, religics fiodm and cultural revitalization in addition to the movement for t-srrir of mrltiparty democracy. Hangen has compared the gender inoqudiy bcrren the organizations like NEFIN and ethnicity based political ptrdcs lib tlNO. She identifies "ethnic parties view political power as the key to iryoriry their status of the indigenous nationalities and asserted that it is ffi s ry b gar" power through mainstream political parties domin61661 by highd Oq+l These otganizations offered more representation in partiarent d hG.s.d accountability towards them. However, these prties g'e undlc to echbve positive results because the constitution balred famritn of ndiicrl pties on the basis ofreligion, caste, tribe and reglon- She nded lh-fuortu of the indigenous movement was construction of collectirc ll+ritiss of different ethnic groups and mobilizatim of the p@e fgr pditical transformation. This would lead in groups wslcing in a bnoad coatitim to be recognized and to ensure their rights. She frils to justiff how the different ideologies and principles have consolidated the indigenous nationalities. In the third chapter, Hangen draws an outline ofthe flag of the MNO, its location and prime objectives to iesist the domination of Hindu state that created structural inequality. Hangen sketches the life story of Gopal Gurung, including his career as a teacher, a journalist and a political activist. Gurung has created a strong platform to disseminate his ideas against the Hindu ruler and their domination. MNO is run completely under the leadership of Gopal Gurung and no question is raised against his leadership. She shows that ihe party lacks transparency in its operation, particularly in selection of leadership, decision making and nomination of the committee members. The Book Review 139 author does not mention the fact that the entire activities of MNO have been influenced by a single leader since its establishment and that it has excluded a large section of populace and promoted hegemony of a particular person. She states that MNO's political activities were based on the travelling assemblies, meetings and mass-meetings that created networks and helped coordination. The MNO travelling assembly took up the issues including registration of party, one language policy of the government, irregularities and weaknesses in different levels of the party committees. Mass meetings were held to maintain contacts with supporters of the party, launch membership drive to disseminate their policy at public sphere, and highlight their ethnic identity and solidarity. Such meetings were found to have been organized without proper preparations, guidance and distribution of responsibilities and authorities. Hangen has not been able to describe these phenomena in her ethnography. In the fourth chapter, Hangen examines the history of MNO mobilization and shows the "contradictions between the MNO's stated goals and ideas and its operation in this village" (p.85). She gives a picture of the social composition of Maidel including the economic and development activities and also dwells on male-dominated politics in the Mongol community. She mentions that politics in Maidel is still guided by ascribed rules. Their social and development activities are still influenced by the heir of Thari-Mttkhiya. She also mentions that the MNO was established in Maidel as a result of the conflicting relationship between pro-Panchyat supporter and leftists. The proPanchyat activists threatened the leftists of physical actions, "threatened people enjoyed the rights glven by the 1990 Constitution and they opened the new ethnic party' (p.88). The author exFesses that even following the people's movement, a certain family captured the power at the local level and it was no different than the previous regimes. [n the new party, the local elites actively participated in party-builditg, and re-packaglng themselves as the active agents of social change within the multi-party system. She writes, 'Affiliation with the MNO also helped the family to maintain its political lineage" (p.90). Her statement justifies that the influence of elites in politics can be observed even after the regime change, mainly in the development activities such as construction of building, decision making and affiliation with working committee. Hangen urrites, of the elected representatives of the Maidel were Thari-Iufukhiya who held different positions like Pradhonpancha (viilage chief) in Panchayat regime and Village Development Commiuee chairman in the post 1990 era. In Maidel, local level politics seems more personalizd and leaders are renewing their personal connections with voters highli$ting their agenda and demonstrating their capabilities through various methods. The voters emphasize on personal qualities of the candidates rather than the principles of the political parties. The leaders are descendants 140 CNAS Journal, Vol. 38, No. 1 (Januaty 2011) can demonstrate their skills in found to be assuring that influential people the ideology of attacking the order to resolve thelocal dispute. Sh; argues, in every sector including education hegemony of the Brahmins una chhetris played a key role to bring all and administration, adopted by the MNo 'urhe MNo asserted that the writes, Hangen Mongors on a singre front. category musr unite in order myiad ethnic groups who made ,rf ttt. Mongol oppression of High-caste the from to gain political po*., and freebom social identity, in the their of part. a as meantiffie, Hindus,, $.106). In the through cmperatives to post-lgg0 scenario Mongol women have united actirities, and to agricultural their manage labor exchange system to perform *xial identity' their of part a as party poliiical guarantee their affiliation with through which the measures the expiaini author the ln the fifth chapter, \ftrngols' MNo tried to create a sense of belonging among the MNo developed a strategy to sing songs of uniry during the celehrations and \\-as threatened Lecause the rituals. she argues that Morigol ethnic identitl' Hindu state. She emphasizes that constitution oit990 declareJNepal as a identity and rihar celebrations helped reprtrJuce :lieir calendar and songs, and nationalisuc ldentrttes' MNo and enabled them to express their ethnic Mongol identitl shar* :ne national leaders argue that the "preservation of ,..king ethnic identity r*'ithin rariou= \{t--iltt'rl uroups, than to sale :5e :dentity of only fosters individual .thrri, identity ,uih.t Mongol as a whole' -^-^+^r +Ln\ r\/rNT(l nclehra x Tilnr G i1*i ritrll t-estival The author has elaborated that MNO celebrat and l-:r-ni national together people like other Hindus and it helps bind the chis"roilg and Singh Iman tbro_uias stories folb identities. The Mongol eriprure rdig.rlo' and Potlitics. Gopal Gurung,s Hidden Facts in Nepali t*tival a rs T:'5;' ciat prrr'i t-act-s Iuhmdhum areall related with rihar.These the lmitare to like n'ould nor MliO Hindus. tc them than the identify,,, however, I more native distinct \\'a]- of singing deusiHindu way of celebration, and thus performs songs to reflect their identity bhailo.It also includes some of the Mongol birthday of Falgunanda, leleb*t.r it puja. during Tihrar.on the day of Laxmi identitY' ul figure of Kirant u ""ntIn the concluding chapter, Hangen elaborates the process and impact of parrctra-vat era. Despite the rigid rules of the imposition of Hindu iaeotogy in Buddhiim in the late 1980s' She state, Gurung community iriMaidel adopted ..it was through the category 'no1- Htndu' that many Gurung forged writes, and the political mobilization connection between religion shift to-Buddhism construction of a Gumba The (p. L32-133). of the MNO in Maidel,, Gurung leaders and state (monastery) in Maidel .r.ut.d tussle between some leaders construction. the of authority. Folice monitored the activities panchyat regime and were tortured. The rules were were arrested during the acy in 1990. Hangen asserts that the made flexible after restoration of derrioc, as a result of oppression of local Gurung of Maidel adopted Buddhism tsnr ie.€r '41 'w .sno1 r-be} bEre authorities against the non-Fllndu EE\IE{. mqtcn :ibsurrs rberr a. Lq,-x4"',rr elaborating Buddha Jayanti and ihall slu:t:cs :{l.Ls-} Hangen finds the reascrns oi nransfmmurr^m t'I 'i: rbe roiio* ers of Eh:,cichrsilm' \r Ere Hinduism to Buddhisrn She fcunC rhal "Hmfiis sE con+Jdnns \ficcgul's m hr.'th not supporters of MNO." She $atr.sTbel cory\tri Ylcrou rri tirn*-nF-x-161" histoncal *yti.at and more recent '\rcror]' [h'e \t-mg't-' h the over of -\r1an is demon' the goddess over ;hanges in \retre slgnrticaru ihere aftermath of people's movemenr in i9")-rb1 \laoisr \\ inrnerC er ;rvitr The mo\.emcffi. the indigenous nationalities' :tlo6' n a' ftrr the uFmsing ihe c pa\ inequaliq-. rooted against Ih. d..p 'ngoup6' nl,3rSInel Lri lltb the These movements broughr tmnstbrrnar:uur ln h lult- CP\-\[an-'ist e'tablished State was declared a republic and sculer ruttrnotrl)'. The tlclok is silent on ff:r; establish to 20 ethnic liberation fronts ethnic autonomous regimes' such tror: lose or benefit would whether state in the Constituent s-on-siderablf Representation of ethnic panies has incr:aoe'J rronn the pnlicl oi the Interim Assembly and this can be creditc :r ::e liberal of ethniciry based lormation :r€ lor \r a) the pnved which constitution, nr\t oi s)siern Fast the post and political parties. Simijarlr. nrired .i*crd in CA. \f^\O could :Jflr.senletitm ::c 1p,;r'ear'a: proportionate represertirtrtrfl jr* lrr 1t5 irun$\etition u-ith Maoist, not achieve any ,.u, ia lr-x-r! C { :l*;tcc ettrnic parties like which strongly raised ethll c '. : :;i lJ,i*ii 3". f,. !!-\51e other Rastriya Dal P-rr,-\epcl l,;.: -,i';,tt: F;c,,R.i? Rastriyo loiintttl,ti and l{epa; Rrrsn:r'e Peq' -* rc :la s's[[.{ ' anallz* rri:*;*.,"Jrs im:a:ir: r: fre \No in the elections. that other ethrc Funis :ac a br',:ra; memhership across ethnic The author She argues an*J ltre \longols \f,rere living groups, the MNO n-as againsi ethn:; laierair-i;, the \{NO activities c:;rurtne,J nn\'ffi1 lv{aoist land. ancestral outside their the MNO extended ltr-nAtter and resulted in displacernent of its leadea. and they organizations sl$Er torrosd \,NO its activities beyond Kathmandu. holding ne\n'spaperpublishing blog maintaining internet. used have also other actirtties to meetings in the campus for the promotion \No. among party' spread the message about the misses some Despite teing a fascinating w,ork in ethnic politics, the book MNO's important issuer. th. aurhor's analysis is not enough to explore to answer fails author The 1990s. the failure to grp national politics since when democracy to strengthen able be will panies how the etirn'ic political also unable to is Hangen is dismal. politics thEnarional in their represent"tion \NO. *'hich fails to address the issue of other minorities in explainhorr-the the the region. can suensrhen the democratization process or protect understood that be to It has project. stare-making the in multipil-identitin in ethnic identity nation-state policf is nrrt the only factor to create problems author has failed but also their assirniluion n'ith non-Mongolian groups. The writing. ethnographic her in phenomena to explain the 142 CNAS Journal, In a nutshell, vol. 38, No. I this (January z0lr) ethnography presents social iryuality and discrimination practised by state over different periods of tirc. fto political anthropological approach provides substantial information fa undetstandiog ethnic movements within multi-cultural society. This hehs broaden the horizon of demo cracy in Nepal. The book will be helpful ftr p.fid*t leaders, activists, academia and policy makers who hur," restructuring state to make a new Nepal. b; cngaged in lllrr ltbdur Shahu