that the specific facts of the individual application
bit.ly/UK-country-guidance-Sept2020
Guidance Note 2011 No 2 bit.ly/guidance-note-2
3 Henderson M, Moffatt R and Pickup A (2020)
Guide to Asylum and Human Rights Appeals
www.ein.org.uk/bpg/contents
Using multi-member panels to tackle RSD complexities
Jessica Hambly, Nick Gill and Lorenzo Vianelli
Research across a range of European jurisdictions suggests that the use of multi-member
judicial panels at appeal stage improves the quality and fairness of RSD.
Appeals against negative refugee status
determination (RSD) decisions are an
essential component of fair asylum
procedures and provide crucial oversight of
the quality and accuracy of initial decisions.
And yet, a worrying trend among signatories
of the 1951 Refugee Convention sees States
grappling with how to make appeals as
quick and cheap as possible. One key tactic
has been the reform and re-configuration
of appeal bodies, notably in relation to the
identity and number of participating judges.
Our findings, based on observational
and interview data from the ASYFAIR
Project,1 indicate that appellants, their
legal representatives and judges appreciate
multi-lateral teamwork in this complex area
of law – an area which a) often depends
on credibility assessment, b) is dependent on
high levels of discretion and c) is infiltrated
by cultures of denial and disbelief. While
many States are retreating to single-judge
procedures as a way of cutting costs and
achieving efficiency, collaborative elements
help promote accurate, high-quality decisionmaking, and future policy should reflect this.
A mediating effect
Democratic legal systems around the world
recognise that matters of great importance
should be deliberated and decided by a panel
of adjudicators, rather than by a single judge.
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The ‘higher up’ a legal system you go, and the
greater the significance of the legal issue, the
greater the number of judges that are usually
assigned to the case. In asylum appeals, the
stakes are such that only the highest degree
of fair and just decision-making will suffice.
Yet when it comes to the construction and
composition of asylum appeal adjudicatory
structures we observe a troubling shift
towards streamlining. This reduces what we
see as necessary checks on the high levels of
discretion involved in credibility assessment
and the determination of asylum claims.
Quantitative academic studies have
consistently demonstrated that some judges
are much less likely than the majority to grant
refugee protection.² Our own qualitative
work, furthermore, has revealed judges’
occasional lack of knowledge and vicarious
traumatisation, as well as instances of
poor professional practice during appeals,
including shouting, sneering and laughing
at appellants, not paying attention to them,
and not giving them an opportunity to
share their evidence. In these situations,
the involvement of other judges can have
an indispensable mediating effect.
Three of the European asylum
jurisdictions studied by ASYFAIR –
France, Greece and Italy – currently
regularly use some form of judicial panel
at the first appeal stage. In France, at the
National Asylum Court, under the ‘regular
procedure’ a legally qualified President sits
alongside two Assessors, one nominated
by the Vice-President of the highest French
Administrative Court (Conseil d’Etat) and
the other (often an academic with legal or
geopolitical expertise) nominated by UNHCR.
Until 2015, all first-instance hearings were
heard by a panel. Reforms introduced in 2015
now mean that of those appeals that progress
to oral hearing, only around two thirds are
heard by a panel, with those appeals which
are deemed to be less well-founded (via a
triage process which is itself problematic)
being funnelled into an accelerated singlejudge procedure. In a June 2020 decision, the
Conseil d’Etat recognised the procedural
significance of judicial panels in providing
a higher level of justice, and suspended a
www.fmreview.org/recognising-refugees
measure (taken purportedly as a response
to COVID-19) that would have meant that
all appeals heard by the National Asylum
Court would take place using the accelerated
single-judge procedure. This decision by the
Conseil d’Etat confirmed that derogation
from hearings by judicial panels must be
the exception, rather than the norm.
Our fieldwork exploring judicial panels
in France showed that judges followed up
on each other’s lines of questioning where
they saw gaps, or where something was
not sufficiently clear. Judges with different
specialisms often complemented each
other, and applied different perspectives
and approaches in dealing with claims
through their interactions during hearings.
In Greece, Appeals Committees are now
formed of two administrative judges plus one
independent member who has experience in
the field of international protection, human
rights or international law and is appointed
by UNHCR or by the National Commissioner
for Human Rights. Our interview data
suggests the independent member (who
may also be a social scientist) uses their
experience to sensitise the other judges,
who, in the words of one respondent, as
administrative law judges “don’t necessarily
know about asylum”. One of our Greek
interviewees (a former independent Appeals
Committee member) explained how this
interdisciplinary approach had helped,
noting that social scientists could offer
insights, especially relating to credibility
assessments, and that their more flexible
view could bring in cultural dimensions that
someone with only legal training may lack.
Data from Italy further corroborated the
view that collegiality provided some level
of safeguard in a jurisdiction where facts
and law are often open to interpretation in
many different ways. Judges told us that
they valued the opportunity to discuss
and debate with other judges and that
panels provide a safeguard against gaps
in knowledge or individual preferences.
Avoiding politicisation
Experiences in both Greece and Italy show
how vulnerable panels are to politicisation.
33
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www.fmreview.org/recognising-refugees
November 2020
pool of judges, there is limited opportunity
for in-person judicial panels. Roving judges
or rotating panels could offer solutions
or, even if it proves impossible to include
multiple judges at the hearing itself, it may be
beneficial to develop judges’ consciousness
of how other judges reason, by encouraging
group work during training activities.
Third, close attention should be paid to
how communication is conducted between a
panel’s members, and between the members
and the appellant. Appearing before a
panel can dilute the personal interactions
between adjudicators and appellants. The
appellant may only spend a couple of minutes
interacting with each judge, and questioning
may seem disjointed or contradictory. There is
also a temptation for the members of the panel
to talk to each other, often in a language not
spoken by the appellant, leaving them feeling
excluded or unsure what was discussed.
Issuing clear guidance to panel judges about
how to communicate with each other and with
the appellant would limit these practices.
Evidence suggests that asylum appeals
improve quality, accuracy and fairness of
decisions when multiple voices are heard
in the deliberations. Judicial panels provide
one formal method for ensuring this, but
there are other opportunities for diverse
perspectives to play a part. For instance,
Making panels work effectively
independent rapporteurs can assist judges
Various practical concerns also need to
to distil facts and apply law. Ongoing
be considered in order to make panels
professional training, peer observation and
work effectively. First, Italian judges
feedback, and opportunities for exchange
observed that deliberation through
through national and international judicial
panels took longer than working on their
networks can also go some way towards
own, implying that the panels need to be
moderating the risks of single-judge decision
properly resourced. In general, panels can
making. We should also not overlook
only work if sufficient judicial time can be
the significance of informal meetings
set aside. This is a question of resources
and discussions between judges. Larger
and, ultimately, of the political will to
hearing centres and centres with facilities
safely meet international obligations.
like libraries and other common spaces
Second, panels are likely to work
can help to nurture this sort of interaction,
best when they are set within a dynamic
as can a culture of breaking for lunch.
professional culture of exchange and
These measures require considerable
openness. Without this, there is a possibility
thought. However, bearing in mind the
that – paradoxically – panels may actually
high stakes involved in RSD, the evidence
contribute to homogenisation and the
continuation of less desirable decision-making of variability in outcomes, and both the
complexity and discretionary burden
cultures. What is more, at smaller or more
remote hearing centres with a smaller overall that refugee law often places on judges,
In Greece, prior to 2016 the three-member
Appeals Committees comprised two
independent members and one governmentappointed official. In response to Appeals
Committee decisions stating that Turkey was
not a safe third country (contradicting the
presumption that underpins the EU–Turkey
agreement), the Greek parliament reformed
the Committees, reducing the number of
independent human rights experts.3 One such
expert and research respondent characterised
this as “a serious blow to the independence
of the Committee”. Following this reform,
in the second half of 2016 success rates on
appeal in Greece fell from a rate of 15.9%
in the previous year to just over 1%.4
In Italy, judicial panels were introduced
to the asylum appeal process in 2017.
Appellants are still heard by a single judge
but decisions are now taken by a panel
of three professional judges. What might
be considered at first impression to be an
improvement on single judge procedures,
however, actually came at a cost, as this was
part of a controversial reform intended to
speed up asylum procedures and increase
deportations. The reform also abolished a
second level of appeal, and established that
in-person hearings are no longer the rule.⁵
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November 2020
working in panels can help to safeguard
justice and, ultimately, save lives.
Jessica Hambly
[email protected]
Postdoctoral Fellow in Law, Australian National
University
https://law.anu.edu.au/people/jessica-hambly
Nick Gill
[email protected]
Professor in Human Geography, University of
Exeter https://geography.exeter.ac.uk/staff/
index.php?web_id=Nick_Gill
Lorenzo Vianelli
[email protected]
Postdoctoral Researcher, University of
Luxembourg https://wwwen.uni.lu/research/
fhse/dgeo/people/lorenzo_vianelli
www.fmreview.org/recognising-refugees
1. Hosted by University of Exeter (PI Professor Nick Gill), funded
by European Research Council Horizon 2020 research and
innovation programme: grant No. StG-2015_677917. Fieldwork
was conducted in France, Germany, Italy, UK, Belgium, Austria
and Greece. https://asyfair.com/
2. See for example Rehaag S (2012) ‘Judicial review of refugee
determinations: The luck of the draw’, Queen’s Law Journal, 38, 1;
Ramji-Nogales J, Schoenholtz A I and Schrag P G (2007) ‘Refugee
roulette: Disparities in asylum adjudication’, Stanford Law
Review, 60, 295.
3. ‘Greece: Appeal rules amended after rebuttal of Turkey’s safety’,
Asylum Information Database, 16 June 2016
bit.ly/AIDA-Greece-160616
4. Greek Council for Refugees ‘Regular Procedure: Greece’
bit.ly/Greece-RegularProcedure
5. Decree Law 13/2017 converted into law by Law 46/2017 does,
however, set out a list of cases in which in-person hearings are
mandatory.
Asylum Support Office (EASO). The need for
widely criticised for ineffectiveness, lack of
and knowledge sharing, and also financially.
has also provided capacity building to staff,
deficiencies led the European Court of Human
asylum seekers; the systemic deficiencies of
its asylum procedures were confirmed by
the Court of Justice of the European Union.
committed to reforming its asylum system
Service at first instance and the Appeals’
The complexities of the legislative and
coupled with financial constraints caused by
June 2013, the police retained competence
for registration and first-instance RSD.
UNHCR representatives were permitted to
being recognised in first-instance decisions
35