Commemorating Baghel Singh's 'Conquest' of Delhi: The Fateh Diwas

Nine COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI THE FATEH DIWAS* KANIKA SINGH O n 8 and 9 March 2014, a grand event called Fateh Diwas (day of victory) was celebrated at the historic Red Fort in Delhi. Organised by the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee (DSGMC), the massive public function on the lawns outside the Red Fort was held to mark the conquest of Delhi in 1783 and the unfurling of the Nishan Sahib (the Sikh flag) at the Red Fort by the Sikh military commander, Baghel Singh. The programme included a march through the streets of Delhi, culminating at the Red Fort. Called the jarnaili march or the march of the Khalsa generals, the assembly featured a large number of Sikhs on foot, vehicles, horses and elephants. Some were dressed as eighteenthcentury Khalsa Sikh warriors; others performed gatka (martial exercises with weapons). The Nihangs (a lavishly armed Sikh subgroup) were the most prominent in the procession. They were armed with spears, swords and what appeared to be modern rifles. A replica of a canon was carried in procession atop a vehicle which burst out confetti (in imitation of canon fire) at regular intervals. *An earlier version of this chapter was published in Studies in History 36 (2): 280–301, 2020. All Chapters.indd 304 12/6/2023 5:05:23 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI The two-day celebrations included the performance of the play Raj Karega Khalsa (‘The Khalsa Shall Rule’), kirtan (congregational singing) and gatka performances. Langar (community kitchen) was also arranged at the venue. These celebrations were repeated in the following years, becoming an annual celebration in the DSGMC calendar (Image 9.1). Image 9.1: Fateh Diwas 2016. Source: Author. This public celebration is significant in several ways both for its symbolism and the historical legacy it seeks to commemorate. First, the flying of the Sikh flag over the Red Fort represents, in general terms, a clear and powerful claim to sovereignty. Second, the first-ever Fateh Diwas celebrations in 2014 followed the political victory of Shiromani Akali Dal (Badal)1 in DSGMC in 2013. The massive public celebration at the Red Fort and the jarnaili march re-enacting the city’s conquest were entirely at the 305 All Chapters.indd 305 12/6/2023 5:05:23 PM KANIKA SINGH initiative of the SAD (Badal)–controlled DSGMC. The confluence of a vivid claim to sovereignty and the political will to express it by the SAD (Badal)–controlled DSGMC suggests the need to look closely at the circumstances that allowed the emergence of this celebration, and what it might mean. Several questions emerge from this consideration. First, how does the Fateh Diwas relate to other forms of representation of this specifically Sikh past? Second, was Baghel Singh always remembered so or is this a modern representation? Third, what is the relationship between Baghel Singh and a Sikh claim to sovereignty? Finally, how do localised political formations impinge on this representation of the past, which is then generalised beyond the local? Consideration of these questions enables us to understand the complex forces that shape this representation. PORTRAYING BAGHEL SINGH Baghel Singh (d. 1802) was the leader of the Karorsinghia misl (confederacy) and a prominent Sikh chief of the cis-Satluj region in the second half of the eighteenth century. He succeeded Karora Singh as the chief of the misl in 1765. He controlled portions of the Jalandhar doab and Karnal, and his headquarters were at Chhalaudi, a village in Karnal. He along with other Sikh chiefs frequently carried out raids in the Doab and around Delhi, which was then the Mughal capital (Seetal n.d.: 66–73; Gupta 1992). In recent popular representations of Sikh history, the most significant of these excursions was in 1783, when the Sikh armies entered the city of Delhi.2 The particular representation of Sikh presence in Delhi that we see in the Fateh Diwas celebration—the conquest of the Red Fort and Baghel Singh raising the Nishan Sahib over it—does not appear there alone. It has been depicted in ‘history paintings’3 at least since the 1970s. The narrative associated with these paintings marks a departure from previous representations of Baghel Singh. 306 All Chapters.indd 306 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI It is, however, strongly aligned with the narrative associated with the Fateh Diwas. The paintings seen together with the Fateh Diwas emphasise Baghel Singh’s unfurling of the Nishan Sahib over the Red Fort after his conquest of Delhi, representing a modern concern, which seems to appear in the popular visual sphere only in the 1970s.4 History paintings on Sikh subjects usually depict portraits of the Sikh Gurus, popular stories from their lives and the lives of their most dedicated followers, scenes of battle and of martyrdom. These paintings are commonly available in calendars, children’s books, academic works,5 posters, pamphlets, government advertisements,6 animation and even sculptures.7 One may refer to them as Sikh popular art or calendar art.8 Significantly, these paintings also constitute the display in the museums of Sikh history. Their presence within the portals of a museum gives them great authority as evidence of the Sikh past. Sikh museums have been built by both the gurdwara management committees (especially, the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabhandak Committee [SGPC] and the DSGMC) and the Punjab government. These are often part of the scared space of a gurdwara. Small gurdwaras may display paintings in a single room in the gurdwara complex and large gurdwaras may have an entire building dedicated to the museum. The paintings’ existence within the sacred landscape of the gurdwara lends them additional sanctity.9 The imagery of the history paintings is also reproduced in performances and in non-visual modes of communicating the Sikh past, such as plays and dhadhi (ballad) performances. A comparison of the play Raj Karega Khalsa, performed in the 2014 Fateh Diwas celebrations,10 or the jarnaili march, where the Sikhs dressed as eighteenth-century warriors, with the paintings establishes strong visual similarities between them.11 Mughal courtiers and soldiers in the play have their turbans and beards styled to ensure their easy identification as ‘Muslim’. Their beards are short, and not long-flowing like those of Sikhs; the turbans have a conical top, around which the rest of the turban cloth is 307 All Chapters.indd 307 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM KANIKA SINGH wound; the Mughal soldiers are dressed in green and the conical tops of their turbans are red—a colour scheme and iconography identical to that of many history paintings.12 Moreover, TV programmes on the Fateh Diwas use and run the history paintings along with photographs and videos from the celebration, establishing a visual continuity between the two. For instance, the PTC news channel13 featured the Fateh Diwas celebration of 201414 in their programme series ‘Goonjan Sikh Virse Diyaan’ (‘Echoes of Sikh Heritage’). The episode liberally used history paintings showing portraits of Baghel Singh and other misl sardars (especially Jassa Singh Ahluwalia and Jassa Singh Ramgarhia), the Khalsa army marching and in battle, and the Khalsa forces before the Red Fort which has the Nishan Sahib on it. These visuals are interspersed and run in tandem with clips from the Fateh Diwas celebrations—of gatka performers, the jarnaili march and the congregation of Nihangs and other Sikhs dressed as warriors, before the Red Fort.15 This juxtaposition only consolidates the striking visual similarity between the paintings and their re-enactment in the Fateh Diwas. The same episode also includes an interview of Manjit Singh GK, the president of DSGMC, where he expresses his pride and satisfaction that the present Sikh congregation at the Red Fort brought alive the glorious history of the Sikhs. He says, ‘It feels as if the Khalsa has camped here, preparations are being made [for the conquest] and that we have once again conquered Delhi.’16 Such a convergence of visual and performative registers is by no means new. Nijhawan (2006: 153–57) notes the similarity of depiction of martyrdom in the popular print on Bhai Mani Singh (made by Kirpal Singh)17 and the dhadi songs. In the well-known print, Bhai Mani Singh sits on the ground facing the executioner and looks the latter in the eye, instructing him to follow the orders given to him of dismembering Bhai Mani Singh at each joint. Bhai Mani Singh presents his fingers to the executioner who holds the chopper in his hand. The same details are incorporated in the songs, which provide a blow-by-blow account, a graphic 308 All Chapters.indd 308 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI description of martyrdom, just as is depicted in Kirpal Singh’s painting. Nijhawan argues that ‘[the image] gives concreteness and symbolic plenitude to particular historical events and experiences that mere literal representation would not achieve…symbolism in the image is multiplied by linguistic tropes and sonic images’ (2006: 156–57). This interocularity and reproducibility makes for an extremely powerful mnemonic device. Studies on South Asian visual culture recognise the ‘enormous power of images to transform and mobilise self and community’ (Ramaswamy 2003: xiv).18 Seeking to understand Baghel Singh’s images both as a massproduced object and as evidence of Sikh history with pedagogical value, it is useful to see them in light of Chandra’s work on Amar Chitra Katha (ACK), the comic books on Indian history. Chandra argues that though the ACK are books on Indian history (presented in a visual medium), they continue to engage with and remain associated with the religious sphere (primarily Hindu). Here, Chandra draws upon studies of popular Hindu religious images which show that the poster or the print continues to have the aura (divine value) of the original deity. Each of the numerous massproduced images has a strong connection with its sacred source (Chandra 2013: 7–9). While Baghel Singh is not a sacred figure in the Sikh tradition, his images also participate in the Sikh religious sphere, as has been noted earlier. Just like the ‘history comics’ (ACK), the history paintings and the Fateh Diwas performances are connected with Sikh religious sphere. In addition, they have a significant commemorative value. Radhika Chopra’s recent work demonstrates the relationship between Sikh popular visual culture and the community’s commemorative practices in sacred spaces. Chopra studies the popular prints and souvenirs available in the bazaars around the Darbar Sahib complex and notes, Visual images and visually striking artefacts within and around the Darbar Sahib complex, and in the city of Amritsar, are key sites for an elaboration of visual remembrance. Both in ordinary public arenas like the bazaars around the Golden 309 All Chapters.indd 309 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM KANIKA SINGH Temple complex and in set-apart spaces like the Central Sikh Museum (CSM) within the prescient of the shrines, the visual appears as a key register of remembrance’ (2018: xiv–xv). Images 9.2 and 9.3 are examples of popular history paintings depicting Baghel Singh. Both are displayed at the Bhai Mati Das Museum at the Sis Ganj Gurdwara in Chandni Chowk, Delhi.19 The first painting was made by Amolak Singh20 and is undated (Image 9.2). It shows three Sikh chiefs (the one in the centre presumably being Baghel Singh) leading a victory procession. In the background is the Lahori Gate of the Red Fort with the Nishan Sahib atop. The Khalsa soldiers (dressed mostly in blue) follow the chiefs on horseback, camels and on foot. There are two men playing drums and other instruments in front of the procession. The painting shows a man wearing a white Pathani suit with a green waistcoat and a matching turban. This figure is clearly marked as Image 9.2: Baghel Singh outside the Red Fort. Painting at Bhai Mati Das Museum, Delhi. Source: Author. 310 All Chapters.indd 310 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI Muslim, and is depicted as a willing participant in the celebratory procession. On the right-hand corner, a woman is shown standing with a little girl, telling her to greet the Sikh chiefs, and the girl does so with folded hands. The second painting, by Kirpal Singh, was made in 1976 (Image 9.3). It shows five Sikh chiefs (with Baghel Singh presumably in the centre) sitting on the Mughal throne in the Diwan-i Aam, the hall of public audience where the Mughal emperors held court. Sikh soldiers are seated in attendance in the court. The deposed Mughal Emperor, Shah Alam (r. 1760–1806), and Begum Samru (c. 1753–1836), the ruler of the principality of Sardhana (near Meerut),21 are shown pleading for mercy. Image 9.3: Five Sikhs chiefs in the Red Fort. Painting at Bhai Mati Das Museum, Delhi. Source: Author. The descriptions of these paintings at the museum tell us that in 1783, Baghel Singh along with some other misl leaders conquered Delhi and the Red Fort. They raised the Nishan Sahib over the fort and led a victory procession from it to the Fatehpuri Masjid, 311 All Chapters.indd 311 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM KANIKA SINGH that is, along the main street of Chandni Chowk. This procession was joined by Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs as they welcomed the Khalsa forces. The Sikhs established their domination over the city and Begum Samru had to plead with them to spare the Mughal throne. They agreed to leave the city on the condition that they were allowed to construct gurdwaras in Delhi. These paintings and similar versions (repainted by different artists) are frequently reproduced and widely circulated. For instance, Sis Ganj, the monthly magazine of the DSGMC, uses them to illustrate articles which describe Baghel Singh’s victory over Delhi. Reproductions of these paintings were also given away as mementoes at the Fateh Diwas celebrations in 2014. There are four paintings in the Bhai Mati Das Museum illustrating this episode. Copies of the paintings are also on display in museums like the Central Sikh Museum at the Golden Temple, Amritsar, and the Baba Baghel Singh Sikh Heritage Multimedia Museum at Gurdwara Bangla Sahib in New Delhi.22 These two depictions of Baghel Singh—one showing him conquering the Red Fort and raising the Nishan Sahib over it, and the other showing him sitting on the Mughal throne while the emperor begs for mercy—are the most common depictions of Baghel Singh in contemporary India. In these, Baghel Singh’s claim to sovereignty comes across clearly: in the depiction of the Sikh flag on the Red Fort, and the seating of the Sikh sardars on the Mughals’ throne. A PREHISTORY OF MODERN REPRESENTATION OF BAGHEL SINGH: SRI GUR PANTH PRAKASH AND THE IDEA OF SIKH SOVEREIGNTY It is useful to compare the depiction of Sikh sovereignty in the Fateh Diwas and the history paintings with the Sri Gur Panth Prakash, a nineteenth-century account of Sikh history. It was written by Ratan Singh Bhangu and completed in 1841 in Amritsar.23 There 312 All Chapters.indd 312 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI is a rationale behind the choice of this text to study differing representations of Baghel Singh: the most well-known histories of the Sikhs such as those by J. S. Grewal and Khushwant Singh do not mention Baghel Singh’s conquest of Delhi (Grewal 1998[1990]; Singh 1999). Among the scholarly writings of those who have worked on the history of the Sikh misls, Hari Ram Gupta’s book (1980) seems to be the only one which refers to the 1783 events in detail. Gupta published the History of the Sikhs in eight volumes, the third volume of which is titled Sikh Domination of the Mughal Empire (1764–1803) and describes Baghel Singh’s presence in Delhi (Gupta 1980: 158–70). A summary of this event also appears in Gupta’s entry on Baghel Singh in the well-known The Encyclopaedia of Sikhism edited by Harbans Singh (Gupta 1992). For this particular episode of Baghel Singh’s entry into Delhi and the Red Fort, Gupta’s chief Gurmukhi sources are Bhangu’s Sri Gur Panth Prakash and Giani Gian Singh’s Sri Guru Panth Prakash written in 1880 (Giani 1970).24 I have chosen to use only one— Bhangu’s text—for the purposes of this study. All scholarship on Bhangu’s text recognises its popularity as a source of Sikh history and has identified sovereignty of the Khalsa panth as the key idea in the text.25 It therefore offers a useful comparison to the claims made at the Fateh Diwas. As he begins the Sri Gur Panth Prakash, Ratan Singh Bhangu explains his project: he argues that Sikh history has been misrepresented by sources which are hostile to the community, that is, the Muslims. It is his desire therefore to present an accurate account of Sikh history. When Bhangu came to know that the British had commissioned a maulvi (a Muslim cleric) to write about the Sikhs, he felt duty-bound to present the correct version of Sikh history (Bhangu 2004: 6, verses 26–27, sakhi 2). Further, his account would show that the Sikhs were a sovereign people and were not subordinate feudal lords of the Mughals. Bhangu is clear that the Khalsa Panth (community) was made sovereign by the Guru himself and they were subjects of only the divine Gurus (ibid.: 7, verse 34, sakhi 3; 33, verse 37, sakhi 15). The Sikhs did not owe 313 All Chapters.indd 313 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM KANIKA SINGH their right to rule to the Mughals. On the contrary, it was the Sikh Gurus who had bestowed sovereignty to the Mughals. According to Bhangu, Babur, the first Mughal emperor, had approached Guru Nanak, the first guru, with folded hands. The Guru, pleased with his humility, gave him seven handfuls of cannabis leaves, representing seven Mughal emperors, up to Aurangzeb (ibid.: 270, verses 96–98, sakhi 104). However, the Mughals turned ungrateful and began persecuting the Sikhs. That is why, explains Bhangu, Guru Gobind Singh (the tenth and the last guru), snatched away their rule and then vested the Khalsa Panth with sovereignty (ibid.: 23, verse 8, sakhi 12; 271–72, verses 108–118, sakhi 104). Bhangu places particular emphasis on the collective sovereignty of the Panth, rather than on any particular Sikh chief or follower of the Gurus (Hans 1975: 77–78; Dhavan 2009: 521–22; Murphy 2012: 123). Scholars have explained the particular idea of Sikh sovereignty, as expressed in the Sri Gur Panth Prakash, in context of Bhangu’s own position and in context of the times he was composing this history. Most scholars have located Bhangu’s work in the middle of the nineteenth century after the death of Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1780–1839) which saw a weakening of the Sikh kingdom and the rise of British power in Punjab.26 On the one hand, there was a need to convince the British that the Sikhs were a legitimate ruling power in Punjab and not feudatories of the Mughals. On the other hand, there were competing political claims amongst the Sikhs too. In such a scenario, Bhangu’s emphasis is on the sovereignty of the collective Sikh Panth, as against the claims of individual Sikh chiefs who sought to establish their dynastic rule in Punjab, with the support of the British. Dhavan (2009: 521) shows that Bhangu idealises the ways the eighteenth-century Khalsa heroes spurned individual power for the greater good of the community. Hans (1975: 82) has suggested that Bhangu’s narration of the bravery of the martyrs and triumph of the Khalsa against all odds was also to boost the morale of the Sikhs, at a time when war against the British seemed imminent. Mann differs on the context 314 All Chapters.indd 314 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI of the production of Bhangu’s manuscript and its idea of Sikh sovereignty. He dates Bhangu’s work between 1810 and 1813 and argues that Bhangu’s idea of Sikh sovereignty anticipates the rise of Sikh power in the Punjab region, rather than being a rallying cry to mobilise demoralised Sikhs in a post–Ranjit Singh Punjab or to convince the British to leave the Sikhs alone (Mann 2016: 30). Despite these differences in dating and therefore the context of the work, the above works agree upon the popularity and significance of the text. That Bhangu’s narrative was as much directed at his fellow Sikhs as at the British is especially noted by Dhavan (2009). The composition of the history in the style of a sakhi (stories from the lives of the Gurus), the use of a popular dialect of Punjabi and Braj, and frequent invocations of religious texts and oral traditions which were familiar to Sikhs—all these factors indicate that Bhangu was addressing a Sikh audience, and these factors contributed to the popularity of the stories of the Sri Gur Panth Prakash. While Bhangu’s text was one among many being written in the nineteenth century, it has proved to be very popular, much more than any other contemporary history (Dhavan 2009: 521) His concern about how the Sikh past should be presented also finds echo in the concerns of the late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Singh Sabha reformers and the Gurdwara Reform Movement of the 1920s (ibid.: 527). Bhangu has two episodes on Baghel Singh’s presence in Delhi and his encounter with the Mughal emperor, Shah Alam (Bhangu 2004: 413–22, sakhi 157 and 158). The first describes Baghel Singh’s approach towards the Mughal capital, his negotiations with Begum Samru and his efforts towards building gurdwaras in Delhi (ibid.: 416–19, verses 39–87, sakhi 157). Bhangu informs us that as the Khalsa forces marched towards Delhi, the Mughal emperor was filled with terror (ibid.: 416, verses 39–43, sakhi 157). The latter requested Begum Samru to negotiate with the Sikhs to ward off their planned attack on the capital. Begum Samru met Baghel Singh, presented him with gifts and sought the Khalsa’s protection 315 All Chapters.indd 315 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM KANIKA SINGH for the Mughals (ibid.: 416, verses 45–50, sakhi 157). Baghel Singh agreed to leave Delhi on the condition of payment of one-sixth of Delhi’s revenue to the Khalsa forces and the right to build gurdwaras in the city (ibid.: 417, verses 51–52, sakhi 157). Bhangu goes on to describe how Baghel Singh identified sites which were associated with the Gurus and began construction of the shrines. At times, he had to demolish mosques and faced stiff opposition from the Muslims. But, by cunning and tact, he was successful in establishing seven gurdwaras in the city (ibid.: 417–19, verses 59–86, sakhi 157). Bhangu says that this was a great service to the Gurus for which Baghel Singh will be honoured in the Guru’s presence and his name will be remembered in the Panth forever: Srdāra Baghela Simgha ima gaḍha mārā Rahūgu prithī usa nāma ujārā Aisī karī una gura kī kāra Pāū jagā vahi gura ke dwāra (Sardar Baghel Singh established great landmarks His name shall shine till eternity He rendered such great service to the Guru That he would find a place at the Guru’s gate [presence]) (ibid.: 419, verse 87, sakhi 157)27 The second episode describes Baghel Singh’s meeting with the Mughal emperor (ibid.: 419–22, sakhi 158). Bhangu tells us that Shah Alam was much impressed with Baghel Singh and expressed a wish to meet him (ibid.: 419–20, verses 3–4, sakhi 158). The Sikhs declared that such a meeting would be difficult as they did not bow before any Muslim and were always armed (ibid.: 420, verses 5–6, sakhi 158). The emperor agreed to meet Baghel Singh on the terms set down by the latter (ibid.: 420, verses 9–10, sakhi 158). Thus, Baghel Singh meets the Mughal emperor as an equal and not a subordinate. Bhangu tells us that he arrived at the Red Fort on a decorated elephant, a flywhisk being waved around his head. The Khalsa forces marched through Delhi to reach the fort and the procession was led by minstrels who sang the glory of Sikh Gurus 316 All Chapters.indd 316 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI (ibid.: 420, verses 14–16, sakhi 158). Baghel Singh entered the Red Fort fully armed and on horseback; so confident as if he was already familiar with the layout (ibid.: 421, verses 18 and 20, sakhi 158). The emperor’s court extended the Khalsa greeting of ‘Gur Fateh’ (victory to the Guru) to Baghel Singh (ibid.: 421, verse 24, sakhi 158), he reciprocated and sat on a chair across the emperor (ibid.: 421, verse 26, sakhi 158). Many gifts were exchanged between the two (ibid.: 421, verses 29–30, sakhi 158). In Bhangu’s account, this is the only instance when Baghel Singh enters the Red Fort. Towards the end of the meeting, Shah Alam expressed a desire to witness the famed plundering raids of the Khalsa, and Baghel Singh demonstrated the same in the fields opposite the Red Fort (ibid.: 421, verses 31–43, sakhi 158). Through this narration, Bhangu successfully conveys Baghel Singh’s domination of Delhi and how the Mughal emperor owed his position to the former’s generosity. This was in keeping with his larger objective to demonstrate that the Khalsa is sovereign by the grace of the Gurus, and it is the Mughals who are dependent on the Khalsa for their kingship. It should not surprise us to see such a complex relationship between Sikh and Mughal power in a text of this period. A study of the scholarship on eighteenth-century politics and conditions in Delhi tells us that that the situation was indeed complex. Historians including Gupta (1980) and, most recently, Dhavan (2012) have shown how different players like the Sikhs, the Jats, the Marathas, the Rohillas and the English were active in north India, each vying for power. The Mughals had effectively lost all control over the state’s income or army. This was a period of shifting loyalties and changing coalitions among various parties involved, not motivated by religious factors alone but also from consideration of one’s political and economic interests. This was the milieu in which Baghel Singh and other Sikhs operated—a picture which is lost in the Fateh Diwas and the history paintings. 317 All Chapters.indd 317 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM KANIKA SINGH SIKH FLAG ON THE RED FORT Baghel Singh’s contribution to Sikh history changes dramatically in the history paintings and the Fateh Diwas. Now, the emphasis is on raising the Nishan Sahib at the Red Fort, an act attributed to Baghel Singh and the Khalsa forces after they conquered the fort. As mentioned earlier, this emphasis seems to have been in popular circulation for a few decades before being commemorated at the Fateh Diwas. Image 9.3, the painting by Kirpal Singh displayed at Bhai Mati Das Museum, was created in 1976. Image 9.2 is undated, but another painting by Amolak Singh—which shows Baghel Singh and the Khalsa forces before the Red Fort and the Nishan Sahib planted on it—is dated 1979.28 It is likely that these were first painted as symbolic representations of Sikh (especially Akali) resistance against the Emergency and their eventual triumph against the oppressive rule(r) in Delhi. The Fateh Diwas, the grand public celebration at the Red Fort—the very site of ‘conquest’—is the most spectacular manifestation of this claim. The account of raising the Nishan Sahib on the Red Fort does not exist in Bhangu’s writing; neither does it exist in Gupta (1980).29 Bhangu does invoke the imagery of ‘planting the Khalsa flag’ in his work, except these are the sites where gurdwaras are built, rather than at the Red Fort. Mann notes Bhangu’s frequent use of the imagery of Nishan Sahib to convey Sikh sovereignty: ‘[it is] the excitement of its opening decades of the nineteenth century with Sikh saffron flags (nishan/jhanda) fluttering everywhere in the region [Punjab] that underlines the author’s [Bhangu’s] vision’ (2016: 30). He also notes Bhangu’s use of the Sikh flag for claiming Sikh sites, such as the identification and establishment of a gurdwara at Sirhind, marking the spot where the two younger sons of Guru Gobind Singh were killed (ibid.: 35). In Delhi too, Bhangu talks about planting the Nishan Sahib, when Baghel Singh identified the sites associated with the Gurus and established gurdwaras: 318 All Chapters.indd 318 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI 1. Hutī sāhaba daī o sundrī māta Gura patanī sabha jaga bikhyāta Srī Hari Krishana samādha āda jahīṃ Jamnā ḍhīga gaḍḍe jhaṇḍe trai tahīṃ (Mata Sahib and Mata Sundri were here The world-known wives of the Guru And, the samadhi of Sri Hari Krishan On the banks of the Yamuna, he planted three flags) (Bhangu 2004: 417, verse 60, sakhi 157) 2. Pañjvōṃ jhaṇḍoṃ hari krishana jī jahīṃ bahe Jai Simgha pure madha bañglo jī ahe Sugama bhānt pañja ḍehare bhae Gaḍḍa jhaṇḍe pañja kaṛāha kara dae (The fifth flag where Hari Krishan had been The bunglow at Jai Singh pura The five doorways [gurdwaras] were easily marked Five flags were planted, and karah parshad was given) (ibid.: 417, verse 61, sakhi 157) 3. Srī Tegha Bahādara deha jahīṃ hutī thī dāgī ṭhaura ḍirho chhevoṃ tahiṃ racyo jhaṇḍo gaḍayo kara dhauṛa (Where Sri Tegh Bahadur’s body had been cremated The sixth doorway was built and the flag planted) (ibid.: 419, verse 78, sakhi 157) The purpose here is not to see whether the Nishans were actually hoisted or not, but to argue that this symbolic action of raising the flag differs in emphasis in Bhangu’s account and in modern portrayals such as the Fateh Diwas and related paintings traditions. This difference indicates a significant change in Baghel Singh’s meaning and importance in Sikh history. More significantly, it indicates a change in how the Sikhs see themselves in contemporary India. For Bhangu, the site of Baghel Singh’s triumph is not the Red Fort, but the gurdwaras. The establishment of gurdwaras, according to Bhangu, is the significant contribution of Baghel Singh. 319 All Chapters.indd 319 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM KANIKA SINGH For the Fateh Diwas, the achievement is firmly located at the site of the Red Fort, where the Mughals were overthrown and the Khalsa flag raised. Baghel Singh’s contribution in building gurdwaras, as noted in Bhangu’s account, is hardly mentioned in the Fateh Diwas celebrations. This absence is also evident in the history paintings where Baghel Singh is always depicted marching at or inside the Red Fort, and never constructing gurdwaras. The descriptions of the paintings too (such as those of the paintings in the Bhai Mati Das Museum at Sis Ganj gurdwara near the Red Fort, Delhi) focus on Baghel Singh’s conquest of Delhi and his unfurling the flag. Both, the Fateh Diwas and the paintings on Baghel Singh, differ in emphasis from Murphy’s suggestion that ‘Baghel Singh represents today the fight for Sikh gurdwaras in the Mughal context’ (Murphy 2012: 152).30 The Fateh Diwas is a celebration of the Sikh conquest of the Red Fort, which was the seat of the Mughal Empire and, therefore, is depicted in the celebrations as a symbol of Mughal tyranny. Raj Karega Khalsa, the play enacted during the 2014 celebrations, claims that the sole motivation of the Sikhs in attacking Delhi was to avenge the wrongs done to the Sikhs by the Mughals, and this was ultimately achieved when Baghel Singh dethroned the Mughals and unfurled the Khalsa flag at the very site from where the Mughals had ordered the persecution of the Sikhs. In the play, Baghel Singh’s character gives a speech in the Diwan-i Aam of the Red Fort: This is the Diwan-i Aam, where emperors like Aurangzeb and Farrukhsiyar held darbar. This is the same takht (throne) from which they planned the massacre of Sikhs. This is the takht from where the farman (summons) to kill Guru Tegh Bahadur was issued. This is the same takht from where orders to torture and kill Banda Bahadur and thousands of innocent Sikhs, was issued… This platform should be uprooted and sent off to the Guru’s darbar in Amritsar.31 320 All Chapters.indd 320 12/6/2023 5:05:24 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI In the play Dilli Fateh (‘Conquest of Delhi’) performed at the 2015 Fateh Diwas celebrations, the narrator declares: ‘The same Delhi which used to oppress the Sikhs, now lay at their feet.’32 In Image 9.2, a Muslim man is markedly shown as a willing participant in the victory march. The description of this painting at the Bhai Mati Das Museum tells us, ‘Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims willingly joined his [Baghel Singh’s] procession from the Red Fort to Fatehpuri’, implying that the Sikh forces’ entry into Delhi was a welcome one as it liberated the masses from Mughal oppression. Indeed, the DSGMC press release for the Fateh Diwas celebrations in 2015 claimed that Baghel Singh’s conquest ‘paved the end of the mighty Mughal rule in India and beginning of war for Independence’ (The Hindu 2015). The DSGMC therefore demanded that the Indian government announce the ‘conquest of Lal Qila by the Sikh forces in 1783 as a national event celebrated annually’ (ibid.). This particular demand is a claim for a place—a pride of place—in the larger narrative of Indian history. In fact, Sikh leaders frequently like to point out that the Sikhs’ role in the Indian history has been neglected. As the Fateh Diwas makes a claim for the Sikhs’ place in Indian history, it also reinforces the broader right-wing propaganda of Mughals being considered foreigners, whose rule was characterised by tyranny and oppression of other religious groups. This story of Baghel Singh’s conquest of the Red Fort also differs from many other popular versions of Sikh engagements with the Mughals. Often, the narrative is one of resistance, sacrifice and moral triumph; the Sikhs achieve martyrdom fighting the Mughals in defence of righteousness and faith. The history paintings and Fateh Diwas instead present actual conquest and military triumph over the Mughals. On the basis of this representation, the DSGMC can demand that this achievement of the Sikh forces be declared a national event and be made part of the sound and light show at the Red Fort (ibid.; The Tribune 2015). 321 All Chapters.indd 321 12/6/2023 5:05:25 PM KANIKA SINGH SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FATEH DIWAS The symbolism of commemorating Baghel Singh’s victory over the Red Fort can be better understood in context of who is organising the celebration and the timing of the event. The Red Fort, besides its association with Mughal rule, remains a deeply symbolic monument in independent India. Each year, on the occasion of the nation’s Independence Day (15 August), the prime minister unfurls the Indian national flag and addresses the nation’s citizens from the ramparts of the fort. The Indian flag over the Red Fort is a symbol of Indian nation-state and its sovereignty. The Sikh flag over the Red Fort then becomes a symbol of Sikh sovereignty. The Fateh Diwas, when seen in this context, is a statement of triumph of a regional power [SAD (Badal)] over the oppressive centre at Delhi. Through their career in independent India, Akali politics and the SAD (Badal) have projected themselves as the champion of the Sikhs in Punjab. And one of the major themes around which Sikh politics is organised has been the alleged discrimination against the Sikhs by the Indian nation-state. This is especially manifest against the Indian National Congress, the political party which has controlled the Central government for the longest time after India’s independence.33 The Akalis argued that the Congress-led central governments were un-secular and discriminatory towards the Sikhs.34 The Indian nation-state is perceived as depriving Punjab of its resources and as having caused grievous hurt to the Sikh community by invading the Golden Temple in 1984. The long-standing rivalry between the SAD (Badal) and the Congress also explains the selective nature and timing of commemorations by the SAD (Badal)–controlled DSGMC. Soon after coming to power in the Delhi Gurdwara Committee, the SAD (Badal) declared its intention to raise a memorial for victims of 1984 violence against the Sikhs (The Tribune 2013). Predictably, this move was opposed by Paramjit Singh Sarna, the former president of DSGMC and the leader of the Congress-backed Akali Dal (Sarna),35 which had controlled DSGMC for many 322 All Chapters.indd 322 12/6/2023 5:05:25 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI years before 2013.36 The foundation stone–laying ceremony of the 1984 memorial was organised in November 2014 at Gurdwara Rakabganj in New Delhi with the major leaders of the SAD (Badal) in attendance. Parkash Singh Badal, the chief minister of Punjab and SAD (Badal) leader, called the targeted violence against the Sikhs in 1984 as the ‘fourth holocaust’.37 The DSGMC has a full calendar in which they commemorate both joyous occasions and traumatic events from the community’s past. Under the SAD (Badal)–led DSGMC, the frequency of these events has increased many fold and the DSGMC calendar is busier than ever. Each month, the DSGMC magazine, Sis Ganj, provides a listing of dates and events which are of historic significance to the Sikh community. Not only are the gurupurabs (birth anniversaries of the Sikh Gurus) celebrated, but there is also much emphasis on commemorating shaheedi diwas (anniversary of martyrdom) of various Sikh heroes, such as Banda Bahadur. These celebrations are no longer confined to the state of Punjab where SAD (Badal)’s propensity to celebrate events from Sikh history is well-known. In addition, the scale of celebration is more spectacular than ever. For instance, the DSGMC released half-page advertisements in national dailies on 3 July 2016 which announced a shaheedi samagam (congregation to pay respects to martyrs) on the third centenary of the martyrdom of Banda Bahadur, ‘the first sovereign Sikh ruler’ (The Sunday Tribune 2016). The event was organised at the Indira Gandhi Indoor Stadium in New Delhi, and the invited guests included Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi and Chief Minister of Punjab Parkash Singh Badal.38 It is clear that the notion of Sikh sovereignty in these commemorations (especially the Fateh Diwas) is different from Bhangu’s idea of Sikh sovereignty. While both invoke Baghel Singh’s domination of Delhi, the symbols of sovereignty and their purposes differ, as was shown in the previous section. Just as Bhangu’s idea of sovereignty was shaped by the demands of the times, Fateh Diwas’s claim of sovereignty too is a product of its context. Recent scholarship on Sikh history has noted different manifestations 323 All Chapters.indd 323 12/6/2023 5:05:25 PM KANIKA SINGH of the idea of Sikh sovereignty. For example, Murphy discusses how Sikh sovereignty may be understood particularly through the Sikh community’s relationship with sacred objects (related to the Sikh Gurus) and the gurdwaras. She argues that multiple ideas of sovereignty have been expressed over time through the community’s representation of its own past and these ideas are not necessarily articulated in terms of statist aspirations (Murphy 2012: 7–18, 252–53). Dhavan’s (2012) work demonstrates the multiple layers of Sikh sovereignty existing among the misl groups in eighteenth-century Punjab, and how symbolic practices helped regulate relations among both the misl sardars on the one hand, and the Sikhs and the Mughals on the other. Further, the Fateh Diwas’s claim of Sikh sovereignty is also different from that of the Khalistan movement, associated with the Sikh demand for sovereignty through creation of a separate state. The difference lies in the fact that the movement for Khalistan demanded sovereignty in the form of an independent nationstate, a territorial entity separate from India. The Sikhs’ history of persecution under the Mughals was invoked, a situation which was perceived as continuing under the Indian state, and the Sikhs sought liberation in the form of a separate state for themselves.39 In contrast, the Fateh Diwas demands a kind of inclusion (through dominance) in the history of the Indian nation-state. The celebrations show Sikh conquest over the Mughals and underline their role in liberating the entire population from the latter’s oppression. The Fateh Diwas celebrations demand that all Indians remember this victory of the Sikhs. This is a greater claim upon the nation, and not a demand to secede from it. The Fateh Diwas thus becomes both a claim by the Sikhs on the nation’s past and a claim by the SAD (Badal) upon the nation’s political present.40 The Fateh Diwas becomes especially significant as it pitches the Baghel Singh story at a level where it has the potential to be accepted by a wider social community and not just the Sikhs. This can be attributed to a combination of several factors: Baghel Singh’s association with the Red Fort in Delhi; his fight against Muslim 324 All Chapters.indd 324 12/6/2023 5:05:25 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI oppression, which is projected as the ‘first war of independence’ by the Indian people; and the easy fit of this narrative with Hindumajority nationalism, which is especially vocal now. This process is similar to the trajectory of Prithviraj Chauhan’s rise from a local clan hero to the defender of the Hindu nation, as studied by Talbot (2016). She has especially noted the importance of location (Delhi) and its association with the personality (Prithviraj) as being crucial to this process. According to Talbot, ‘Prithviraj’s prominence in Indian culture…derives largely from the fact that memory identified him as ruling from the most powerful political centre of North India since the early thirteenth century, Delhi’ (2016: 104). For Baghel Singh too, his ‘conquest’ of the Red Fort in Delhi (associated with sovereignty) is the reason for DSGMC’s demand that it be celebrated as a ‘national event’. Again, in case of Prithviraj, Talbot demonstrates that the histories which were once limited to a small social group (to which Prithviraj belonged) could through retellings become relevant to a wider community (the Rajputs and the Indian nation): The mostly Brahmin intellectuals writing [history of Prithviraj Chauhan] in modern Hindi gradually came to regard the Rasō version of the Rajput past part of a shared history that also encompassed themselves. Retellings of the Prithviraj story were now seen as relevant to a wide audience, who together constituted a collective group (2016: 258). The modern retellings of Baghel Singh in the history paintings and the Fateh Diwas make Baghel Singh a hero not only for the Sikhs but also for the entire Indian nation. Politically, this can be seen in parallel with SAD (Badal)’s aspirations to be a national player and not remain a regional political party only. Not only did the SAD (Badal) trump the Congress in the DSGMC elections, it also contested the election to the Delhi legislature in 2015, and held a cabinet rank in the Central government formed by the rightwing political alliance, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), in 2014.41 325 All Chapters.indd 325 12/6/2023 5:05:25 PM KANIKA SINGH Invoking history to further the Sikh community’s interests is not a new phenomenon and neither is contemporary use of history particular to the Sikh community. Many scholars have demonstrated how representations of the Sikh past must be read in their particular contexts and understood in light of the interests they further.42 The commemoration of the Sikh past in the Fateh Diwas, and the particular representation of Baghel Singh in it, makes the event noteworthy. The unprecedented scale and location (Red Fort) of the celebration conveys a forceful message to both the Sikh community and a wider public. History paintings in museums and in popular spheres, when seen along with the dazzling celebrations at Fateh Diwas, create an extremely powerful and dominant version of the Sikh past. The visual has the agency of historical evidence and the performance of it in Fateh Diwas only reinforces its authority. This chapter has examined three representations of Baghel Singh—the Fateh Diwas in 2014, the history paintings since the 1970s and the nineteenth-century text, Sri Gur Panth Prakash. A long-term study may reveal many more changes and continuities in how the Sikhs remember him: the trajectory of Baghel Singh’s emergence as a hero; when, by whom and why was he remembered; and even contrasting accounts of him. It would be especially interesting to see whether and how was Baghel Singh invoked during the Gurdwara Reform Movement of the 1920s in Punjab—a time when Sikh history was both invoked and shaped by those reclaiming gurdwaras. An enquiry along these lines could further help us understand the Sikh community’s perception of its heritage vis-à-vis the idea of India and other communities. NOTES 1. Shiromani Akali Dal (Badal) is a political party dominant in the state of Punjab. It emerged as a political group representing the interests of the Sikh community. Its government was in power in Punjab continuously from 2007 till early 2017, with Parkash Singh Badal as the chief minister. 326 All Chapters.indd 326 12/6/2023 5:05:25 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI 2. These popular representations of Baghel Singh are both visual and textual. For instance, paintings on Baghel Singh appear in the museums at prominent gurdwaras, including the Darbar Sahib (Golden Temple), Amritsar, and the Sis Ganj gurdwara and the Bangla Sahib gurdwara in Delhi. Sardar Baghel Singh (n.d.) is an example of a popular tract which narrates Baghel Singh’s exploits. 3. History painting refers to a genre of painting in seventeenthcentury Europe which had subjects drawn from classical history and mythology. Here, I use the term to refer to modern paintings done in Western realistic style which illustrate events from Sikh history. 4. The appearance of Baghel Singh’s paintings in the 1970s may be seen in the context of the political turmoil in Punjab in that decade and particularly the Emergency of 1975–77, imposed by the then Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi. Akalis, the most prominent political group representing the Sikhs, were fierce opponents of the Emergency. They launched the ‘Save Democracy Morcha’ and courted arrest in large numbers, some estimates putting the figure at over 40,000. See Grewal (1996: 145–46) and Narang (1983: 191–92). The paintings depicting Baghel Singh conquering Delhi can perhaps be understood as a Sikh, and particularly Akali, response to a dictatorial and oppressive ruler at the centre (Indira Gandhi). 5. An example of an academic publication using modern history paintings is Daljeet (2005). 6. For example, on 17 September 2013, the Delhi Government renamed a city square after Bebe Nanaki, the sister of Guru Nanak. The state government carried a huge advertisement in the dailies, which used part of a painting by artist Bodhraj. The painting shows Bebe Nanaki, Nanak and Mardana. It was painted in 1974 and it is on display at the Bhai Mati Das Museum at Sis Ganj Gurdwara in Delhi. There are several such examples of use of history paintings by government bodies. 7. The most notable example is the display of sculptures at Gurdwara Mehdiana Sahib, Ludhiana. The sculptures were created by artist Tara Singh of Raikot, who uses the paintings of the well-known artist Kirpal Singh as a template. 8. For more on Sikh popular art, see McLeod (1991), Kesar (2003), Uberoi (2003). 9. For more on Sikh museums, see Launois (Sat Kaur) (2003), Chopra (2010, 2013), Glover (2014), Singh (2015), Murphy (2015), Singh (2016). 327 All Chapters.indd 327 12/6/2023 5:05:25 PM KANIKA SINGH 10. The video of the play is available with the author. 11. The forging of a symbolic unity by bringing together events disparate in time and context has been noted by Das (1995: 121) and Chopra (2018: xv–xvi) in their study of contemporary invocations of Sikh history. 12. For a discussion on representation of different communities (especially Muslims) in popular visual culture, see Chandra (2013: 55– 65) and Sreenivas (2010). 13. Incidentally, the PTC network is owned by Sukhbir Singh Badal, the president of SAD (Badal) and the deputy chief minister of Punjab from 2009 till early 2017. 14. And subsequently of 2015 and 2016 celebrations. 15. The video of the episode is available at https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=yux0Vhdd3Fc (accessed on 19 February 2015). 16. Ibid. The interview is in Punjabi. Translation by author. 17. Kirpal Singh (1923–90) was one of the most popular artists in Punjab, known for his paintings on Sikh history. He was the first artist to be employed at the Central Sikh Museum, Amritsar, and made paintings for several other museums like the Anglo-Sikh War Memorial at Ferozepur, the Baghel Singh Museum in Delhi and the Guru Tegh Bahadur Museum in Anandpur Sahib. He specialised in painting scenes of action and violence, especially battle scenes and martyrdom of the Sikhs. 18. Some other important works on visual culture in the Indian context include Pinney (2004), Jain (2007) and Saeed (2012). 19. The Bhai Mati Das Museum is maintained by the DSGMC, and it opened to public in 2001. 20. Amolak Singh (1950–2006) was an artist employed with the SGPC at the Central Sikh Museum in the Golden Temple, Amritsar. He had worked as an artist in Bollywood in the 1970s and in close association with calendar artists like S. M. Pandit. He also trained under the wellknown artist Sobha Singh. His projects included paintings on Sikh history for the Punjab and Sind Bank, PSB Finance, Bank of Punjab and museums such as the Bhai Mati Das Museum, Delhi. 21. Begum Samru is believed to have negotiated the terms of peace between the Sikh forces and the Mughal emperor during this incursion. 22. The Central Sikh Museum was established in 1958. Baba Baghel Singh Museum was established sometime in the 1970s. It was renovated as a multimedia museum and reopened to public in November 2014. 328 All Chapters.indd 328 12/6/2023 5:05:25 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI 23. There is some disagreement over this date. The year 1841 is the most commonly accepted one. 24. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, uses a range of sources to study Sikh history in the eighteenth century, including Persian, Punjabi, Marathi and English ones. My choice of a single text from his entire repertoire, while being a limited one, is explained in the main body of this chapter. 25. See Hans (1975), Grewal (2004), Dhavan (2009), Murphy (2012: chapter 4) and Mann (2016). 26. See Hans (1975: 82); Dhavan (2009: 516); Murphy (2012: 121). Mann (2016: 28) suggests a date between 1810 and 1813. 27. All translations by the author. The diacritics follow Library of Congress recommendations for Panjabi as given at this link: https://www. loc.gov/catdir/cpso/romanization/panjabi.pdf (accessed on 17 February 2017). 28. This painting is reproduced on the cover of a booklet, Baba Baghel Singh Museum’s Paintings and Their Brief History (1998). 29. Gupta (1980: 166) does say that the Sikh chiefs entered the Diwan-i Aam of the Red Fort as the Mughals hid in the interiors of the fort. He writes that Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, one of the misl sardars, was made to sit on the Mughal throne. This was objected to by others in the raiding party and almost led to a fight among the Sikhs. Jassa Singh Ahluwalia stepped down to prevent the fight, and the Sikhs left after seizing whatever they could lay their hands on. This awkward crowning is hardly comparable to DSGMC’s claims of ‘conquest’ of the Red Fort. 30. According to Murphy (2012), Baghel Singh’s representation at the Bhai Mati Das Museum is evidence of a modern memory of the Sikhs where Baghel Singh represents the fight for gurdwaras during the Mughal rule, and that this memory is in continuation of the Sikh community’s search for gurdwaras, as seen both in Bhangu’s nineteenth-century text as well as the modern Sikh ardas (daily prayer). Murphy’s statement is based on a single line from the description of one of the paintings (reproduced here as Image 9.3) at the Bhai Mati Das Museum, Sis Ganj Gurdwara. However, a collective reading of the four paintings on Baghel Singh and their descriptions, in the same museum, indicates a modern focus on Baghel Singh’s conquest of Delhi and his act of raising the Sikh flag on the Red Fort, rather than his establishment of gurdwaras. None of the paintings show Baghel Singh building gurdwaras. 329 All Chapters.indd 329 12/6/2023 5:05:25 PM KANIKA SINGH 31. The original dialogue is in Punjabi. The translation is by the author. Video available with the author. 32. The video is available with the author. 33. See Kumar (2004) and Narang (2014) for a study of Akali Dal’s politics in Punjab. 34. According to the Akalis, this was evident in many Central government policies. For instance, the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, which identified Scheduled Castes in India, did not include any Sikh castes. This was interpreted as an attempt to absorb the Sikhs into Hinduism. Further, Muslims, Christians, Parsis in independent India were allowed their personal laws, but Sikhs were grouped under the Hindus (Narang 1983: 115–20). 35. Also referred to as SAD (Delhi). 36. The 1984 violence against the Sikhs was orchestrated allegedly by leaders of the Congress party. Admittedly, the attacks on Sikhs were to retaliate and avenge the assassination of the Congress leader and then Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi, by her Sikh bodyguards. While the Congress-controlled DSGMC continued to build museums and the Congress-controlled Delhi government built memorials on Sikh history (like the Guru Tegh Bahadur Memorial at the Singhu border between Delhi and Haryana, on the highway connecting Delhi to Punjab), the events of 1984 were never commemorated by them. See Chakravarti and Haksar (1987), Rao et al. (1985) and Mitta and Phoolka (2007). 37. DNA (2014). He was referring to the carnages against the Sikhs, popularly remembered in the Sikh tradition as the chhota ghallughara (the Lesser Holocaust, in 1746) and the wadda ghallughara (the Greater Holocaust, in 1762); and the attack on the Golden Temple in 1984 (Operation Bluestar) as the third holocaust. Also see Grewal (1998[1990]: 90–91). As we note the building of a 1984 memorial in a Delhi gurdwara by the SAD (Badal)–led DSGMC, it is worthwhile to highlight here Chopra’s observations on the 1984 commemorations in and around the Darbar Sahib, Amritsar, and in the diaspora. She observes that the 1984 commemorations in Amritsar are shorter in duration and there are fewer people participating, and argues that this may indicate a need to gradually forget the trauma. In the UK, the commemoration rituals are directed at an international audience and make claims for inclusion of the Sikhs in these foreign lands. At each of these places—Delhi, Amritsar, 330 All Chapters.indd 330 12/6/2023 5:05:25 PM COMMEMORATING BAGHEL SINGH’S ‘CONQUEST’ OF DELHI London—the 1984 commemorations are performed differently and serve different purposes (Chopra 2018: xvi—xvii, xxii). 38. It is noteworthy that an event celebrating a famous Sikh martyr as the ‘first sovereign Sikh ruler’ is organised at a prominent venue named after Indira Gandhi. Indira Gandhi’s assassination by her Sikh bodyguards is widely considered as the Sikh community’s revenge for mounting the military attack on Darbar Sahib in 1984 (Operation Bluestar). While the two bodyguards (Satwant Singh and Beant Singh) were punished as assassins by the Indian state, they are often remembered as martyrs by the Sikh community. For instance, in the Central Sikh Museum at the Darbar Sahib, Amritsar, their portraits appear in a gallery dedicated to Sikh martyrs. Also see Chopra (2010) for an analysis of commemorations of the martyrs of 1984 by the Sikh community, and the official remembrance of Indira Gandhi’s death. 39. See Das (1995: 118–36), Mahmood (1996). 40. It is interesting to note that the SAD (Badal) for the first time contested elections for the Delhi Legislative Assembly in 2015 on four seats—all with a majority or substantial Sikh population. 41. Harsimrat Kaur Badal, a member of Parliament from SAD (Badal), was the Union cabinet minister of food processing in the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government during 2014–20. 42. For example, see Oberoi (1994); Fenech (2000); Murphy (2012). REFERENCES Baba Baghel Singh Museum’s Paintings and Their Brief History. 1998. Delhi: Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee. Bhangu, Ratan Singh. 2004. Sri Gur Panth Prakash, ed. Balwant Singh Dhillon. Amritsar: Singh Brothers. Chakravarti, Uma, and Nandita Haksar. 1987. The Delhi Riots: Three Days in the Life of A Nation. 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